CONCEALED GAZES THE CLOSED BALCONIES OF AND HOW THEY AFFECTED WOMEN’S RELATIONSHIP TO THE PUBLIC SPACE AND PUBLIC SPHERE

Introduction balcony originated in the architecture of the Indus Valley and Sumeria, in modern-day [Pakistan and Historically, city space has been gendered in a Irak], which was assimilated by Seljuq Turks in the way that the public realm is perceived as unequiv- eleventh century. From there, the Turks spread its ocally male (Ruddick, 1996). This is a realm where use throughout the Muslim territories in the be- women have been either excluded or allowed ginning of the twelfth century, and then through restricted access to, mainly through spatial ele- the Muslims’ conquest of Hispania it reached the ments that regulate and control their gaze of and Iberian Peninsula by the end of the same century. access to the public space, while also controlling Finally, in the sixteenth century, the historic His- and regulating who can look at or have access to pano-Arabic use of the closed balcony arrived to them (Ruddick, 1996; Mazumdar and Mazumdar, America with the Spaniards and Moors that mi- 2001). Examples of these are closed or curtained grated from Andalusia and Extremadura, the first vehicles, special sections in theaters and cinemas searching for economic opportunities and the lat- closed off by screens, temporarily curtained sec- er escaping from the religious persecution of the tions of the street from a vehicle to a building, or Spanish monarchy and the Catholic Church (Hur- closed balconies in domestic and religious con- tado Valdez, 2005; Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, pp. texts (Papanek, 1973; Yeoh and Huang, 1998; 12–27; ‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, Mazumdar and Mazumdar, 2001; Smith and Bley, 2016). 2013). In Lima, the construction of casonas o palacios In the “City of Kings” of Lima, during the colonial (mansions) was a complex endeavor (Patruco and the first republic periods (1620-1842), up- Núñez, 2017). Since there was neither stone nor per-class women had a unique and complex re- wood easily available because the city is locat- lationship to the public realm through the second ed in an arid coastal strip, the casonas had to be period balconies, also known as closed balconies constructed with the prehispanic materials and (Smith and Bley, 2013; ‘Sucedió en el Perú “Bal- techniques of adobe (mudbrick) and quincha cones de Lima”’, 2016; Fuentes, 2017). Because (reed or cane framework), which were also used of the immense distance between the new world by the lower classes (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, pp. and the old continent, the emerging society en- 39–45; Walker, 2003). Hence, camouflaging the joyed greater social, spatial and economic mo- rustic materials and adorning the façade with or- bility, which created the need for women’s role nate wooden closed balconies was how the elite and boundaries to be re-defined (Denegri Alvarez conveyed their wealth, status and power, and Calderon, 1996, pp. 54–55). Furthermore, life in clearly stated the power structure of the new so- Lima has often been described as a continuous cial order (figure 01). Only they could afford to masquerade, where upper-class women embod- build a second floor, to import white and dark oak ied the dualism of their context, as they were per- from Guayaquil and cedar from Nicaragua, Ecua- ceived to simultaneously encompass contrasting dor and Chile for the main doors and balconies attributes, for example being the embodiment of and to buy glass for the windows panes, to import “marianism” and “don juanism” (Tristan, 1839, pp. Sevillan mosaics and velvet upholstery for the in- 479–506; Martin, 1983, pp. 01–08; Lambright and terior of the balconies, and to afford the fees of Guerrero, 2006, pp. 49–66). Thus, women’s use the skilled Moorish and Spanish wood craftsmen of the closed balconies resulted in an extension (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, pp. 39–46; Walker, 2003; of this dualism into their relationship to the public Hurtado Valdez, 2005; Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, space and the public sphere. pp. 29–37; Fuentes, 2017)

Context and necessity Furthermore, the balconies enabled the up- per-class to physically and figuratively rise above To understand how the closed balcony affected the masses in the streets, and allowed them to upper-class women’s relationship to the public communicate with the public space while main- realm, the reasons why it became such an inher- taining their domestic life private as was expected ent architectonic element of the city and how it of gente decente (noble people). (Walker, 2003; affected the entire upper-class’s relationship to ‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, 2016). the exterior must be comprehended. The closed Additionally, it was a matter of safety to have

1 Figure 01. Photographs of the Palacio de Torre Tagle, commisioned in 1715 by Don Jose Bernardo de Tagle y Bracho, 1st Marqués of Torre Tagle Figure 02. The mansion was designed in the spanish barroque style with barroque-mudejar balconies Photograph of La Calle de los Judios, Lima in 1918.

closed balconies that allowed a clear view and practice of the upper-class (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, Decorative row of turned wooden better control of the street, due to the high tensions pp. 24–27; Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, pp. 40–50; balusters, it wasn’t accesible between social classes, and the constant threat of Fuentes, 2017). Remate - top wooden cornice upheaval and political strife (Walker, 2003; Hur- tado Valdez, 2005; Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, pp. Spatial definition and struggle 38–39). Moreover, the balconies were important balaustres for the architecture of the casonas: they served to As one of the main elements of the façade of the Sobreluz - row of turned wooden illuminate and ventilate the rooms of the first floor, casona, the balcony, along with the portada (main balusters and improved their seismic behavior during the entrance) and the ventana volada (window), rep- earthquakes that constantly shook the city as was resented the identity and status of its owner to Celosia/Ventana - rectangular wood- proven during the earthquakes of 1655, 1687 and the city (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, pp. 50–57; Fuentes, en lattice window, later replaced by 1746 (Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, pp. 38–50; Coch 2017), like the case of the façade of the Palacio celosias the swing glass windows Roura and Aguero León, 2009; Scaletti Cárdenas, Torre Tagle commissioned by Don José Bernar- 2017). do de Tagle y Bracho, 1st Marquis of Torre Ta- Antepecho - row of wooden small gle when he rose to the post of treasurer of the balusters on top After the earthquake of 1746, when viceroy Man- Spanish fleet (‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Antepecho - wooden panels, carved so de Velasco approved the reforms proposed Lima”’, 2016). Architectonically, the balcony’s de- with deep geometric designs or plain, by Luis Godin, which among other ordinances sign focused on creating horizontality and unity assembled in a line, some had holes for children to see through banned the construction of two story houses and through the harmonious composition of five oak or balconies, the elite vehemently refused to com- cedar structural elements, which are from bottom Antepecho - bottom wooden cornice ply with them, because outlawing the balconies to top, the apoyo comprised by canes (wooden was an attempt to limit their autonomy, space and beams) anchored to the adobe façade wall, the antepecho power (Walker, 2003). So by the end of the seven- antepecho which comprehends the bottom cor- teenth century, Lima was already known as “the nice and wooden panels with a row of small bal- Canes - carved or plain wooden city of streets in the air” (anthropologist Antonio de usters on top, the ventana/celosia formed by the beams la Calancha) (figure 02) (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, p. swing wooden celosias (lattice work) and later 64). Thus, the balconies became deeply ingrained by the swing glass plane windows, the sobreluz comprised by the top row of balusters, and the in Lima’s idiosyncrasy, particularly in the cultural Figure 03. remate, which is the top cornice, all of which are The closed balcony’s elements explained in an diagram of a balcony of the Palacio Torre Tagle

2 3 divided into three overlapping strata: antepecho, In the design of the aforementioned casona, the celosias and balaustres (figure 03) (San Cris- closed balcony was an important space spatially tóbal Sebastian, 2003, pp. 634–635; Fernandez and symbolically, as it was “an extension of the Muñoz, 2007, pp. 28–33). Since these elements house…projected towards the exterior but main- remain the same through the centuries, balconies taining the privacy of the domestic space in a way are differentiated by their dimensions, color and that wasn’t accomplished by other architectonic ornamentation (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, pp. 58–66; elements” (Scaletti Cárdenas, 2017). Spatially, the Fuentes, 2017). Furthermore, from 1620 to 1842 balcony functioned as extension of the first floor the closed balcony is categorized in three stylistic salas (living room and reception space) into the periods: from 1620 to 1670 the proto- or street (figure 08). Through the doors of the ample early renaissance period of which the Casa de Pi- space of the salas, the balcony’s close width of latos is an excellent examples, from 1670 to 1746 0.84m-1.70m and lower ceiling of 2.95m–3.50m the baroque period to which the Palacio Torre Ta- created an intimate, comfortable space (Scaletti gle belongs, and from 1747 to 1850 the transition Cárdenas, 2017). Inside of which, different am- or neoclassical period that has the Casona Osam- biences could be created by controlling the illu- bela as an example (figures 04-07) (Fiol Cabre- mination and ventilation with the celosias, from jos, 1982, pp. 58–78; Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, private and secluded to open and integrated pp. 51–82; Arrieta Álvarez, Scaletti Cárdenas and with the street, the salas or both (Arrieta Álvarez, Segovia Rojas, 2017). Its historic evolution was a Scaletti Cárdenas and Segovia Rojas, 2017). Its response to the development of society’s archi- main functions were to increase the size of the tectonic taste and spatial necessities. Thus, so- social area, to connect women decently to urban cially and architectonically, the closed balcony is life, and to create a space propitious for women’s an irreplaceable component of Lima’s landscape intimacy, for tertulia (social gatherings) and bal- that for centuries shaped the city’s volumetric conear (to look and communicate with the street), perspective, represented the character of its in- as “[balconies] should always be ample enough habitants and affected their behavior in the streets to comfortably fit a chair” (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, p. (Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, pp. 38–82). 60), and to improve the ventilation and illumination

of the salas (Fernandez Muñoz, 2007; Palma So- Figure 05. Photograph of Casa de Pilatos (the celosias were replaced in the XX century), Lima in 2016

PROTO BAROQUE / EARLY RENAISSANCE BARROQUE TRANSITION / NEOCLASSICAL PERIODS 1620 ‐ 1670 1671 ‐ 1746 1747 ‐ 1850

Rectangular floor plan with straight, six‐sided Rectangular floor plan with straight, octagonal Plan shape Rectangular floor plan or L shaped floor plan. or octagonal corners, or L shaped floor plan. or rounded corners.

Across the facade, or placed symmetrically or Location on Center of the facade over the entrace, or on Across the facade, or placed symmetrically or asymetrically or the sides of the entrance, or the facade the corner. asymetrically on the sides of the entrance. on the corner. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS h = 3.20m ‐ 4.00m h = 3.20m ‐ 4.00m h = 3.20m ‐ 4.60m Dimensions l = 3.00m ‐ 8.00m l = 3.00m ‐ 8.00m l = 3.80m ‐ 20.00m w = 0.80m ‐ 1.70m w = 0.80m ‐ 1.70m w = 0.80m ‐ 1.70m Painted olive green or barnished in a natural Painted olive green or barnished in a natural Color Painted in dark colors, mainly dark brown. clear tone. clear tone. Number of 01 ‐ 02 balconies 01 ‐ 02 balconies 01 ‐ 05 balconies balconies The balcony rested on canes (wooden The balcony rested on canes (wooden The balcony rested on exposed canes supporting beams), which were fixed to the supporting beams), which were fixed to the Apoyo (wooden supporting beams), which were fixed adobe wall of the facade. The canes were adobe wall of the facade. The canes were to the adobe wall of the facade. covered on the sides and bottom with completely covered with wooden panels. wooden panels. Wooden Panels in the rococo style with Plain wooden panels, made of cuatro curved edges. Above them was a row of small Panels in the with central ornamentation. On cojinillos or of canutillo , or of alternating Antepecho wooden balusters that beacame less the inside, the walls were covered in sevillan plain and openwork panels. Above them there common. On the inside, the walls were mosaics. is a row of small wooden balusters. STRUCTURE covered in sevillan mosaics. Rectangular wooden lattice swing windows Rectangular wooden lattice swing windows Windows Counterweight glass windows known as known as celosias , or swing solid panels placed known as celosias over the and Celosias ventana de guillotina. placed over the antepecho. Antepecho. Row of wooden balusters to better ventilate The use of glass modified the structure of the Row of wooden balusters or joint balusters, to and iluminate the balcony. Or wooden panels Sobreluz balcony, the sobreluz was removed when the better ventilate and iluminate the balcony. with round edges in the same design as the windows became larger. antepecho. Smooth wooden cornise or wooden Remate Smooth wooden cornise Smooth wooden cornise ornamented cornise

Figure 04. Figure 06. Chart of the closed balcony’s evolution by period Photograph of Palacio Torre Tagle, Lima in 2014

4 5 riano, 2011; Scaletti Cárdenas, 2017, p. 21). Thus, According to the norms of colonial society and it was a space in-between the outside and inside, the expectations of the Church, women didn’t which connected the domestic and public realms, have the agency to negotiate the streets alone: and created new possibilities and frustrations in they had to be accompanied by either male rel- women’s relationship to the public realm. atives, older female relatives, or servants and slaves (‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, Symbolically, the balcony was connected to the 2016). The only exception to this were the tapa- feminine spaces within the casona, particularly to das: upper-class women who attained the free- the estrado. This room was located in the ground dom to move throughout the streets by wearing floor, joined to the sala principal and it opened to the self-imposed saya (Peruvian skirt) and manto the private patio, “covered with fine fabrics, vel- (two shawls, one to cover her shoulders and the vet, carpets and cushions, and separated from other to cover all her face except one eye) (fig- the sala by a step and a delicate railing, and it ure 09), at the price of relinquishing their identi- was exclusively for women; only close family men ty and being perceived as indecent and immoral were allowed to enter” (Frezier, 1982, p. 218). Both by the rest of society and the Church (figure 10) spaces belonged to the female semi-private realm (Poole, 1998; Barua Lanchippa, 2018). This per- of the home, were of Hispano-Arabic descent, had ception was so widespread that the government primarily a social function, were furnished with the tried unsuccessfully to ban the use of the manto in comfortable soft materials associated with female 1561, 1582 and 1583, and archbishop Toribio de domesticity, such as velvet and silk, were set over- Mogrovejo also tried to push a ban in 1601 (Mar- looking the traditional male public space, to which tin, 1983, pp. 299–309; Rodilla León, 2004, pp. they were connected but also separated, similar- 84–85). Thus in Lima, where the perception of be- ly to Adolf Loos’ “female marked theater boxes in ing gente decente was of utmost importance, the the Moller and Muller houses” (Colomina, 1994, p. only option for upper-class women to relate to the 248), and provided women with closer access to public realm in a moral and decent manner was social life than traditional female spaces (Tristan, through the use of closed balconies (figure 11). 1839, pp. 479–506; Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, p. 31; In the balconies, women were protected from the

Figure 07. Patruco Núñez, 2017). Hence, the balcony was sexualized male gaze that followed them around Photograph of , Lima in 2014 a gendered space that represented what society the city and saw them as an object of sin by the perceived as women’s limited place and role in celosia, which acquired its name from the word the home, while creating a situation where they celos (jealousy) because it prevented men from could explore beyond their assigned role. feeling jealous by hiding the women from veiw, depictions of this gaze can be seen in many of the Social norms, decency and works of Leonce Angard and Johann Moritz Ru- gendas (Poole, 1998; Rashidi and Rostankowski, morality 2009; ‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, The reality of Lima’s upper-class women was 2016). At the same time, the women hidden in the vastly different from the life of their contemporar- balconies became the object of men’s fantasies ies in Europe, as was documented in the diaries and fetishes, as they imagined what indecencies of the travelers of those centuries (Tristan, 1839, these mysterious women were participating in be- pp. 479–506; Radiguet, 2001). The first Spanish hind the celosias (Radiguet, 2001; Palma Soriano, women who immigrated to America at the begin- 2011). ning of the sixteenth century did so not because of domestic or religious ideals, but out of econom- Although the closed balconies where designed ic need or to advance socially. To achieve these to allow women contact with the outside world goals, they were forced to break with many of the while maintaining the privacy and honor of their dominant paradigms that previously bound them, family, the activities that took place in them and and learn to negotiate the all-encompassing in- that sparked men’s imagination weren’t always of fluence of the colony’s two founding institutions: a domestic nature. This doesn’t mean that the ex- the Catholic Church and the Spanish Bureaucratic pected everyday activities didn’t take place: wom- Apparatus. In time, the criollas and the Spanish en balconeaban, socialized with friends and rela- women who made up the upper-class developed tives, lounged and spent time with their children. the ideology of acatar las leyes pero no cumplir- Still, immoral and sometimes illegal activities were las, where they publicly obeyed the Church and contained by the same space: women plotted respected the law but at the same time devised political schemes, traded clandestine information clandestine channels to live in line with the reality and engaged in illicit love affairs (Tristan, 1839, of their new land (Martin, 1983, pp. 35–72; Dene- pp. 479–506; Martin, 1983, pp. 95–127; Fernan- gri Alvarez Calderon, 1996, p. 56). dez Muñoz, 2007, p. 38; Smith and Bley, 2013).

Figure 08. Therefore, the balconies that women inhabited Floor plan of the first floor of Casa Osambela

6 7 Figure 09. Figure 11. Water color “Going to Church” by Francisco Fierro Palas in 1879 Water color of Procesión del Jueves Santo por la Calle de San Agustín by Francisco Fierro Palas, Lima in 1832

were a space of double morality, of freedom and protect women but also to restrict their access to restrictions. Even though they allowed women to the public space, to exclude them from the public participate in public life while ensuring their de- sphere and limit their influence. cency and respectability, they also produced the right environment for scandalous and indecent Nevertheless, under the ideology of acatar las behavior. leyes pero no cumplirlas the upper-class women who were limited to the balconies in order to re- Control and power struggle between late to the street found ways to benefit from their situation (Denegri Alvarez Calderon, 1996, p. 56). genders Since upper-class women had made balconear Lima’s colonial society saw the balconies as “an a local custom and it was socially acceptable architectonic solution to consolidate the family’s to spend large amounts of time doing it, women privacy, and to zealously protect women while had complete visual control of their surrounding allowing them to be part of public life” (Orrego, streets (figure 12). They could keep track of the 2010). Yet, since the dimensions of their balconies movement not only of their husbands and relatives were the extent of the public space that women but also of the whole upper-class and of the in- could physically access, their presence in public digenous people, which in the city’s unstable and life was static (Rashidi and Rostankowski, 2009). volatile social and political climate was extreme- Also, while in the balconies the scope of what ly useful information (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982; Walk- upper-class women could look at and who they er, 2003). Furthermore, most of the upper-class could choose to communicate with was restricted women, who were deeply involved in politics and (‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, 2016). fascinated by intrigue, took advantage of the time Besides, as women weren’t visible agents in the spent socializing only with each other inside the public realm, their voices were rarely heard which balconies to build large information exchange net- left them invisible and powerless in the stablished works, so between all of them they could see most male public sphere (Martin, 1983, pp. 95–127; of the city. (Tristan, 1839, pp. 498–499; Martin, Denegri Alvarez Calderon, 1996, pp. 54–70). 1983, pp. 299–309; Denegri Alvarez Calderon,

Figure 10. Thus, the balconies were intended to not only to 1996). Moreover, the closed balconies allowed Painting “Las Tapadas” by Johann Moritz Rugendas in 1844

8 9 Figure 12. Figure 13. Photograph of Jr. Camana 217, Lima 2016 City plan of Lima in the 1750’s by Jacques-Nicolas Bellin women to choose whether to watch the exterior drawn calash) became almost indispensable for those periods (Tristan, 1839, pp. 479–506). Fur- anonymously, hidden behind the celosias/venta- upper-class families to move discretely, and as thermore, the balconies presented women with nas, or to more actively engage with urban life by women spent more time inside the balconies, their an immediate answer for their longing of public opening them to show themselves (Fiol Cabrejos, functions expanded from social activities to also life within the perceived decency expected of 1982, pp. 70–71; San Cristóbal Sebastian, 2003; include domestic ones, such as embroidering, them; although in the long term it allowed them Fernandez Muñoz, 2007, pp. 38–39; Arrieta Álva- answering letters or reading novels (Tristan, 1839; little space to have a voice, which left them out- rez, Scaletti Cárdenas and Segovia Rojas, 2017). Lewin, 1958, p. 39; Patruco Núñez, 2017). Ergo, side of the public sphere and of the institutional Hence, while women had to obey the societal the possibility that upper-class women’s could be power system, where men had all the power to rules that restricted them, they weren’t mute vic- watching the public space modified the behavior decide what was right and wrong (Denegri Alva- tims. They appropriated the space used to con- of the people they looked at, while the possibility rez Calderon, 1996, pp. 54–70; ‘Sucedió en el trol them, and found power, control and influence of exerting control anonymously modified the be- Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, 2016). It is only in the where previously there hadn’t been any. havior of the on-lookers themselves. age of modernity, when society’s mentality slowly changed, that women uncovered themselves and Outside, the citizens moving through the streets Conclusion left the space of the balconies to express their were aware that the probability of being watched voice, and initiate their struggle to directly enter by hidden eyes from the balconies was high, The closed balconies extended the dualism of the the public realm. since by the eighteenth century in a grid of six- context of upper-class women’s life in Lima during teen by sixteen blocks there were approximate- the colonial and republican periods (1620-1842) ly 4000 balconies (Hurtado Valdez, 2005) and into their relationship to the public space and as Father Bernabe Cobo observed “It is here so the public sphere. As a spatial element of His- well received the use of balconies, that there is no pano-Arabic descent, the balconies were meant middle-class house that doesn’t have one and the to restrict women and relegate them to the private mansions of the upper-class have many” (Cobo domestic realm (Fiol Cabrejos, 1982, pp. 58–66; y Peralta and Jiménez de la Espada, 1890, p. ‘Sucedió en el Perú “Balcones de Lima”’, 2016). 308) (figure 13). Because of this, people had to But in Lima, because women appropriated and plan ahead which routes they would take when transformed them into multifunctional spaces, the navigating the streets specially when engag- balconies became instrumental in women’s partial ing in dubious activities, calesas (horse or mule inclusion into the public realm, which was more than many of their contemporaries had during

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