The Changing Face of European Armaments Co-Operation
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Training and Simulation
Food for thought 05-2021 Training and Simulation Written by AN EXPERTISE FORUM CONTRIBUTING TO EUROPEAN CONTRIBUTING TO FORUM AN EXPERTISE SINCE 1953 ARMIES INTEROPERABILITY the Research team of Finabel European Army Interoperability Center This study was written under the guidance of the Swedish presidency, headed by MG Engelbrektson, Commander of the Swedish Army. Special thanks go out to all ex- perts providing their insights on the topic, including but not limited too: MAJ Ulrik Hansson-Mild, Mr Henrik Reimer, SSG Joel Gustafsson, Mr Per Hagman, Robert Wilsson, MAJ Björn Lahger and SGM Anders Jakobsson.This study was drawn up by the Research team of Finabel over the course of a few months, including: Cholpon Abdyraeva, Paolo d'Alesio, Florinda Artese, Yasmine Benchekroun, Antoine Decq, Luca Dilda, Enzo Falsanisi, Vlad Melnic, Oliver Noyan, Milan Storms, Nadine Azi- hane, Dermot Nolan under the guidance of Mr Mario Blokken, Director of the Per- manent Secretariat. This Food for Thought paper is a document that gives an initial reflection on the theme. The content is not reflecting the positions of the member states but consists of elements that can initiate and feed the discussions and analyses in the domain of the theme. All our studies are available on www.finabel.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 Data Utilisation, the Need for Standardisation and Obstacles 33 Cultural Interoperability 4 Introduction 33 Introduction 4 9. What is Data? 34 1. Exercises as Means to 10. Political Aspects: National Deter Opposition 5 Interests vs. Interoperability 34 2. Current Trends in SBT 13 11. Data Interoperability 3. -
French Armed Forces Update November 2020
French Armed Forces Update November 2020 This paper is NOT an official publication from the French Armed Forces. It provides an update on the French military operations and main activities. The French Defense Attaché Office has drafted it in accordance with open publications. The French Armed Forces are heavily deployed both at home and overseas. On the security front, the terrorist threat is still assessed as high in France and operation “Sentinelle” (Guardian) is still going on. Overseas, the combat units are extremely active against a determined enemy and the French soldiers are constantly adapting their courses of action and their layout plans to the threat. Impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic, the French Armed Forces have resumed their day-to-day activities and operations under the sign of transformation and modernization. DeuxIN huss arMEMORIAMds parachut istes tués par un engin explosif improvisé au Mali | Zone Militaire 09/09/2020 11:16 SHARE On September 5th, during a control operation within the Tessalit + region, three hussards were seriously injured after the explosion & of an Improvised Explosive Device. Despite the provision of + immediate care and their quick transportation to the hospital, the ! hussard parachutiste de 1ère classe Arnaud Volpe and + brigadier-chef S.T1 died from their injuries. ' + ( Après la perte du hussard de 1ere classe Tojohasina Razafintsalama, le On23 November 12th, during a routine mission in the vicinity of juillet, lors d’une attaque suicide commise avec un VBIED [véhicule piégé], le 1er Régiment de Hussards Parachutistes [RHP] a une nouvelle fois été Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, nine members of the Multinational endeuillé, ce 5 septembre. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
THE TRANSFORMATION of the ARMED FORCES: the FORZA NEC PROGRAM Michele Nones,Alessandro Marrone
ISSN 2239-2122 5 Information Technology (IT) has had and will continue to have a deep impact on the T IAI Research Papers defence sector. The most advanced countries, not only the U.S. but also France, Great HE The IAI Research Papers are brief monographs written by one or Britain and Italy, over the past few years have undergone a transformation of their TRANSFORMATION more authors (IAI or external experts) on current problems of inter- N. 1 European Security and the Future of Transatlantic Relations, THE TRANSFORMATION Armed Forces aimed at exploiting the strategic advantages of IT. national politics and international relations. The aim is to promote edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Erik Jones, 2011 greater and more up to date knowledge of emerging issues and The goal pursued in Europe, and also promoted by NATO, is Network Enabled N. 2 Democracy in the EU after the Lisbon Treaty, Capability (NEC). That is combining equipment and soldiers, as well as dierent OF THE ARMED FORCES trends and help prompt public debate. edited by Raaello Matarazzo, 2011 doctrinal, procedural, technical and organizational elements, into a single network to : obtain their interaction in order to achieve substantial strategic superiority. In OF N. 3 The Challenges of State Sustainability in the Mediterranean, practice, this also occurs with a strong, ecient and secure telecommunications THE A non-prot organization, IAI was founded in 1965 by Altiero Spinelli, edited by Silvia Colombo and Nathalie Tocci, 2011 THE ORZA PROGRAM network, and through the netcentric modernization of Armed Forces’ capability and F NEC ARMED its rst director. -
France's Foreign and Security Policy Under President Macron. the Consequences for Franco-German Cooperation
SWP Research Paper Ronja Kempin (ed.) France’s Foreign and Security Policy under President Macron The Consequences for Franco-German Cooperation Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 4 May 2021, Berlin Abstract ∎ French President Emmanuel Macron has announced his goal of revitalis- ing Franco-German relations and founding a “new partnership” between Paris and Berlin. However, in foreign and security policy, and in certain areas of his Europe policy, this aspiration has rarely been fulfilled. ∎ The main reasons are structural changes in international relations, which the French and German sides have reacted to differently. Paris is looking for new ways of preserving its autonomy in defence policy and of filling the strategic vacuum that has been created by the waning US interest in Europe and its periphery. Berlin emphasises the development of NATO and the EU as fundamental organisations for German foreign policy. ∎ Reconciling bilateral interests is also complicated by national solo efforts, indifference, and inadequate exchange of experience. ∎ The first precondition for intensifying bilateral cooperation is for Paris and Berlin to conduct a comprehensive review of the international con- flict situation in their existing cooperation formats as regards foreign and security policy. The two governments need to discuss openly to what extent their national interests are concerned, and then determine con- crete measures. ∎ Second, they must refrain from national solo efforts and be sensitive to the other’s pressure points in foreign, security and Europe policy. The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly needs to urge the executive of both countries to fulfil the Élysée Treaty and the Aachen Treaty. -
The EU-NATO Syndrome: Spotlight on Transatlantic Realities
▌JCER Volume 3 • Issue 2 99 The EU-NATO Syndrome: Spotlight on Transatlantic Realities Hajnalka Vincze Abstract This article examines the relations between the European Union (EU) and NATO in light of both of the current, deeply unhealthy, state of the transatlantic relationship, and of its ongoing evolution. The first part is devoted to a retrospective outline of the links between European defence and the Atlantic system, which highlights the major constant features of these last sixty years, as well as the rupture points. Then, various issues, from the problem of the division of labour and the definition of the chain of command to coordination on the ground and arms procurement, are evoked as concrete examples where the same fundamental question marks emerge, again and again; all of them revolving around the concept of sovereignty – that of the Europeans vis-à-vis America. It is suggested in the article that current European dependence does not allow but superficial and/or temporary ‘progress’ in EU-NATO relations, just as is the case in the broader Euro-American relationship. As long as Europeans will not assume fully the objective of autonomy (i.e. freedom of decision and action, with all the commitments it would imply), their subjection will continue to generate increasing tensions, since this inherent imbalance is not only detrimental to Europe’s own interests, but it also excludes any reciprocity and prohibits any genuine partnership with the United States. CONTRARY TO THE TWO DOMINANT, ALBEIT DIAMETRICALLY OPPOSED, TYPES of forecasts that were both highly fashionable a few years ago, it appears more and more clearly that the headaches related to the EU-NATO conundrum are here to stay. -
State Power, Popular Resistance, and Competing Nationalist Narratives in France, 1791-1871
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Carolina Digital Repository STATE POWER, POPULAR RESISTANCE, AND COMPETING NATIONALIST NARRATIVES IN FRANCE, 1791-1871 Lindsay Ayling A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved By: Lloyd S. Kramer Jay M. Smith Donald M. Reid © 2015 Lindsay Ayling ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Lindsay Ayling: State Power, Popular Resistance, and Competing Nationalist Narratives in France, 1791-1871 (Under the direction of Lloyd S. Kramer) In this thesis, I analyze rhetoric surrounding three events in which violence erupted between the French authorities and the French “people”: the Champ de Mars massacre of 1791, the June Days revolt of 1848, and the Paris Commune of 1871. Studying newspapers, speeches, images, memoirs, and literature, I argue that in producing competing narratives surrounding these events, politicians and polemicists also shaped competing conceptions of the French nation. In order to justify a given position, they associated either “the people” or the military with French symbols, values, and ideals while presenting their opponents as the national enemy. With each subsequent civil struggle, they appropriated and altered previous narratives, thereby constructing evolving but still irreconcilable versions of the nation. I conclude that because nationalism fractures on ideological lines, it is impossible -
France, NATO and ESDP: the Impossible Balancing
France, NATO and European Security: Status Quo Unsustainable; New Balance Unattainable? Jolyon HOWORTH∗ In January 1947, British and French officials met to discuss draft versions of the Treaty of Dunkirk. A sticking point emerged over the precise conditions under which the proposed mutual defence clause could be invoked. For the French, the simple threat of territorial invasion should trigger British support. For the British, however, only an actual invasion could warrant the implementation of alliance solidarity. This seemingly arcane distinction already presaged the fundamental difference of strategic approach between Paris and London which was to result in fifty years of stalemate in European defence Cupertino. For the United Kingdom (U.K.), too strong a statement of European resolve risked demotivating the United States (U.S.) and encouraging U.S. isolationism. For France, a strong Europe was the logical prerequisite for a strong Alliance. Europe needed to balance U.S. power—in the interests of both parties. Thus, from the outset of the post-war period, France expressed confidence in Europe's ability to safeguard her own future, whereas Britain worried that the old continent could never be secure without the permanent entanglement of the new1. Contrary to a great deal of mythology, France was never opposed to the “involvement of the new”—indeed the mainstream of the political class, including Charles de Gaulle himself, actively pressed for the creation of NATO and for the construction of an Atlantic partnership. What France in general (and the General in particular) could not accept was an imbalanced alliance in which one of the ∗ Jolyon Howorth is Jean Monnet Professor of European Politics at Bath University and Associate Research Fellow at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri). -
Charles De Gaulle's Idea of Europe. the Lasting Legacy
LAURENT WARLOUZET Charles de Gaulle’s Idea of Europe. The Lasting Legacy Charles de Gaulle, the French President from 1959 to 1969, developed a very specific vision of Europe, which was ap- plied boldly when he was in charge. His ideas have had a lasting legacy on many historians –and not only in France- who have adopted a “de Gaulle-centered” approach to the History of Europe in the 1960s. By Laurent Warlouzet was based on a widespread belief among French policy- Two recent books on European history in the 1960s are makers and observers that France, notwithstanding her entitled “ The Gaullist Challenge” (Ludlow, 2005; Ellison, post-colonial decline, was still bound to play a leading 2007) . They have been written by English-language role in international affairs in the post-war era. The academics and are a sign of the crucial and enduring organisation of Europe through international organisa- role that is attributed to the former French president tions such as the EEC played a major role in this. In de Charles de Gaulle in such historical studies even out- Gaulle’s speeches and writings he advocated the devel- side of France. This article aims to show that this central opment of an intergovernmental Europe where the - but perhaps also excessive - position of a personality nation-state remained intact, and in opposition to the like de Gaulle is linked both to his own personal in- federal principles that some of France’s European part- volvement in trying to stage a cult around his own role ners were advocating. In his view, Europe should be in French history, and a tendency for historians of po- under French leadership in terms of foreign policy, and litical history to adopt a heroic approach, that is, to seek European cooperation should become a lever for French out heros and villains in their stories. -
Mapping Evolving Internal Roles of the Armed Forces
SSR PAPER 7 Mapping Evolving Internal Roles of the Armed Forces Albrecht Schnabel and Marc Krupanski DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 7 Mapping Evolving Internal Roles of the Armed Forces Albrecht Schnabel and Marc Krupanski DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to Security Sector Reform (SSR) in the broader context of Security Sector Governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐228‐4 © 2012 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE ©Bundeswehr/Rott. Soldiers of the German armed forces and members of the Federal Agency for Technical Relief (THW) secure a dam in an operation to protect against flooding in the Pechau area of the city of Magdeburg at the river Elbe The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or represented within this paper. -
The French-German Duo and the Search for a New European Security Model
The International Spectator 3/2004 The French-German Duo and the Search for a New European Security Model François Heisbourg* At one level of analysis, French and German security cooperation has never been closer. Paris and Berlin both rejected the American-led invasion of Iraq. Going several steps further, they were together at the heart of the active and ultimately successful opposition to the Security Councils legitimisation of the use of force against Iraq: indeed, in his blunt language, Donald Rumsfeld heaped scorn on the two countries lumped together as old Europe.1 In this context, it is not surprising that French and German popular attitudes on the respective security roles of NATO and the European Union have also drawn strongly together, as is evidenced by the opinions polls conducted in 2002 and 2003 by the German Marshall Fund of the United States: whereas Germans used to be staunchly atlanticist, they now see the EU as the most important strategic point of reference.2 The traditional opposition between a Gaullist France and a pro-American Germany appears to have been largely subsumed into converging streams of pro-European rhetoric, popular attitudes and government policies. Within * François Heisbourg is Director of the Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique, Paris. 1 Youre thinking of Europe as Germany and France. I dont. I think thats old Europe. Donald Rumsfeld, Statement to the foreign press corps, 22 January 2003. 2 Issued on 4 September 2003, the Transatlantic trends 2003 survey was conducted in June 2003 <www.transatlantictrends.org> The EU was seen as more important to their vital inter- est than the US by 81% of Germans in 2003 (versus 55% in 2002). -
Appendix 1: the Brussels Treaty
Appendix 1: The Brussels Treaty Treaty of economic, social and cultural collaboration and collective self-defence Signed at Brussels on 17 March 1948 between His Majesty in respect of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium, the President of the French Republic, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, and Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands Article I Convinced of the close community of their interests and of the necessity of uniting in order to promote the economic recovery of Europe, the High Contracting Parties will so organize and co-ordinate their economic activities as to produce the best possible results, by the elimination of conflict in their economic policies, the co-ordination of production and the development of commercial exchanges. The co-operation provided for in the preceding paragraph, which will be effected through the Consultative Council referred to in Article VII as well as through other bodies, shall not involve any duplication of, or prejudice to, the work of other economic organizations in which the High Contracting Parties are or may be represented but shall on the contrary assist the work of those organizations. Article II The High Contracting Parties will make every effort in common, both by direct consultation and in specialized agencies, to promote the attainment of a higher standard of living by their peoples and to develop on corresponding lines the social and other related services of their countries. The High Contracting Parties will consult with the object of achieving the earliest possible application of recommendations of immediate practical inter- est, relating to social matters, adopted with their approval in the specialized agencies.