MORENA and Mexico's Fourth Historical Transformation
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Mexico: Freedom in the World 2021 Country Report | Freedom Hous
FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2021 Mexico 61 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 27 /40 Civil Liberties 34 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 62 /100 Partly Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview Mexico has been an electoral democracy since 2000, and alternation in power between parties is routine at both the federal and state levels. However, the country suffers from severe rule of law deficits that limit full citizen enjoyment of political rights and civil liberties. Violence perpetrated by organized criminals, corruption among government officials, human rights abuses by both state and nonstate actors, and rampant impunity are among the most visible of Mexico’s many governance challenges. Key Developments in 2020 • With over 125,000 deaths and 1.4 million cases, people in Mexico were severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. The government initially hid the virus’s true toll from the public, and the actual numbers of cases and deaths caused by the coronavirus are unknown. • In July, authorities identified the bone fragments of one of the 43 missing Guerrero students, further undermining stories about the controversial case told by the Peña Nieto administration. • Also in July, former head of the state oil company PEMEX Emilio Lozoya was implicated in several multimillion-dollar graft schemes involving other high- ranking former officials. Extradited from Spain, he testified against his former bosses and peers, including former presidents Calderón and Peña Nieto. • In December, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) named Mexico the most dangerous country in the world for members of the media. -
Mexico Preelection Assessment Legislative Elections Set for June 2021
Mexico Preelection assessment Legislative elections set for June 2021 Mexican citizens will take to the polls on June 6 to elect all 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies, as well as 15 governors and thousands of local positions. The vote is seen as a test of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s popularity and that of his National Regeneration Movement (MORENA). It will also determine whether he can retain control of the Chamber after his party secured a majority with the help of its coalition allies in the 2018 elections. The three main opposition parties, the National Action Party (PAN), the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD), have formed an unlikely and ideologically incongruous alliance known as Go for Mexico (Va por México) in an effort to wrench the majority away from the current left-wing populist government. The 2018 election was seen as a repudiation of the incumbent political establishment and was marred by unprecedented levels of election-related violence, as well as allegations of illegal campaign financing, vote buying, and the misuse of public funds. Paired with budget cuts to the National Electoral Institute (INE) and accusations that Obrador’s government has sought to lessen electoral oversight and roll back government transparency, these issues raise concern about the administration of the upcoming election. The COVID-19 crisis has further complicated the electoral environment, as the country finds itself with the world’s third-highest death toll. Mismanagement of the pandemic response sparked antigovernment protests in the months leading up to the election, which were further fueled by a recent economic recession, record-high homicide rates, and dissatisfaction with Obrador’s public comments on gender-based violence. -
Morena En El Sistema De Partidos En México: 2012-2018
Morena en el sistema de partidos en México: 2012-2018 Morena en el sistema de partidos en México: 2012-2018 Juan Pablo Navarrete Vela Toluca, México • 2019 JL1298. M68 Navarrete Vela, Juan Pablo N321 Morena en el sistema de partidos en México: 2012-2018 / Juan Pablo 2019 Navarrete Vela. — Toluca, México : Instituto Electoral del Estado de México, Centro de Formación y Documentación Electoral, 2019. XXXV, 373 p. : tablas. — (Serie Investigaciones Jurídicas y Político- Electorales). ISBN 978-607-9496-73-9 1. Partido Morena - Partido Político 2. Sistemas de partidos - México 3. López Obrador, Andrés Manuel 4. Movimiento Regeneración Nacional (México) 5. Partidos Políticos - México - Historia Esta investigación, para ser publicada, fue arbitrada y avalada por el sistema de pares académicos en la modalidad de doble ciego. Serie: Investigaciones Jurídicas y Político-Electorales. Primera edición, octubre de 2019. D. R. © Juan Pablo Navarrete Vela, 2019. D. R. © Instituto Electoral del Estado de México, 2019. Paseo Tollocan núm. 944, col. Santa Ana Tlapaltitlán, Toluca, México, C. P. 50160. www.ieem.org.mx Derechos reservados conforme a la ley ISBN 978-607-9496-73-9 ISBN de la versión electrónica 978-607-9496-71-5 Los juicios y las afirmaciones expresados en este documento son responsabilidad del autor, y el Instituto Electoral del Estado de México no los comparte necesariamente. Impreso en México. Publicación de distribución gratuita. Recepción de colaboraciones en [email protected] y [email protected] INSTITUTO ELECTORAL DEL ESTADO -
The Resilience of Mexico's
Mexico’s PRI: The Resilience of an Authoritarian Successor Party and Its Consequences for Democracy Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Forthcoming in James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring (eds.) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide, New York: Cambridge University Press. Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world’s most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI’s resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI’s control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments’ failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters’ dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI’s competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights. 1 Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime.1 During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. -
Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico
RESEARCH & ANALYSIS Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico Roberto Zepeda, Jonathan D. Rosen and Thiago Rodrigues Introduction This paper examines the nexus between corruption, weak institu- tions, drug trafficking, and organized crime in Mexico. (Morris 2012; Zepeda, Rosen 2019). Historical legacy has determined the current events of contemporary Mexico, which is characterized by a transition from an authoritarian to a democratic regime (Velasco 2012). Despite its transition to democracy, Mexico has been plagued by high levels of corruption and impunity. This article utilizes data and qualitative analysis to examine the trends in corruption and insecurity as well as lack of trust in institutions. This chapter also analyzes organized crime in Mexico and how the country’s war on drugs has resulted in increases in violence and insecurity. Our main argument is that the PENSAMIENTO PROPIO 51 PENSAMIENTO 233 Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico militarization of public safety, especially since Calderón’s administra- tion (2006-2012), and tough on crime policies in general have failed to address the underlying institutional challenges that the country faces connecting corruption, organized crime and political institutions. Democratization and Corruption: Fragile Institutions According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNO- DC), corruption is a complex social, political and economic phenom- enon that affects all countries, as it undermines democratic institu- tions, hinders economic development, and contributes to government instability. Corruption, according to the UNODC, attacks the basis of democratic institutions by distorting electoral processes, perverting the rule of law, and creating bureaucratic obstacles whose only reason for existence is to ask for bribes. -
NAFTA in the Time of AMLO
NACLA Report on the Americas ISSN: 1071-4839 (Print) 2471-2620 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rnac20 NAFTA in the Time of AMLO Rebecca Watts To cite this article: Rebecca Watts (2019) NAFTA in the Time of AMLO, NACLA Report on the Americas, 51:1, 9-12, DOI: 10.1080/10714839.2019.1593681 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2019.1593681 Published online: 29 Mar 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rnac20 AROUND THE REGION Rebecca Watts NAFTA in the Time of AMLO What does NAFTA 2.0 mean for Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s reform agenda? exico is making a fortune on NAFTA... Mexico, the United States and Canada), or T-Mec. Whatever “ With all of the money they make from its name, it was signed on November 30, and, at the time of the U.S., hopefully they will stop people writing, is awaiting ratification in all three countries. from coming through their country and Version 2.0 largely includes the same terms as the intoM ours,” President Donald Trump tweeted this past April. original. But what is new is the recently-elected president of Since the beginning of his campaign and throughout his Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (frequently referred presidency, Trump has sought to channel the resentment to as AMLO), who has previously spoken out strongly that many U.S. workers feel toward the North American against NAFTA—though that criticism has softened in Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), painting Mexicans as recent years—who continues to condemn a failed neoliberal “bad hombres” that set the terms of the trade pact to benefit economic model, and whose election holds the promise of a Mexico at the expense of the United States. -
The Future of Pemex: Return to the Rentier-State Model Or Strengthen Energy Resiliency in Mexico?
THE FUTURE OF PEMEX: RETURN TO THE RENTIER-STATE MODEL OR STRENGTHEN ENERGY RESILIENCY IN MEXICO? Isidro Morales, Ph.D. Nonresident Scholar, Center for the United States and Mexico, Baker Institute; Senior Professor and Researcher, Tecnológico de Monterrey March 2020 © 2020 by Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. Isidro Morales, Ph.D “The Future of Pemex: Return to the Rentier-State Model or Strengthen Energy Resiliency in Mexico?” https://doi.org/10.25613/y7qc-ga18 The Future of Pemex Introduction Mexico’s 2013-2014 energy reform not only opened all chains of the energy sector to private, national, and international stakeholders, but also set the stage for Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex) to possibly become a state productive enterprise. We are barely beginning to discern the fruits and limits of the energy reform, and it will be precisely during Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration that these reforms will either be enhanced or curbed. Most analysts who have justified the reforms have highlighted the amount of private investment captured through the nine auctions held so far. Critics of the reform note the drop in crude oil production and the accelerated growth of natural gas imports and oil products. -
Mexico's 2018 Election
University of Texas Rio Grande Valley ScholarWorks @ UTRGV History Faculty Publications and Presentations College of Liberal Arts 2018 Mexico's 2018 election Irving W. Levinson The University of Texas Rio Grande Valley, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/hist_fac Part of the Election Law Commons, and the History Commons Recommended Citation Levinson, Irving W., "Mexico's 2018 election" (2018). History Faculty Publications and Presentations. 40. https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/hist_fac/40 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. MEXICO’S 2018 ELECTIONS OPENING NOTES On July 1, 2018, Mexico will hold elections for the presidency, for all seats in the federal Chamber of Deputies, and for one third of the seats in the federal Senate. Currently, nine political parties hold seats in one or both of the two houses of the federal legislature. Their names and the initials used in the following comments are: INITIALS PARTY NAME IN SPANISH PARTY NAME IN ENGLISH MORENA Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional Movement of National Regeneration MV Movimiento Ciudadano Citizen Movement NA Nueva Alianza New Alliance PAN Partido Acción Nacional National Action Party PES Partido Encuentro Social Social Encounter Party PRD Partido de la Revolución Democrática Party of the Democratic Revolution PRI Partido de la Revolución Institucional Party of the Institutional Revolution PVEM Partido Ecología Verde de Mexico Green Ecology Party of Mexico PT Partido Trabajo Party of Work THE CURRENT SITUATION Given the large number of political parties in Mexico, these nine parties formed alliances and in each case united behind a single presidential candidate. -
Anexo Uno Convenio De Coalición Electoral Parcial Que Celebran El Partido Político Nacional Morena, En Lo Sucesivo
ANEXO UNO CONVENIO DE COALICIÓN ELECTORAL PARCIAL QUE CELEBRAN EL PARTIDO POLÍTICO NACIONAL MORENA, EN LO SUCESIVO “MORENA”, REPRESENTADO POR EL C. MARIO MARTÍN DELGADO CARRILLO, PRESIDENTE DEL COMITÉ EJECUTIVO NACIONAL Y MINERVA CITLALLI HERNÁNDEZ MORA SECRETARIA GENERAL DEL COMITÉ EJECUTIVO NACIONAL, ASÍ COMO EL PARTIDO DEL TRABAJO, EN LO SUCESIVO “PT”, REPRESENTADO POR LOS CC. SILVANO GARAY ULLOA Y JOSÉ ALBERTO BENAVIDES CASTAÑEDA, COMISIONADOS POLÍTICOS NACIONALES DEL “PT” Y EL PARTIDO VERDE ECOLOGISTA DE MÉXICO, EN LO SUCESIVO “PVEM”, REPRESENTADO POR LA C. KAREN CASTREJÓN TRUJILLO, EN SU CALIDAD DE VOCERA DEL COMITÉ EJECUTIVO NACIONAL, CON EL OBJETO DE POSTULAR FÓRMULAS DE CANDIDATAS Y CANDIDATOS A DIPUTADAS Y DIPUTADOS POR EL PRINCIPIO DE MAYORÍA RELATIVA EN (151) CIENTO CINCUENTA Y UN, DE LOS TRESCIENTOS DISTRITOS ELECTORALES UNINOMINALES, EN QUE SE CONFORMAN E INTEGRAN EL PAÍS, CARGOS DE ELECCIÓN POPULAR A ELEGIRSE EN LA JORNADA COMICIAL FEDERAL ORDINARIA QUE TENDRÁ VERIFICATIVO EL 6 DE JUNIO DEL AÑO 2021, POR LOS QUE SE SOMETEN SU VOLUNTAD A LOS SIGUIENTES CAPÍTULADOS DE CONSIDERANDOS, ANTECEDENTES Y CLÁUSULAS. CAPÍTULO PRIMERO DE LOS CONSIDERANDOS. 1. Que el artículo 41 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos señala que el pueblo ejerce su soberanía por medio de los Poderes de la Unión y que la renovación de los poderes Legislativo y Ejecutivo se realizará mediante elecciones libres, auténticas y periódicas, señalando como una de las bases para ello el que los 1 ANEXO UNO partidos políticos sean entidades de interés público, así como que la ley determinará las formas específicas de su intervención en el Proceso Electoral y los derechos, obligaciones y prerrogativas que les corresponden. -
Monarch News January/February 2020
Monarch News January/February 2020 CEO’s Executive Summary Although the new USMCA awaits approval by the Canadian Parliament, it surmounted its toughest hurdle in the U.S. Congress late last year, allowing us to begin this newsletter on matters other than U.S.-Mexico relations for the first time since the middle of last year. The Mexican economy fell into a shallow recession in 2019, even as wages for average Mexicans increased. The outlook for 2020 is not much better, with independent growth estimates ranging from 0.5% to 1.5%. This is due to continuing high interest rates, low business confidence, and challenges at Pemex where AMLO appears unlikely to accept the reopening of private sector auctions or Pemex farmouts this year. This raises questions about the national oil company’s ability to avoid a downgrade of its bonds to junk, despite having stabilized production by the end of 2019. The sluggish economy also raises questions about the government’s broader capacity to sustain its social welfare programs and infrastructure projects while also protecting the fiscal stability that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) so highly values. At the same time, the messy rollout of the new Institute for Health and Well-Being (INSABI) – designed to make primary and secondary health services free to all Mexicans – and Washington, D.C. | Los Angeles | Mexico City | Monterrey www.monarch-global.com new criticism of AMLO’s three-airport solution to Mexico City’s air transport problems, continue to raise questions about the viability of AMLO’s signature programs. Taking advantage of still sky-high approval, AMLO is pressing Congress to complete work on the legislative components of his “fourth transformation” program for Mexico. -
The Value of TRUTH a Third of the Way
The value of TRUTH A third of the way MARCH 2021 THE VALUE OF TRUTH :: 1 https://www.elmundo.es/america/2013/01/08/mexico/1357679051html Is a non-profit, non governmental organization thats is structured by a Council built up of people with an outstanding track record, with high ethical and pro- fessional level, which have national and international recognition and with a firm commitment to democratic and freedom principles. The Council is structured with an Executive Committee, and Advisory Committee of Specialists and a Comunication Advisory Committee, and a Executive Director coordinates the operation of these three Committees. One of the main objectives is the collection of reliable and independent informa- tion on the key variables of our economic, political and sociocultural context in order to diagnose, with a good degree of certainty, the state where the country is located. Vital Signs intends to serve as a light to show the direction that Mexico is taking through the dissemination of quarterly reports, with a national and international scope, to alert society and the policy makers of the wide variety of problems that require special attention. Weak or absent pulse can have many causes and represents a medical emergency. The more frequent causes are the heart attack and the shock condition. Heart attack occurs when the heart stops beating. The shock condition occurs when the organism suffers a considerable deterioration, wich causes a weak pulse, fast heartbeat, shallow, breathing and loss of consciousness. It can be caused by different factors. Vital Signs weaken and you have to be constantly taking the pulse. -
The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins
MAIL From: (b) (6) To: f(b) (6) BC: Sally Spener Subject: fns_nmsu-l] FNS: The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins Date: 15-Nov-2016 21:13 Attachments: Mime.822 (excluded from export) Creation Date: 15-Nov-2016 21:12 Store Date: 15-Nov-2016 23:12 Status: Box Type: received Folder: Sally Spener Home > Mailbox Message Id: 582B7A5C.USIBWC.ELP.200.2000078.1.B016E.1 November 15, 2016 Special Report The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins Amid the turmoil emanating from the U.S. election, Mexico is entering its own presidential transition period. Though political reforms have shortened the length of the formal campaigns (which don’t commence until early 2018 ), and placed some restrictions on media access by the political parties, for all intents and purposes the 2018 race is already in the go mode. More than a year and a half before Mexicans go to the polls, a dozen possible successors to Enrique Pena Nieto are the focus of voter surveys, public and private meetings and increased media attention. At least two of the potential presidential contestants could be women, though the candidacy of one of them has yet to be decided. Plenty of time remains for dark horses to prance onto the scene, and changed conditions by 2018 could greatly shift the parameters, personalities and politics of the campaign, but as of late 2016 the favorites are already shining in the spotlight. For the conservative National Action Party (PAN), which hopes to regain Los Pinos (the Mexican White House) after losing it four years ago to the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) following 12 years of PAN rule, the current hopefuls include Margarita Zavala, the wife of former President Felipe Calderon; party chief Ricardo Anaya; Rafael Moreno Valle, the controversial governor of Puebla state; and Ernesto Ruffo, who’s regarded as a historic figure for his Baja California victory that made him the first PAN governor elected in the country back in 1989.