DOCSLIB.ORG

MORENA and Mexico's Fourth Historical Transformation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
MORENA and Mexico's Fourth Historical Transformation ARTICLE MORENA and Mexico’s Fourth Historical Transformation by Gerardo Otero | Simon Fraser University | [email protected] On July 1, 2018, Mexico elected a left-of-center root causes that make the ruling class turn to president for the first time since Lázaro Cárdenas repression, said Abel Barrera Hernández, of the was elected in 1934. Andrés Manuel López Obrador Tlachinollán Center for Human Rights in the (AMLO) and his National Regeneration Movement highlands of Guerrero State. He therefore contested (MORENA) won the elections by a landslide, with the proposition that “the struggle for human rights 53.2 percent of the vote and 64.3 percent citizen is the axis of all struggle” because their violation is participation, winning a majority in both chambers merely a symptom. Yet, concrete responses and of Congress. The mandate is therefore quite strong. solutions are needed. The new government must Significantly, both Congress and the cabinet have respect and promote human rights, said Father gender parity, a first for any Latin American country. Miguel Concha, acknowledged as the dean of the Given the importance of these elections, Diálogos human rights struggle. He posited the indivisibility por la Democracia at the National Autonomous of three aspects of human rights. First, transitional University of Mexico (UNAM) organized a three- justice, which should be accessible to all in order day conference in November 2018 to analyze to avoid revictimization. Spaces from the bottom the challenges for the new government, which up should become available. Second, we need a promised a “fourth transformation” for Mexico. paradigm shift in security and to stay away from The first historical transformation was Mexico’s militarization. Third, the neoliberal state must be independence from Spain in 1821; the second disarticulated for one that guarantees human was the liberal reform struggle for a secular rights. Civil society demands the establishment of state, separating church and state in the 1857 a truth commission on human rights at the federal constitution; and the third was the 1910 revolution level. As a start, Barrera Hernández called for the culminating with the 1917 constitution and its immediate derogation of the Interior Security Law progressive agrarian reform and labor legislation. and demilitarization. Political violence was key to producing each of these transformations. If it happens, the fourth Alternation in government by different political transformation would be the first peaceful one. The parties does not guarantee a regime change, odds of achieving something significant enough asserted Alejandro Encinas, a longtime politician to be considered a fourth transformation are huge, on the Left, now undersecretary of Human Rights, but cautious optimism is warranted. I outline Migration and Population. New paradigms for state the main issues and challenges discussed at the reconstruction are required. Human dignity and conference by prominent scholars, politicians and human rights must become the center of attention intellectuals. to recover collective well-being. Mexico has gone through a deep humanitarian crisis due to the Human Rights state’s weakening and the empowerment of other de facto powers such as organized crime. Mexico Mexico arrived to 2018 as a cemetery with about has become a giant clandestine grave, with 26,000 200,000 people having been killed since 2006, unidentified dead people. Migrants, on the other and about 40,000 disappeared. Several speakers hand, will not be criminalized. Those foreigners that addressed this issue from various perspectives. the United States considers aliens and stateless, Exploitation, oppression, and inequality are the the Mexican state will have to make them subjects LASA FORUM 50:2 30 of rights. Furthermore, the new government will are other routes through which convictions or promote union freedom, with secret, direct, and reparations are made for a mere 8 percent of the universal balloting by workers. Workers’ freedom cases. AMLO does not seek vengeance but justice of organization and union democracy are the as the new modus operandi of the state. When new goals. the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) was in power, there were the “diesmos priistas,” 10 percent Human rights for Indigenous peoples have payments that public officials demanded to issue a added requirements: they involve acknowledging permit or some other government concession; then Indigenous rights to autonomy, land, and territory, the “panista moches,” or shares given to public as mandated by Mexico’s endorsement of United workers in the time of the National Action Party Nations conventions. Neil Harvey argued that, while (PAN). During the administration of Enrique Peña the elections demonstrated widespread popular Nieto’s PRI, the modality of phantom enterprises discontent, the new MORENA government runs emerged: they received huge payments from the the risk of repeating past practices with regard to government for no work performed at all. This Indigenous peoples. If we look critically at the post- creates a disloyal competition with legitimate Independence, liberal reform, and revolutionary firms and hinders their development in the private periods, Indigenous peoples participated in each sector: phantom firms will no longer settle for 10 of these transformations, but they were later percent of the share but for 100 percent of public subordinated to new regimes that either stripped resources. The challenge, therefore, includes both them of their lands in the name of progress or political will and institutional changes. There is provided land reform as a means of garnering political will in the new administration and its political support for a centralized and authoritarian challenge is to eliminate the protection of illicit, regime. We must therefore be wary of the phantom “enterprises.” potentially negative impacts of the proclaimed fourth historical transformation under AMLO and It is a human right to live without corruption, said MORENA. Megaprojects such as the Tren Maya Nieto. The state must exercise the penal option on and the creation of new agricultural plantations money laundering and corruption. There should in southern Mexico are of particular concern and be communication and cooperation between have brought criticism from the Zapatistas, the the Secretariat of the Public Function and the National Indigenous Congress, and several local Attorney General now called Fiscalía. To improve organizations. In Harvey’s opinion, they rightly fear the messaging on corruption toward the public, that AMLO may simply be continuing the same the Fiscalía should be autonomous from political rural development policies of his predecessors. An power in public prosecution and execution of the alternative approach would be for AMLO and his law. The constitution is the sum of all of the nation’s advisers to listen and learn from communities that projects; it has neoliberal elements but also social have actively resisted such policies and built more ones. We need to think more in group rights than ecologically sustainable and socially just forms individual rights. The judicial branch of government of development. The extent to which such an needs to realize that this is a system: the law alternative is embraced or rejected will determine must be coordinated. Penal action must become whether or not the fourth historical transformation central also to recover stolen public goods and is a case of déjà vu or not for Indigenous peoples immediately apply financial intelligence. in Mexico. Such struggle requires juridical efficacy. Luz Corruption and Impunity Mijangos, former major accountant of Mexico City’s Ministry of Finance, addressed this issue in fighting Mexico occupies one of the worst ranks regarding corruption and impunity. The context is that de corruption of its penal system in the world. Only facto powers like organized crime are often more 2 percent of crimes reach conviction sentences, powerful than authorities. Efficacy in combatting said Santiago Nieto, now head of the Financial corruption and impunity has never been achieved. Intelligence Unit in the Secretariat of Finance. There Political corruption has been progressing and, LASA FORUM 50:2 31 strategically, it replaces all decisions of political MORENA: From Social Movement to power. There are various holes in the national Political Party anticorruption system, but there is a model with If there is a single factor that best explains the some advancements. There must be synergies 2018 electoral result, it would be MORENA. For and coordination among all those combatting Héctor Díaz Polanco, head of its Honor and corruption, including citizen committees. The Justice Commission, MORENA was a hegemonic bases of proof need considerable strengthening. construction and a powerful structure, the most For instance, in civil society investigations of powerful in Latin America. MORENA had to corruption cases like that of Odebrecht, proof lock the entrance key to party memberships in must be convincing so that the attorney general 2017: it had reached 3 million members out of can build a sound case. To perfect or improve the nearly 90 million registered voters. There was a proofs, there should be direct access to data bases transformation process in which militants and such as notaries. The judicial power must develop a sympathizers became actively involved in the responsible attitude to reach an adequate standard elections. MORENA had eight to ten observers
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Mexico: Freedom in the World 2021 Country Report | Freedom Hous
    FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2021 Mexico 61 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 27 /40 Civil Liberties 34 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 62 /100 Partly Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview Mexico has been an electoral democracy since 2000, and alternation in power between parties is routine at both the federal and state levels. However, the country suffers from severe rule of law deficits that limit full citizen enjoyment of political rights and civil liberties. Violence perpetrated by organized criminals, corruption among government officials, human rights abuses by both state and nonstate actors, and rampant impunity are among the most visible of Mexico’s many governance challenges. Key Developments in 2020 • With over 125,000 deaths and 1.4 million cases, people in Mexico were severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. The government initially hid the virus’s true toll from the public, and the actual numbers of cases and deaths caused by the coronavirus are unknown. • In July, authorities identified the bone fragments of one of the 43 missing Guerrero students, further undermining stories about the controversial case told by the Peña Nieto administration. • Also in July, former head of the state oil company PEMEX Emilio Lozoya was implicated in several multimillion-dollar graft schemes involving other high- ranking former officials. Extradited from Spain, he testified against his former bosses and peers, including former presidents Calderón and Peña Nieto. • In December, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) named Mexico the most dangerous country in the world for members of the media.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico Preelection Assessment Legislative Elections Set for June 2021
    Mexico Preelection assessment Legislative elections set for June 2021 Mexican citizens will take to the polls on June 6 to elect all 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies, as well as 15 governors and thousands of local positions. The vote is seen as a test of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s popularity and that of his National Regeneration Movement (MORENA). It will also determine whether he can retain control of the Chamber after his party secured a majority with the help of its coalition allies in the 2018 elections. The three main opposition parties, the National Action Party (PAN), the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD), have formed an unlikely and ideologically incongruous alliance known as Go for Mexico (Va por México) in an effort to wrench the majority away from the current left-wing populist government. The 2018 election was seen as a repudiation of the incumbent political establishment and was marred by unprecedented levels of election-related violence, as well as allegations of illegal campaign financing, vote buying, and the misuse of public funds. Paired with budget cuts to the National Electoral Institute (INE) and accusations that Obrador’s government has sought to lessen electoral oversight and roll back government transparency, these issues raise concern about the administration of the upcoming election. The COVID-19 crisis has further complicated the electoral environment, as the country finds itself with the world’s third-highest death toll. Mismanagement of the pandemic response sparked antigovernment protests in the months leading up to the election, which were further fueled by a recent economic recession, record-high homicide rates, and dissatisfaction with Obrador’s public comments on gender-based violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Morena En El Sistema De Partidos En México: 2012-2018
    Morena en el sistema de partidos en México: 2012-2018 Morena en el sistema de partidos en México: 2012-2018 Juan Pablo Navarrete Vela Toluca, México • 2019 JL1298. M68 Navarrete Vela, Juan Pablo N321 Morena en el sistema de partidos en México: 2012-2018 / Juan Pablo 2019 Navarrete Vela. — Toluca, México : Instituto Electoral del Estado de México, Centro de Formación y Documentación Electoral, 2019. XXXV, 373 p. : tablas. — (Serie Investigaciones Jurídicas y Político- Electorales). ISBN 978-607-9496-73-9 1. Partido Morena - Partido Político 2. Sistemas de partidos - México 3. López Obrador, Andrés Manuel 4. Movimiento Regeneración Nacional (México) 5. Partidos Políticos - México - Historia Esta investigación, para ser publicada, fue arbitrada y avalada por el sistema de pares académicos en la modalidad de doble ciego. Serie: Investigaciones Jurídicas y Político-Electorales. Primera edición, octubre de 2019. D. R. © Juan Pablo Navarrete Vela, 2019. D. R. © Instituto Electoral del Estado de México, 2019. Paseo Tollocan núm. 944, col. Santa Ana Tlapaltitlán, Toluca, México, C. P. 50160. www.ieem.org.mx Derechos reservados conforme a la ley ISBN 978-607-9496-73-9 ISBN de la versión electrónica 978-607-9496-71-5 Los juicios y las afirmaciones expresados en este documento son responsabilidad del autor, y el Instituto Electoral del Estado de México no los comparte necesariamente. Impreso en México. Publicación de distribución gratuita. Recepción de colaboraciones en [email protected] y [email protected] INSTITUTO ELECTORAL DEL ESTADO
    [Show full text]
  • The Resilience of Mexico's
    Mexico’s PRI: The Resilience of an Authoritarian Successor Party and Its Consequences for Democracy Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Forthcoming in James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring (eds.) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide, New York: Cambridge University Press. Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world’s most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI’s resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI’s control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments’ failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters’ dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI’s competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights. 1 Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime.1 During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election.
    [Show full text]
  • Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico
    RESEARCH & ANALYSIS Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico Roberto Zepeda, Jonathan D. Rosen and Thiago Rodrigues Introduction This paper examines the nexus between corruption, weak institu- tions, drug trafficking, and organized crime in Mexico. (Morris 2012; Zepeda, Rosen 2019). Historical legacy has determined the current events of contemporary Mexico, which is characterized by a transition from an authoritarian to a democratic regime (Velasco 2012). Despite its transition to democracy, Mexico has been plagued by high levels of corruption and impunity. This article utilizes data and qualitative analysis to examine the trends in corruption and insecurity as well as lack of trust in institutions. This chapter also analyzes organized crime in Mexico and how the country’s war on drugs has resulted in increases in violence and insecurity. Our main argument is that the PENSAMIENTO PROPIO 51 PENSAMIENTO 233 Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico militarization of public safety, especially since Calderón’s administra- tion (2006-2012), and tough on crime policies in general have failed to address the underlying institutional challenges that the country faces connecting corruption, organized crime and political institutions. Democratization and Corruption: Fragile Institutions According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNO- DC), corruption is a complex social, political and economic phenom- enon that affects all countries, as it undermines democratic institu- tions, hinders economic development, and contributes to government instability. Corruption, according to the UNODC, attacks the basis of democratic institutions by distorting electoral processes, perverting the rule of law, and creating bureaucratic obstacles whose only reason for existence is to ask for bribes.
    [Show full text]
  • NAFTA in the Time of AMLO
    NACLA Report on the Americas ISSN: 1071-4839 (Print) 2471-2620 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rnac20 NAFTA in the Time of AMLO Rebecca Watts To cite this article: Rebecca Watts (2019) NAFTA in the Time of AMLO, NACLA Report on the Americas, 51:1, 9-12, DOI: 10.1080/10714839.2019.1593681 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2019.1593681 Published online: 29 Mar 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rnac20 AROUND THE REGION Rebecca Watts NAFTA in the Time of AMLO What does NAFTA 2.0 mean for Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s reform agenda? exico is making a fortune on NAFTA... Mexico, the United States and Canada), or T-Mec. Whatever “ With all of the money they make from its name, it was signed on November 30, and, at the time of the U.S., hopefully they will stop people writing, is awaiting ratification in all three countries. from coming through their country and Version 2.0 largely includes the same terms as the intoM ours,” President Donald Trump tweeted this past April. original. But what is new is the recently-elected president of Since the beginning of his campaign and throughout his Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (frequently referred presidency, Trump has sought to channel the resentment to as AMLO), who has previously spoken out strongly that many U.S. workers feel toward the North American against NAFTA—though that criticism has softened in Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), painting Mexicans as recent years—who continues to condemn a failed neoliberal “bad hombres” that set the terms of the trade pact to benefit economic model, and whose election holds the promise of a Mexico at the expense of the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Pemex: Return to the Rentier-State Model Or Strengthen Energy Resiliency in Mexico?
    THE FUTURE OF PEMEX: RETURN TO THE RENTIER-STATE MODEL OR STRENGTHEN ENERGY RESILIENCY IN MEXICO? Isidro Morales, Ph.D. Nonresident Scholar, Center for the United States and Mexico, Baker Institute; Senior Professor and Researcher, Tecnológico de Monterrey March 2020 © 2020 by Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. Isidro Morales, Ph.D “The Future of Pemex: Return to the Rentier-State Model or Strengthen Energy Resiliency in Mexico?” https://doi.org/10.25613/y7qc-ga18 The Future of Pemex Introduction Mexico’s 2013-2014 energy reform not only opened all chains of the energy sector to private, national, and international stakeholders, but also set the stage for Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex) to possibly become a state productive enterprise. We are barely beginning to discern the fruits and limits of the energy reform, and it will be precisely during Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration that these reforms will either be enhanced or curbed. Most analysts who have justified the reforms have highlighted the amount of private investment captured through the nine auctions held so far. Critics of the reform note the drop in crude oil production and the accelerated growth of natural gas imports and oil products.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico's 2018 Election
    University of Texas Rio Grande Valley ScholarWorks @ UTRGV History Faculty Publications and Presentations College of Liberal Arts 2018 Mexico's 2018 election Irving W. Levinson The University of Texas Rio Grande Valley, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/hist_fac Part of the Election Law Commons, and the History Commons Recommended Citation Levinson, Irving W., "Mexico's 2018 election" (2018). History Faculty Publications and Presentations. 40. https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/hist_fac/40 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. MEXICO’S 2018 ELECTIONS OPENING NOTES On July 1, 2018, Mexico will hold elections for the presidency, for all seats in the federal Chamber of Deputies, and for one third of the seats in the federal Senate. Currently, nine political parties hold seats in one or both of the two houses of the federal legislature. Their names and the initials used in the following comments are: INITIALS PARTY NAME IN SPANISH PARTY NAME IN ENGLISH MORENA Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional Movement of National Regeneration MV Movimiento Ciudadano Citizen Movement NA Nueva Alianza New Alliance PAN Partido Acción Nacional National Action Party PES Partido Encuentro Social Social Encounter Party PRD Partido de la Revolución Democrática Party of the Democratic Revolution PRI Partido de la Revolución Institucional Party of the Institutional Revolution PVEM Partido Ecología Verde de Mexico Green Ecology Party of Mexico PT Partido Trabajo Party of Work THE CURRENT SITUATION Given the large number of political parties in Mexico, these nine parties formed alliances and in each case united behind a single presidential candidate.
    [Show full text]
  • Anexo Uno Convenio De Coalición Electoral Parcial Que Celebran El Partido Político Nacional Morena, En Lo Sucesivo
    ANEXO UNO CONVENIO DE COALICIÓN ELECTORAL PARCIAL QUE CELEBRAN EL PARTIDO POLÍTICO NACIONAL MORENA, EN LO SUCESIVO “MORENA”, REPRESENTADO POR EL C. MARIO MARTÍN DELGADO CARRILLO, PRESIDENTE DEL COMITÉ EJECUTIVO NACIONAL Y MINERVA CITLALLI HERNÁNDEZ MORA SECRETARIA GENERAL DEL COMITÉ EJECUTIVO NACIONAL, ASÍ COMO EL PARTIDO DEL TRABAJO, EN LO SUCESIVO “PT”, REPRESENTADO POR LOS CC. SILVANO GARAY ULLOA Y JOSÉ ALBERTO BENAVIDES CASTAÑEDA, COMISIONADOS POLÍTICOS NACIONALES DEL “PT” Y EL PARTIDO VERDE ECOLOGISTA DE MÉXICO, EN LO SUCESIVO “PVEM”, REPRESENTADO POR LA C. KAREN CASTREJÓN TRUJILLO, EN SU CALIDAD DE VOCERA DEL COMITÉ EJECUTIVO NACIONAL, CON EL OBJETO DE POSTULAR FÓRMULAS DE CANDIDATAS Y CANDIDATOS A DIPUTADAS Y DIPUTADOS POR EL PRINCIPIO DE MAYORÍA RELATIVA EN (151) CIENTO CINCUENTA Y UN, DE LOS TRESCIENTOS DISTRITOS ELECTORALES UNINOMINALES, EN QUE SE CONFORMAN E INTEGRAN EL PAÍS, CARGOS DE ELECCIÓN POPULAR A ELEGIRSE EN LA JORNADA COMICIAL FEDERAL ORDINARIA QUE TENDRÁ VERIFICATIVO EL 6 DE JUNIO DEL AÑO 2021, POR LOS QUE SE SOMETEN SU VOLUNTAD A LOS SIGUIENTES CAPÍTULADOS DE CONSIDERANDOS, ANTECEDENTES Y CLÁUSULAS. CAPÍTULO PRIMERO DE LOS CONSIDERANDOS. 1. Que el artículo 41 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos señala que el pueblo ejerce su soberanía por medio de los Poderes de la Unión y que la renovación de los poderes Legislativo y Ejecutivo se realizará mediante elecciones libres, auténticas y periódicas, señalando como una de las bases para ello el que los 1 ANEXO UNO partidos políticos sean entidades de interés público, así como que la ley determinará las formas específicas de su intervención en el Proceso Electoral y los derechos, obligaciones y prerrogativas que les corresponden.
    [Show full text]
  • Monarch News January/February 2020
    Monarch News January/February 2020 CEO’s Executive Summary Although the new USMCA awaits approval by the Canadian Parliament, it surmounted its toughest hurdle in the U.S. Congress late last year, allowing us to begin this newsletter on matters other than U.S.-Mexico relations for the first time since the middle of last year. The Mexican economy fell into a shallow recession in 2019, even as wages for average Mexicans increased. The outlook for 2020 is not much better, with independent growth estimates ranging from 0.5% to 1.5%. This is due to continuing high interest rates, low business confidence, and challenges at Pemex where AMLO appears unlikely to accept the reopening of private sector auctions or Pemex farmouts this year. This raises questions about the national oil company’s ability to avoid a downgrade of its bonds to junk, despite having stabilized production by the end of 2019. The sluggish economy also raises questions about the government’s broader capacity to sustain its social welfare programs and infrastructure projects while also protecting the fiscal stability that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) so highly values. At the same time, the messy rollout of the new Institute for Health and Well-Being (INSABI) – designed to make primary and secondary health services free to all Mexicans – and Washington, D.C. | Los Angeles | Mexico City | Monterrey www.monarch-global.com new criticism of AMLO’s three-airport solution to Mexico City’s air transport problems, continue to raise questions about the viability of AMLO’s signature programs. Taking advantage of still sky-high approval, AMLO is pressing Congress to complete work on the legislative components of his “fourth transformation” program for Mexico.
    [Show full text]
  • The Value of TRUTH a Third of the Way
    The value of TRUTH A third of the way MARCH 2021 THE VALUE OF TRUTH :: 1 https://www.elmundo.es/america/2013/01/08/mexico/1357679051html Is a non-profit, non governmental organization thats is structured by a Council built up of people with an outstanding track record, with high ethical and pro- fessional level, which have national and international recognition and with a firm commitment to democratic and freedom principles. The Council is structured with an Executive Committee, and Advisory Committee of Specialists and a Comunication Advisory Committee, and a Executive Director coordinates the operation of these three Committees. One of the main objectives is the collection of reliable and independent informa- tion on the key variables of our economic, political and sociocultural context in order to diagnose, with a good degree of certainty, the state where the country is located. Vital Signs intends to serve as a light to show the direction that Mexico is taking through the dissemination of quarterly reports, with a national and international scope, to alert society and the policy makers of the wide variety of problems that require special attention. Weak or absent pulse can have many causes and represents a medical emergency. The more frequent causes are the heart attack and the shock condition. Heart attack occurs when the heart stops beating. The shock condition occurs when the organism suffers a considerable deterioration, wich causes a weak pulse, fast heartbeat, shallow, breathing and loss of consciousness. It can be caused by different factors. Vital Signs weaken and you have to be constantly taking the pulse.
    [Show full text]
  • The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins
    MAIL From: (b) (6) To: f(b) (6) BC: Sally Spener Subject: fns_nmsu-l] FNS: The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins Date: 15-Nov-2016 21:13 Attachments: Mime.822 (excluded from export) Creation Date: 15-Nov-2016 21:12 Store Date: 15-Nov-2016 23:12 Status: Box Type: received Folder: Sally Spener Home > Mailbox Message Id: 582B7A5C.USIBWC.ELP.200.2000078.1.B016E.1 November 15, 2016 Special Report The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins Amid the turmoil emanating from the U.S. election, Mexico is entering its own presidential transition period. Though political reforms have shortened the length of the formal campaigns (which don’t commence until early 2018 ), and placed some restrictions on media access by the political parties, for all intents and purposes the 2018 race is already in the go mode. More than a year and a half before Mexicans go to the polls, a dozen possible successors to Enrique Pena Nieto are the focus of voter surveys, public and private meetings and increased media attention. At least two of the potential presidential contestants could be women, though the candidacy of one of them has yet to be decided. Plenty of time remains for dark horses to prance onto the scene, and changed conditions by 2018 could greatly shift the parameters, personalities and politics of the campaign, but as of late 2016 the favorites are already shining in the spotlight. For the conservative National Action Party (PAN), which hopes to regain Los Pinos (the Mexican White House) after losing it four years ago to the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) following 12 years of PAN rule, the current hopefuls include Margarita Zavala, the wife of former President Felipe Calderon; party chief Ricardo Anaya; Rafael Moreno Valle, the controversial governor of Puebla state; and Ernesto Ruffo, who’s regarded as a historic figure for his Baja California victory that made him the first PAN governor elected in the country back in 1989.
    [Show full text]