Rice Asian Studies Review

Volume 3 2018-19 Issue rasr.rice.edu ABOUT RICE ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW i

Asia in the 21st century is undergoing rapid political, economic, and cultural change. As people, goods, ideas, and cultures reverse colonial fow and begin emanating from Asia across the globe, it is clear that the scholarly lens through which Asia has traditionally been approached by Western-trained academics is sorely in need of revision. Te Rice Asian Studies Review (RASR), as an undergraduate Asia- focused academic journal authored, edited, and published by students, situates itself on the front-line of this process by providing a venue for young scholars to exhibit their own ideas and learn from those of their peers. Our goal is produce a compilation of diverse, unconventional, and informed Asian studies perspectives. As authors, editors, and publishers come together in the production of RASR, this fresh cohort of 21st century scholars hopes to promote a dynamic, modern, and interdisciplinary approach to Asian Studies.

From left to right: Coleman Lambo, Flora Naylor, Sophie Laferty, Gennifer Geer, and Erin Ye.

VOLUME 3, 2018-19 ISSUE PUBLISHED ON APRIL 2019 Website: rasr.rice.edu Email: [email protected] About the cover: Fifty-one nations and territories defned geographically as “Asia” by the United Nations are represented in decreasing order of population. Designed by Justin Park (McMurtry College, 2017). ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Te 2018-19 RASR staf would like to ofer our sincerest gratitude to everyone in the Chao Center for Asian Studies. Tis third edition would not be possible without the intellectual, emotional, and fnancial support of the Center, as well as the generous eforts of Director Dr. Sonia Ryang and Associate Director Dr. Haejin E. Koh. RASR, in publishing its third volume, indicates it is well on its way to becoming a mainstay of Asian Studies at Rice, and this facet of undergraduate research would be impossible without their support.

Te RASR Editors also owe unparalleled thanks to Dr. Sonia Ryang, Dr. John Zammito, Dr. Zobaida Nasreen, and PhD student Timothy Quinn. Te reviews from these experts contributed to the academic caliber of RASR and helped RASR enter into a tradition of high quality published works. Te current editors are forever in debt to the inaugural issue of RASR and the dedicated students who created this academic outlet. Without them, this journal would not exist.

Finally, the RASR Editors would like to thank our contributing authors. We are lucky to be able to draw from a wide range of academic disciplines and geographic areas, and this would not be possible without the diverse talents and interests of Rice undergraduate students. As we hope the articles contained in these pages will inspire both new ideas and new scholars, we also thank you for reading.

Photo courtesy: “Mechanical Lab Campanile with smoke, Rice Institute.” (1913) Rice University: https:// hdl.handle.net/1911/75075. CONTENTS iii PAGES

Complicating Knowledge Production: HIV Research on Kathoey in Tailand by Sarah Gao 1

Japan’s Labor Challenge by Craig Joiner 15

Te Dynamic Role of Chinese National Oil Companies in Central-Provincial Institutional Relationships by Coleman 27 Lambo

Early German Romanticism and Neo-Confucianism: Exploring Parallel Developmental Patterns in Man’s Search 41 for Oneness by Laura Li

British and Japanese War Brides in Post-World War II Sydney by Susanna Yau 57

Complicating Knowledge Production: HIV Research on Kathoey in Thailand Sarah Gao ABSTRACT Translation is rife with subjectivity and complexities, especially with concepts full of nuances and meanings. “Transgender” is one such concept, one that risks exclusion and erasure when the Western defnition is applied across the world. Tis article attempts to complicate the translations of “transgender” and “Southeast Asia” in HIV/AIDS research by analyzing the experiences of kathoey in Tailand. Tis work is informed by transgender studies, specifcally Don Kulick’s work with travesti in Brazil. Te unique experiences of kathoey are found to be ignored by folding them into the larger category of “transgender,” despite having diferent conceptions of gender and sexual behavior. Tus, this article questions how efective is HIV/AIDS prevention is when informed by diferent understandings of gender. It begs us to ask what other people are being marginalized and excluded in large-scale studies such as global HIV/AIDS research.

INTRODUCTION it tries to beneft. HIV/AIDS research by Western At its crux, transgender studies serves to question organizations conducts epistemological violence the category of “transgender” and how methods of on kathoey through their methods of knowledge knowledge production and power construe gender production.1 Translation is fraught with the potential variance as deviant. One specifc way to do this is of misinterpretation. Understandings of gender are to challenge how transgender as a category is used diferent in various cultural contexts, and this paper in cross-cultural contexts, especially those that exist serves to confront the translation of a Western outside of the anglophone West. conception of gender on Tai gender non-conforming In this paper, I will complicate how researchers peoples. studying HIV in Southeast Asia defne both Southeast Asia and transgender populations. By questioning LITERATURE REVIEW the region called “Southeast Asia” I will show the inefectiveness of generalizing health interventions MEDICAL / BIOLOGICAL DEFINITIONS and conclusions on a global scale. By questioning the Human immunodefciency virus (HIV) is a application of “transgender” to gender-variant bodies, viral infection that destroys the CD4 cells of the I will demonstrate the epistemological violence done immune system, which attack infections.2 If left on the kathoey of Tailand through exclusion and untreated, HIV leads to acquired immunodefciency erasure. I understand epistemological violence here syndrome (AIDS), defned by severe immune system as cruelty against communities of people through damage. AIDS makes one especially susceptible to knowledge production. When academic pursuits opportunistic infections or cancers, which signifcantly such as categorization and designation fail to include reduce life expectancy.3 HIV is spread through bodily the full lived experiences of these people, the result fuids; research identifes unprotected sex and needle is a body of knowledge that poses a danger to those sharing as two behaviors that contribute most to HIV it refers to. Others who consume this knowledge incidence.4 understand the community as that represented by HIV was frst identifed in the United States this body of knowledge, even if it may be inaccurate. in 1981, when a number of seemingly healthy gay If action is taken based on this knowledge, it is based young men in New York and California contracted on exclusion and erasure, and ultimately harms those rare infections and cancers.5 However, HIV/AIDS 1 2 HIV RESEARCH ON KATHOEY IN THAILAND spread unequally across the world, with some areas were born in the “wrong body;” for example, a trans still sufering from high rates of infection and some woman would feel as if she was born in the incorrect, countries having rarely seen a diagnosis. male-reading body. Tis dissonance leads to signifcant amounts of stress and engaging in gender-crossing HIV/AIDS HERE - WHAT MAKES changes can decrease this anxiety. Examples of such TRANSGENDER WOMEN IN AMERICA SO changes may include taking hormones or engaging in SUSCEPTIBLE? various surgeries, such as facial feminization or genital Today, antiretroviral therapy (ART), a reconstruction. combination of various medicines, helps people living with HIV to live longer and healthier lives. In GLOBALIZING HIV/AIDS IN addition to pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), which TRANSGENDER WOMEN prevents people from contracting the disease, HIV can be managed in the community and people who GLOBAL HIV RATES are HIV-positive.6 Unfortunately, HIV/AIDS still Today, over 36 million people live with HIV/ remains a widespread health concern because of drug AIDS.13 However, low-and middle-income countries resistance and doubt of creating an efective vaccine.7 have signifcantly higher rates of HIV than highly- Despite this progress in HIV treatment, many technologized, Western nations.14 A variety of people today are still at risk of contracting HIV. reasons may explain this disparity, such as higher Of these, in the United States, transgender women rates of mother-child transmission and lack of access are disproportionately afected by the disease.8 to testing and prevention methods. Baral identifes Transgender women are 48.8 times as likely to unprotected sex as the main reason transgender be infected with HIV than other adults. Of these women globally get infected with HIV, but they women, trans women of color are even more also note that specifc cultural contexts contribute to susceptible to contracting HIV.9 Many social factors transmission, such as drug use in Pakistan, Indonesia, intersect to generate this increased vulnerability, and Vietnam.15 Additionally, lack of access to ART such as socioeconomic exclusion, homophobia and and other treatments lead to disparities in suppression transphobia from law enforcement and judicial from population to population. systems, stigma, poor mental health, and substance use.10 Various life stressors contribute to promote risky DIFFERENT CULTURAL CONTEXTS AND sexual behaviors, which then increases the risk of HIV METHODOLOGY - TRAVESTI incidence. Trans women who experience high life Exploring diferent cultural contexts, as Don stress and engage in avoidance coping tend to engage Kulick does in Travestí: Sex, Gender, and Culture in unsafe sex, usually accompanied or brought about among Brazilian Transgendered Prostitutes, can by substance abuse.11 Generally, gender abuse (either/ provide important nuances to how transgender both physical and emotional), depressive symptoms, identity is experienced globally. Kulick explores and substance abuse increase likelihood of engaging in the travesti of Brazil, (typically) homosexual men unsafe sex.12 who engage in various methods to achieve feminine Tese trans women in the U.S. are who global secondary sex characteristics such as long hair and health organizations base their defnitions of breasts. Tough a Western perspective of gender transgender women upon. Tey may follow the and sexuality would defne travesti as transgender, wrong-body narrative, in which one feels like they Kulick makes an important claim that gender is SARAH GAO 3 defned not by genitalia, but sexual positioning.16 As SOUTHEAST ASIA such, travesti exist alongside women in the category of “not-men,” as they are penetrated during sexual KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION OF HIV/AIDS IN intercourse. However, travesti also reject female bodies SOUTHEAST ASIA and vaginas, claiming a unique position that results Te World Health Organization,19 whose HIV/ in unique health experiences. Part of this rejection AIDS report I critically examine, includes eleven materializes through penetration. Travesti then exist countries — Bangladesh, Bhutan, Democratic People’s in a unique space in which they can both penetrate Republic (DPR) of Korea, India, Indonesia, Maldives, and be penetrated. Brazil ofers gender afrmation Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Tailand, and Timor- surgery as a constitutional right to health, but often Leste — constituting over 1.8 billion people in the only includes genital surgery under this right.17 South-East Asia Region.20 Approximately 3.5 million As such, travesti are systematically excluded from people, or 0.3% of the population, are infected with accessing gender afrming care for not conforming to HIV, though there are regional disparities in infection normative standards of transgender. Te application rates.21 Te dominant mode of transmission is of “transgender” to a non-Western context results unprotected sexual contact, especially with a bustling in epistemological violence through exclusion and sex work economy in which men with HIV purchase erasure. Defning transgender in a very specifc sex without disclosing their status. Substantial rates way — the feeling of being “in the wrong body,” of sexually transmitted diseases (STIs), around 78.5 desiring diferent genitalia - invalidates other forms million cases, in conjunction with HIV indicate the of gender variance, such as that of travesti. Travesti corresponding rates of unprotected sex that occur in have no desire for female genitalia, for the physical the area.22 feminization they exhibit and strive for is a form of Injection drug use constitutes an increasing “perfect homosexuality.”18 portion in specifc country contexts as well. Additionally, linguistic diferences both Indonesia, in particular, has a higher rate of HIV complicate and enrich perceptions of gender and transmission in drug users than in other countries in sexuality in contexts diferent than anglophone- the area — nearly 30 percent.23 People who engage dominated ones. For example, travesti constantly with injection drugs also engage in unprotected sex, switch between male and female pronouns and which increases infection rates in the community. wield these words as power over other travesti. Compared to testing, treatment procedures, and Acknowledging and examining how language and resources available in the United States, countries in gender interact allows for a deeper understanding in Southeast Asia have a considerably more difcult time specifc cultural contexts. meeting global standards. Stigma against disease and Tis paper uses Kulick’s strategies of challenging homosexuality, criminalization of sex work, and lack of Western conceptions of gender and sexuality in order awareness of positive status all contribute.24 Te main to complicate how “transgender” is constructed in obstacle to adequate HIV care is lack of awareness or HIV/AIDS research. I direct Kulick’s questions of access to HIV testing and counseling.25 However, state gendered embodiment and translation onto kathoey institutions in India and Tailand have implemented in Tailand. Doing so allows for a more nuanced successful condom distribution programs that understanding of how terms and ways of knowing contribute to the decrease in the incidence of unsafe gender are translated across cultural contexts. sex occurring, particularly among populations of sex workers and men who have sex with men (MSM).26 4 HIV RESEARCH ON KATHOEY IN THAILAND

Since the turn of the twenty-frst century, United States, where HIV frst emerged among gay countries in Southeast Asia have increased availability men, HIV frst spread in Tailand through female sex of ART, especially for children.27 Despite this, workers. Consequently, the state responded with the numbers still lie below the global threshold of establishment of a well-funded national taskforce and ART coverage. Tere also exist gaps in the types surveillance system that pushed condom usage to the of antiretroviral treatments available on a country- population. by-country basis, with only one or two regimens in In 2013, UNAIDS, the United Nations taskforce Maldives and Bhutan and any combination of ffteen established to deal with the HIV/AIDS epidemic, regimens available in Indonesia, Myanmar, Nepal, and proposed their 90-90-90 treatment target as a global Tailand. However, nearly every country in the region standard of health. Te goal aims for 90 percent of is able to provide treatment free of charge.28 people living with HIV to be aware of their status, It is difcult for researchers to generalize data 90 percent of those aware of their status to be on across the entire Southeast Asia region, as each antiretroviral therapy, and 90 percent of people on member nation has distinct cultures and practices that ART to be considered virally suppressed by 2020.35 may afect exposure to HIV. Even within one country Tis proposal followed an earlier goal of having there are regional diferences in HIV transmission.29 ffteen million people on treatment for HIV/AIDS Such sweeping generalizations can hide these by 2015. UNAIDS stresses that the 90-90-90 diferences and lead to less efective treatments and treatment target encourages a “new evidence based interventions, as people behave diferently in diferent HIV treatment narrative” that includes preventative state contexts. Particularly, how sex work is regulated treatment and equity across a global community.36 difers across countries, which then infuences HIV While the target proposal is full of hopeful language, transmission. In Bhutan, prostitution is illegal but UNAIDS discounts the unique history and current people still facilitate an underground economy, distribution of HIV in individual country contexts. centering particularly in rural regions of the country.30 For example, they use Kenya and Uganda as examples In India, sex work is legal but governmentally of the efectiveness of an HIV testing campaign. But regulated, whereas in Tailand, the sex work industry how well do these results translate to another country accounts for a signifcant portion of the Tai economy like Laos? Can the same methods of advertisement while being technically illegal.31 People who are work in a space where people gather diferently? illegally involved in sex work may face more obstacles, When countries have diferent infrastructures, social both social and physical, in accessing protection and relations, federal welfare programs, and healthcare treatment for HIV and other STIs. systems, it would be very unwise to assume that what Researchers also must acknowledge the unique works in one state context will be efective in another. history of HIV/AIDS in each specifc cultural Of the UNAIDS leadership, only one of the context they work in. Tis paper focuses on Tailand, three executives, Michel Sidbé, is fuent in languages a country with a diferent HIV/AIDS origin story spoken outside of the United States and Europe.37 Of from the United States.32 HIV was frst diagnosed the following nine directors, three are women and all in Tailand in 1984, three years after the frst case are both cisgender and heterosexual.38 Having such was identifed in the United States. It quickly spread a group of people leading the international response through IV drug users.33 From there it spread to to HIV/AIDS may result in lack of consideration of female sex workers, heterosexual men, and the rest LGBTQ+ populations sufering from HIV/AIDS. of the general population.34 As compared to the Additionally, this team, headquartered in Belgium SARAH GAO 5 and led by a team of majority white men may imply a between men and women, with both male and female neocolonial relationship with the countries they work representation in deities and trade. Additionally, in. gender roles were relatively fuid and sexual variance tolerated. “Transgendered ritual specialists” and COMPLICATING GEOGRAPHY - QUESTIONING female-bodied ritualists performed sacred duties, “SOUTHEAST ASIA” which allowed them a special elevated social status Tough the WHO regards Southeast Asia to among the divine.42 Gender variance from wo/men consist of the eleven aforementioned nation-states, was viewed as transcendence or unity of gender, rather other sources may include the Philippines, Singapore, than deviance. Various southeastern Asian cultures and Vietnam, while excluding DRP Korea and had some form of a religious interpreter to the cosmos Nepal.39 UNAIDS groups the general Southeast in which the actor was transgender or agender, and Asia area with Australia and Asia as far east as some of these roles also included same-sex relations as Afghanistan. Southeast Asia was a region created well. under the Western gaze by colonialists, and the Trough the second half of the modern era, arbitrary nature of this hodgepodge is evident through cultures began to enforce hegemonies that allowed its uncertain boundaries. How can we generalize only certain types of gender variance, such as religious across cultures, regions, institutions? Each nation- intermediaries. Tough eroticism and sexual relations state in “Southeast Asia” operates both independently were also regulated, allowance of activities began to and in relation to every other entity in the region, and tighten. Tese impositions were directly infuenced each case of HIV is unique to its circumstances. by Western colonialism and religion, as nations Te WHO acknowledges diferences in health began to make the fraught shift to centralization and experiences in various countries, but makes no bureaucracy.43 Introduction of monotheistic religions, efort to ofer unique interventions or approaches. in particular, led southeast Asian cultures to devalue For example, Indonesia has a much higher rate of women and question gender behavior outside the HIV transmission through injection drug use than patriarchal binary. Stringent defnitions of gender other nation-states in the area, but there is no efort and religion imposed by these institutions led to the to explain why and how to address it.40 How can devaluation of spirituality and gender variance, aided generalized advice, applicable to any nation-state in by the establishment of hegemonic masculinity and the region, acknowledge the unique circumstances heterosexuality.44 of Indonesia? Generalization across countries and Over the past sixty years, modern queer cultures cultures is a form of epistemological violence to huge in Tailand went through various periods of growth swaths of people by ignoring the physical and social to become what they are today, aided by expanding contexts they exist in. commercialization and digital communication.45 Tis shift into the mainstream has also led to a TRANSGENDER IDENTITIES IN THAILAND corresponding change from gender variance being Peletz defnes gender in Southeast Asia as associated with religion and spirituality to growing traditionally “pluralistic,” that is, heterogeneous. In beauty and fashion industries.46 the early modern era (sixteenth through eighteenth Today, many transgender people, women in centuries), Southeast Asian societies legitimized particular, travel internationally to Tailand to get certain forms of gender behavior and fuidity.41 gender confrming surgery, a experience known as Religious and economic institutions were balanced “medical travel”.47 However, by doing so in a cultural 6 HIV RESEARCH ON KATHOEY IN THAILAND context diferent from their own, Aizura proposes that (MSM). Indeed, the World Health Organization these trans women are infuenced by Tai femininity (WHO) combines these two groups of people in in creating their own. Tailand became a hotspot their primary report on HIV in Southeast Asia and of gender afrmation surgery (Aizura uses the term publishes an additional report specifcally featuring “gender reassignment surgery,” but I will use the more “men who have sex with men and transgender current descriptor, gender afrmation surgery because women.”52 Te WHO decides to combine MSM with “afrmaton” a person’s gender identity has existed transgender women because they regard unsafe anal before and can consist without surgical intervention) sex as a common mode of transmission. However, after the Asian economic crash in 1997, and Tailand’s confating these two populations results in inaccurate lack of regulation and medicalization of transgender results. “Transgender women” encompasses not only experiences allow for cheaper procedures.48 an embodied state of being, but also social existence Transgender populations in Southeast Asia tend and claims to life. However, MSM are classifed by to have signifcantly higher rates of HIV than the their sexual behavior, and only their sexual behavior. general population. Tis is due in part to sex work, By incorporating trans women with MSM, HIV as many more trans folk engage in sex work than in research erases the unique health experiences of Western contexts; nearly 40% as compared to 12% transgender women shaped by their environment and in America.49 Epidemiologic studies recommend social contexts. Additionally, this grouping does not condom distribution and increased testing for the allow for transgender men, who may not engage in the transgender community, but they ofer very few same sort of sexual relations as MSM or transgender behavioral interventions. women. As such, the WHO recommends state institutions to provide aid to meet “the needs of MSM COMPLICATING CATEGORIES - QUESTIONING and TG populations.” Tis statement presumes MSM “TRANSGENDER” and trans people have the same needs (as well as all An important aspect of transgender studies is MSM having the same needs and all trans people to question how transgender as a term categorizes having the same needs), adding another layer to the and qualifes bodies in diferent contexts.50 Especially erasure of trans bodies. problematic is the deployment of transgender, a Because of such confations, the WHO recent anglophone classifcation, in a cross-cultural recommends the same interventions for MSM and context as epistemological violence. By defning transgender populations. Tis may ultimately prove bodies as conforming to or deviating from an to be inefective, as assuming the transgender and imposed categorization, Western perceptions of gay communities live the same lives is a fundamental transgender invalidate and erase diferently gender- faw in the foundation of these recommendations. deviant bodies.51 Science and society have continually Te WHO’s suggestions are also extremely broad performed this violence on gender-deviant bodies and difcult to achieve. For example, their third by rendering them subjects of study and objects of recommendation for Southeast Asian countries is observation with little concern to the actual needs of to “encourage, support, and build the capacity of the community. organizations to serve the needs of MSM and TG One of the greatest ways in which HIV research populations”. What needs are being talked about here? performs epistemological violence on gender variant Which strategies have been proven to be efective? bodies in Southeast Asia is confating transgender How can the WHO support these (unnamed) populations with men who have sex with men organizations without perpetuating a colonial SARAH GAO 7 narrative? Tese suggestions by the WHO foat behavior; kathoey, like travesti, both penetrate and are untethered to any national or cultural context, and as penetrated. For example, Ocha and Earth documented such run the risk of not having any efect at all. kathoey speaking of their in-between-ness: Additionally, “transgender” itself is a fuid, porous If I consider my body purely in sexual terms, concept.53 Scholars even within transgender studies it is great that I can perform both passive defne it in a variety of diferent ways, and though and active roles … this really makes me feel this dynamism allows for diferent interpretations of superior to those with a purely female body. experience more closely aligned with lived experience, I love my breasts. I do need them because I it can also complicate studying gender-deviant bodies want to look great in female costumes in daily and generalizing across populations. For example, life, but I don’t need a vagina … really. I do not the American medical narrative defnes transgender want to be 100% woman anymore. I want to through a diagnosis of gender dysphoria, but scholars stay ‘Kathoey tee yang mai dai chaw’. I feel and activists put a range of lived experiences and comfortable as half and half. (Mint, 22 years embodiments (such as genderqueer and nonbinary) old, artist in Patpong)58 under an umbrella of “transgender.” Tailand has an adult HIV prevalence rate of 1.1 Tus, kathoey can exist in an in-between space as percent.54 It is incredibly difcult to measure HIV simultaneously neither male nor female but also both prevalence among the trans community because male and female. “transgender” as a term does not exist. Rather, it is Te biomedical defnition of “transgender” encompassed in kathoey, a label applying to certain was adopted by Tailand when expanding their gender non-conforming individuals.55 In the next sex-afrming medical procedures. Today, many section I will more deeply examine how kathoey exist transgender Americans regard Tailand as a hotspot and negotiate their gender identity in a Western for gender afrming care and travel there for scheme of knowledge production. procedures. In order to qualify for such a procedure, however, one must present a diagnosis of gender THE KATHOEY dysphoria (GD), the American conceptualization of transgender experience.59 Tis narrative describes a WHO ARE THE KATHOEY? transgender person as being born in the wrong body, Unlike the West’s strict gender binary and surgery and other medical interventions are used and obsession with heterosexuality, Tailand to bring a person closer to their identifed gender. Tis conceptualizes gender diferently. Gender, sexuality, way of conceptualizing gender variance enforces the and sex are all described by the term phet. Tus, gender binary, and kathoey are often disqualifed for masculinity and femininity are construed along sexual gender afrming surgeries because of their non-binary relationships; those who penetrate are masculine, identity. With the rise of these medical procedures, a and those who receive (women and kathoey) are new category of people within kathoey has arisen: sao feminine.56 Despite this, three distinct genders exist in praphet sorng, which translates to “women of a second Tai society: men, women, and kathoey. Kathoey are kind”. Sao praphet sorng are distinct from other Tailand’s commonly accepted third gender — though kathoey because they desire gender afrming surgery; being born with male-reading genitalia, kathoey other kathoey are satisfed by taking hormones and embody various forms of femininity to exist as both engaging in other feminine practices. Tese kathoey male and female.57 Tis is also refected in their sexual are also able to take on a unique sexual role of both 8 HIV RESEARCH ON KATHOEY IN THAILAND the penetrator and the penetrated, which places them vernacular to encompass all experiences, especially more surely into this neither/both space. when referring to trans men or lesbians.62 Tai kathoey embody gender in a vastly diferent Tai queer culture’s relationship to its Western way than the Western context; I would argue it lies counterpart is similarly complicated. Jackson proposes closer to Brazilian travesti than western transgender. that because Japan and Tailand were not colonized Kathoey do not view genital reconstructive surgery during Western imperialism, their queer cultures as an essential aspect of their gender identity and arose independently of Western infuence and exists presentation, though they may take hormones and outside of anglophone discourse.63 As such, western engage in other gender confrmation surgeries such as conceptions of gender and sexuality provide an facial feminization. However, Western epidemiological alternate, rather than disruptive, way of thinking studies attempt to translate transgender labels onto about embodiment. However, Tai and non-Tai these bodies. conceptions of gender interact in the realm of gender confrmation surgery. Aizura notes that trans women LOST IN TRANSLATION - TRANSGENDER IN who travel to Tailand for surgery associate Asian THAILAND spirituality and femininity with their own surgical Jarrin argues that translating anglophone results. transgender ontology is not a neutral process; rather, Despite this perception of Tailand as a queer “translating” epistemology from one context to the paradise where people can easily access gender next involves “power, agency, and exclusion”.60 By confrming surgery and kathoey enjoy a great deal translating “transgender” to a Tai context in HIV of public visibility, transphobia, or more accurately research, we subsume the unique identity of kathoey, transprejudice, still exists.64 Winter argues that with its interconnectedness to sex and sexuality, into transprejudice is more descriptive of trans experience the category of transgender. By further confating than transphobia, as transprejudice encompasses the this transgender category with MSM, HIV research systemic delegitimization of transpeople’s claims to ignores the way in which kathoey enact a feminine, or equal quality of life.65 Tai people need identifcation non-masculine, role sexually. documentation for access to many public spaces, “Transgender” frst came linguistically to but the Tai government does not allow for Tailand in 2005, when trans scholar Prempreeda changes of gender on these forms of identifcation. Pramoj Na Ayutthaya created term khon kham- Terefore, khon khan-phet/kathoey’s privacy may phet, an attempt to allude to the gender/sex fuidity be compromised, and this difculty of attaining encompassed within phet. However, many Western ofcial gender-accurate identifcation leads to and Tai scholars now associate khon kham-phet as a difculty in employment and navigation through legal translation of transgender or transsexual experience.61 systems. Additionally, prejudice is closely tied to the Because phet is used to describe experiences of gender, assumption of mental illness or pathology, which then sex, and sexuality, scholars have struggled with fnding leads to increased discrimination. Although the Tai adequate Tai translations for Western conceptions context lacks the history of mental pathology tied to of gender, sexuality, and embodiment. Today, Tai American settings, many Tai people still believe that feminist scholars have accepted phet-saphap and khon kham-phet are mentally ill.66 phet-withi as translations for English conceptions of gender and sexuality, respectively. However, VIOLENCE AND ERASURE the general LGBT community still struggles with Such experiences of transprejudice are unique SARAH GAO 9 to khon kham-phet, and Winter notes that Because of these associations, much of the discrimination may lead khon kham-phet to engage research done on kathoey in Tailand has been in the in sex work at any level of involvement. By placing context of sex work. Especially in the current age, khon kham-phet into the same epidemiological with people expressing their sexuality and engaging in category as MSM, researchers assume they have erotic labor online, “sex work” as an idea has become the same social experiences. Tere is thus no way increasingly complicated. What counts as sex work? to account for the diferences in lived experiences. What kinds of new power relations are or are not Because MSM functions as a category of people present through online media? By conducting research joined by similar sexual behavior, it does not account through this lens, the narratives researchers receive for the social experiences of men who have sex with are those of “sex workers,” regardless of what their men. Not all men who have sex with men are gay, work entails. Tus, researchers construct categories of after all. But, “transgender” encompasses an entire “sex work” that include certain activities or exchanges way of being, which involves much more than sex. but exclude others. How does this map onto the Terefore, any suggestions health organization like experiences of people who engage in erotic labor but the WHO may provide to improve the social standing do not consider themselves sex workers? What about of both transgender and MSM populations will be those who consider themselves sex workers but the inefcient. Furthermore, placing gender variant people intimate labor they engage in is not included in a in the same category as MSM is a demonstration of researcher’s category? transprejudice. By ignoring the diferences between gay men and khon kham-phet, researchers efectively WHERE DO KATHOEY FALL? delegitimize the experience of khon kham-phet In light of these complications of gender through erasure. and classifcation, how do kathoey ft into the Even researchers are not innocent of epidemiological categories of MSM and transgender? epistemological violence. Tey, too, are infuenced Touru Nemoto et al suggest they are transgender by the idea of the Tai sex industry as a mecca of women.67 Te titles of their studies “HIV-Related exoticized sexuality. It is widely regarded as the Risk Behaviors among Kathoey (Male-to-Female home of a bustling sex industry thriving of sex Transgender) Sex Workers in Bangkok, Tailand” and tourism. Much of the academic work done with the “Examining the Sociocultural Context of HIV-related kathoey has occurred in the context of sex work, as Risk Among Kathoey (Male-to-Female Transgender kathoey serve to embody this exotic sexuality, which Women) Sex Workers in Bangkok Tailand”68 is what has informed my research. Kathoey, whose explicitly describe kathoey as trans women, though embodiment falls outside of the gender binary, the authors acknowledge the diferences in lived are eroticized both through their nationality and experiences of kathoey and trans women in 2016.69 In bodily construction as an object of fascination. As a their report of MSM in Asia, UNAIDS also places result, kathoey are associated with sex work, and the kathoey under the category of transgender. Tis study knowledge created by these researchers carry with is signifcant because it acknowledges kathoey as a it this association as well. Te narratives of kathoey category at all. However, kathoey regard themselves as who do not engage in erotic labor are disregarded as diferent from women.70 Additionally, kathoey have a unimportant to research. However, it is important to diferent claim to legitimacy from trans women, since realize that not all sex workers are kathoey, not all their existence could be attributed to spirituality.71 kathoey are sex workers. Tus, although kathoey could broadly fall into the 10 HIV RESEARCH ON KATHOEY IN THAILAND category of transgender women, they have diferent 15. Baral et al., 2013. experiences that render them unique. Kathoey are 16. Kulick,1998. also more visible to the general population than 17. Jarrin, 2016. transgender women, who exist as a newer, more 18. Kulick,1998. foreign state of embodiment.71 19. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report 2011”, 2012. CONCLUSION 20. World Health Organization, 2010. Despite the unique cultural contexts in which 21. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report gender variance exists, trans activists agree on one 2011”, 2012. thing: involvement in research. Activist research, made 22. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report unique by its collectivism, ofers a potential method to 2011”, 2012. do this. Rather than observe through a detached lens, 23. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report activist research encourages the populations being 2011”, 2012. studied to contribute to the formulation of questions, 24. Pendse et al., 2016. data collection, and analysis. Tis way, what we learn 25. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report is relevant and interesting to those we are helping. As 2011”, 2012. the Asia Pacifc Transgender Network says, “We are 26. Pendse et al., 2016. not research!” Tis methodology allows people to have 27. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report autonomy over information about themselves. How 2011”, 2012. information is disseminated, used, and visualized falls 28. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report into the hands of those who own it — activist research 2011”, 2012. suggests these people be who it directly impacts. 29. “Penal Code of Bhutan 2004,” n.d. Ensuring that gender variant communities own results 30. “Sex Tourism, an Emerging Vulnerability” n.d. of research allows them to disclose — or keep secret 31. Lines, 2015. — the information that truly matters to them. 32. Siraprapasiri et al., 2016. 33. Weniger et al. 1991. NOTES 34. Weniger et al. 1991. 1. Stryker and Currah, 2014. 35. “90-90-90: An Ambitious Treatment Target to Help End the 2. hiv.gov, 2017. AIDS Epidemic”, 2014. 3. hiv.gov, 2017. 36. “90-90-90: An Ambitious Treatment Target to Help End the 4. NIH AIDS Epidemic”, 2014. 5. Sharp and Hahn, 2011. 37. “UNAIDS Leadership”. 6. “HIV Treatment: Te Basics Understanding HIV/AIDS” n.d. 38. “UNAIDS Leadership”. 7. Sharp and Hahn, 2011. 39. Peletz, 2009. 8. Baral et al., 2013. 40. HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report 9. Nuttbrock 2018. 2011”, 2012. 10. Clark et al., 2017. 41. Peletz, 2009. 11. Hotton et al., 2013. 42. Peletz, 2009. 12. Nuttbrock 2018. 43. Peletz, 2009. 13. hiv.gov, 2017. 44. Peletz, 2009. 14. hiv.gov, 2017. 45. Jackson, 2011. SARAH GAO 11

46. Jackson, 2011. S1473-3099(12)70315-8. 47. Jackson 2011. Clark, Hollie, Aruna Surendera Babu, Ellen Weiss Wiewel, 48. “HIV and AIDS in Tailand” 2015. Jenevieve Opoku, and Nicole Crepaz. 2017. “Diagnosed 49. James et al. 2016. HIV Infection in Transgender Adults and Adolescents: 50. Stryker and Currah, 2014. Results from the National HIV Surveillance System, 2009- 51. Franklin 2016. 2014.” AIDS and Behavior 21 (9): 2774–83. https://doi. 52. World Health Organization, 2010. org/10.1007/s10461-016-1656-7. 53. Labuski and Keo-Meier, 2015. “Empowered: Trans Women & HIV.” 2018. Greater Tan AIDS 54. “HIV and AIDS in Tailand” 2015. (blog). March 26, 2018. https://www.greaterthan.org/stories- 55. Ocha and Earth 2013. empowered-trans-women-and-hiv/. 56. Ocha and Earth 2013. “HIV and AIDS in Tailand.” 2015. AVERT. July 21, 2015. 57. Totman 2011. https://www.avert.org/professionals/hiv-around-world/asia- 58. Ocha and Earth 2013. pacifc/thailand. 59. Ocha and Earth 2013. “HIV Treatment: Te Basics Understanding HIV/AIDS.” n.d. 60. Jarrin, 2016. AIDSinfo. Accessed November 8, 2018. https://aidsinfo.nih. 61. Jackson, 2011. gov/understanding-hiv-aids/fact-sheets/21/51/hiv-treatment- 62. Winter 2011. -the-basics. 63. Winter 2011. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Report 64. Winter 2011. 2011.” 2012. World Health Organization. 65. Winter 2011. Ho, Victoria. 2016. “Bangkok Gym Ofers Safe Space for 66. Winter 2011. Transgender Men Looking to Get Fit.” Mashable. June 20, 67. Kempadoo, 32. 2016. https://mashable.com/2016/06/20/transgender-gym- 68. Nemoto 2012. thailand/. 69. Nemoto 2012. Hotton, Anna L., Robert Garofalo, Lisa M. Kuhns, and Amy 70. UNAIDS 2007. K. Johnson. 2013. “Substance Use as a Mediator of the 71. Nemoto 2012. Relationship between Life Stress and Sexual Risk among Young Transgender Women.” AIDS Education and BIBLIOGRAPHY Prevention: Ofcial Publication of the International Society “90-90-90: An Ambitious Treatment Target to Help End the for AIDS Education 25 (1): 62–71. https://doi.org/10.1521/ AIDS Epidemic.” 2014. UNAIDS, 40. aeap.2013.25.1.62. 2017. 2017. “What Are HIV and AIDS?” HIV.Gov. May 15, Jackson, Peter. 2011. “Queer Bangkok after the Millennium: 2017. https://www.hiv.gov/hiv-basics/overview/about-hiv- Beyond Twentieth-Century Paradigms.” In Queer Bangkok, and-aids/what-are-hiv-and-aids. edited by Peter Jackson, 1–15. Silkworm Books. Aizura, Aren. 2010. “Feminine Transformations: Gender James, Sandy, Jody Herman, Susan Rankin, Mara Keisling, Lisa Reassignment Surgical Tourism in Tailand.” Medical Mottet, and Ma’ayan Anaf. 2016. “Te Report of the 2015 Anthropology 29 (4): 424–43. U.S. Transgender Survey.” Washington DC: National Center Baral, Stefan D, Tonia Poteat, Susanne Strömdahl, Andrea L for Transgender Equality. Wirtz, Tomas E Guadamuz, and Chris Beyrer. 2013. Jarrin, Alvaro. 2016. “Untranslatable Subjects: Travesti Access to “Worldwide Burden of HIV in Transgender Women: Public Health Care in Brazil.” Transgender Studies Quarterly A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.” Te Lancet 3 (3–4): 357–75. Infectious Diseases 13 (3): 214–22. https://doi.org/10.1016/ Kempadoo, Kamala. 2001. “Women of Color and the Global Sex 12 HIV RESEARCH ON KATHOEY IN THAILAND

Trade: Transnational Feminist Perpectives.” Meridians 1 (2): Ocha, Witchayanee, and Barbara Earth. 2013. “Identity 25-51. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40338451. Diversifcation among Transgender Sex Workers in Tailand’s Kulick, Don. 1998. Travesti: Sex, Gender, and Culture Among Sex Tourism Industry.” Sexualities 16 (1–2): 195–216. https:// Brazilian Transgendered Prostitutes. University of Chicago doi.org/10.1177/1363460712471117. Press. https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/ Peletz, Michael G. 2009. Gender Pluralism. Taylor & Francis. chicago/T/bo3621380.html. “Penal Code of Bhutan 2004.” n.d., 79. Lacombe-Duncan, Ashley. 2016. “An Intersectional Perspective on Pendse, Razia, Somya Gupta, Dongbao Yu, and Swarup Sarkar. Access to HIV-Related Healthcare for Transgender Women.” 2016. “HIV/AIDS in the South-East Asia Region: Progress Transgender Health 1 (1): 137–41. https://doi.org/10.1089/ and Challenges.” Journal of Virus Eradication 2 (Suppl 4): trgh.2016.0018. 1–6. Lemons, Ansley, Linda Beer, Teresa Finlayson, Donna Hubbard Reback, Cathy J., Dahlia Ferlito, Kimberly A. Kisler, and Jesse B. McCree, Daniel Lentine, and R. Luke Shouse. 2018. Fletcher. 2015. “Recruiting, Linking, and Retaining High- “Characteristics of HIV-Positive Transgender Men Receiving Risk Transgender Women Into HIV Prevention and Care Medical Care: United States, 2009–2014.” American Journal Services: An Overview of Barriers, Strategies, and Lessons of Public Health 108 (1): 128–30. https://doi.org/10.2105/ Learned.” International Journal of Transgenderism 16 (4): AJPH.2017.304153. 209–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/15532739.2015.1081085. Lines, L. 2015. “Prostitution in Tailand: Representations in “Sex Tourism, an Emerging Vulnerablity.” n.d. KuenselOnline Fiction and Narrative Non-Fiction.” ResearchGate. 2015. (blog). Accessed November 8, 2018. http://www. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/282795541_ kuenselonline.com/sex-tourism-an-emerging-vulnerablity/. Prostitution_in_Tailand_Representations_in_fction_and_ Sharp, Paul M., and Beatrice H. Hahn. 2011. “Origins of HIV narrative_non-fction. and the AIDS Pandemic.” Cold Spring Harbor Perspectives Meyerowitz, Joanne. 2004. How Sex Changed: A History of in Medicine: 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.1101/cshperspect. Transsexuality in the United States. Harvard University Press. a006841. Mizuno, Yuko, Emma L. Frazier, Ping Huang, and Jacek Siraprapasiri, Taweesap, Sumet Ongwangdee, Patchara Skarbinski. 2015. “Characteristics of Transgender Benjarattanaporn, Wiwat Peerapatanapokin, and Mukta Women Living with HIV Receiving Medical Care in the Sharma. 2016. “Te Impact of Tailand’s Public Health United States.” LGBT Health 2 (3): 228–34. https://doi. Response to the HIV Epidemic 1984–2015: Understanding org/10.1089/lgbt.2014.0099. the Ingredients of Success.” Journal of Virus Eradication 2 Namaste, Vivian. 2009. “Undoing Teory: Te ‘Transgender (Suppl 4): 7–14. Question’ and the Epistemic Violence of Anglo-American Stryker, Susan, and Paisley Currah. 2014. “Introduction.” TSQ: Feminist Teory.” Hypatia 24 (3): 11–32. Transgender Studies Quarterly 1 (1–2): 1–18. https://doi. Nemoto, Tooru, Taylor Cruz, Mariko Iwamoto, Karen Trocki, org/10.1215/23289252-2398540. Usaneya Perngparn, Chitlada Areesantichai, Sachiko Suzuki, Taweesit, Suchada. 2004. “Te Fluidity of Tai Women’s and Colin Roberts. 2016. “Examining the Sociocultural Gendered and Sexual Subjectivities.” Culture, Health & Context of HIV-Related Risk Behaviors among Kathoey Sexuality 6 (3): 205–19. (Maleto-Female Transgender Women) Sex Workers in Totman, Richard. 2011. Te Tird Sex: Kathoey: Tailand’s Bangkok, Tailand.” Te Journal of the Association of Ladyboys. Souvenir Press Ltd. Nurses in AIDS Care : JANAC 27 (2): 153–65. https://doi. “UNAIDS Leadership.” n.d. Accessed November 25, 2018. http:// org/10.1016/j.jana.2015.11.003. www.unaids.org/en/aboutunaids/unaidsleadership. Nuttbrock, Larry, ed. 2018. Transgender Sex Work and Society. Weniger, B. G., K. Limpakarnjanarat, K. Ungchusak, S. Harrington Park Press, LLC. Tanprasertsuk, K. Choopanya, S. Vanichseni, T. Uneklabh, SARAH GAO 13

P. Tongcharoen, and C. Wasi. 1991. “Te Epidemiology of HIV Infection and AIDS in Tailand.” AIDS (London, England) 5 Suppl 2: S71-85. Winn, Patrick. 2016. “Tis Gym in Tailand Is Stafed Exclusively by Transgender Men.” Public Radio International. June 15, 2016. https://www.pri.org/stories/2016-06-15/gym-thailand- stafed-exclusively-transgender-men. Winter, Sam. 2011. “Transpeople (Khon Kham-Phet) in Tailand.” In Queer Bangkok, edited by Peter Jackson, 250–67. Silkworm Books. World Health Organization, ed. 2010. HIV/AIDS among Men Who Have Sex with Men and Transgender Populations in South-East Asia: Te Current Situation and National Responses. New Delhi: World Health Organization, Regional Ofce for South-East Asia.

SARAH GAO MCMURTRY COLLEGE 2020

STUDY OF WOMEN, GENDER & SEXUALITY

Japan’s Labor Challenge Craig Joiner ABSTRACT After World War II, Japan, infuenced by the occupation of the Allied forces from 1945 to 1952 and the introduction of capitalism combined with democratic principles, exhibited unprecedented industrial and fnancial development from 1945 to 1992. During this era that would come to be known as the Economic Miracle, Japanese businesses implemented radical shifts in management strategies, most notably the implementation of life-long employment and an age-based wage system. Tese new strategies would inspire domestic competition and drive Japanese frms to dominate international markets, eventually elevating the Japanese economy to the second largest in the world. Te 1991 market crash and defation of the economic bubble, however, led Japan into an era marked by labor shortages, low productivity, and a growing number of irregular workers. In 2016, in order to fx these issues, the current Prime Minister Shinzo Abe introduced a series of changes known as the Realization of Work-style Reform. Te purpose of this paper is to analyze the potential and efect of the Work-style Reform.

INTRODUCTION century, beginning with the Economic Miracle of the In September of 2016, Japanese Prime Minister 1950s to 70s, followed by the emergence of Keiretsu, Shinzo Abe proposed the Work-style Reform and more recently, the accumulation and bursting of (Hataraki Kata Kaikaku), which aims to improve the Japanese economic bubble in the 1990s. Te latter the working conditions—wages, employee benefts, two sections will present the current labor situation and opportunities—of the rising number of irregular in Japan and examine the proposed legislation for workers in Japan.1 Te Work-style Reform also addressing the current challenges in Japan’s labor addresses the challenge of labor shortages caused force. Tese sections will analyze each component by the aging of Japan’s population and a rise in of the Work-style Reform, assessing its potential to the number of temporary workers threatening the increase productivity and expand Japan’s labor force. Japanese labor supply.2 Trough the reform, the government intends to strengthen regulations on THE ECONOMIC MIRACLE overtime, increase employee wages, and promote a healthier work-life balance for irregular workers.3 Tis ALLIED OCCUPATION in turn will attract more youth, women, and elderly to Te postwar era of Japan was marked by an the workforce. Will the labor reforms proposed by the unprecedented 40-year economic growth, lasting Shinzo Abe administration be efective in revitalizing from the mid-1950s until the end of the 20th century Japan’s large corporations and combatting its current in a period known as the Economic Miracle.4 With economic crisis? Tis study concerns the implications an average annual GDP increase of 9.2% over the of this multifaceted reform, and assesses its efcacy course of 20 years referred to as the high growth era, in resolving the aforementioned labor obstacles the rapid boom of the producer economic state was in Japan. In this paper, “irregular” will refer to any driven by the determination of state ofcials seeking worker that is not full-time, for any reason. In order to surpass western nations, particularly the United to closely study of the outcomes of this reform in a States, and raise Japan from the ashes of the disastrous historical context, the frst two sections of the paper WWII.5 Although many of the economic elements will examine the evolution of the postwar Japanese of the Economic Miracle originated before the war business industry and labor standards of Japanese as products of wartime preparation, the promotion society during three distinct stages of the 20th of Japan to the status of economic powerhouse was 15 16 JAPAN’S LABOR CHALLENGE catalyzed by the democratization and modernization opportunity to address more immediate concerns of Japan under the occupation of the Allied powers of economic reconstruction, thereby expediting its from 1945 to 1952.6 Eforts of the occupation were postwar recovery. It continues that such sentiment primarily pushed by the United States, which feared was further advanced by the Ministry of International a bitter Japan would be susceptible to the infuence of Trade and Industry (MITI), perhaps the most Soviet communism and thus opted for a conciliatory powerful institution in postwar Japan.12 Te Ministry approach, exonerating Emperor Hirohito from war used government funding and technology imported crimes.7 Most signifcant of the reforms brought from the west to encourage the success of private about during the occupation period, the postwar businesses, primarily steel and chemical industries, constitution of 1947 forced Japan to relinquish rights deemed as having potential for long-term success.13 to military power, and instead rely of the protection of Te government aid provided select Japanese the United States, as shown in the Yoshida Doctrine.8 industries with the fnancial and technological Along with demilitarization, new antitrust laws resources necessary to enter and compete in rapidly forced Japan to disband zaibatsu—large monopolies growing international markets, accelerating the which had historically exercised great infuence on Japanese economic growth rate, as will be discussed in state afairs—and reform its land distribution policy, the section below on keiretsu. requiring that all excess land be sold at fxed prices to the government for redistribution.9 Furthermore, THE EFFECTS OF WAR the establishment of the 1947 Labor Standards It is important to consider the series of Act compelled Japan to redefne national labor international confict during the 1950s, particularly standards and better accommodate laborers.10 Tough the Korean War and the Cold War between the signifcant, the Allies’ intervention and enforced state United States and Russia and their efect in East Asia, reform simply laid the ground work for what was soon when analyzing the revolutionary growth of Japan’s to blossom into the Japanese model of business. manufacturing industry. With the beginning of the Characteristic of this emerging business model Cold War, the United States introduced the Dodge were radical shifts in the investment mentality of Plan of 1948 as an interim method of accelerating company executives. Contrary to western philosophy, Japan’s economic independence, while simultaneously in Japan, businesses became primarily concerned with repatriating American aid to prepare for potential gaining market share as opposed to accumulating war with Russia. Tough the frst two years after the short-term profts.11 An in-depth analysis of the Dodge Plan were ridden with depression and labor occupation reveals that ironically, the ability to sustain unrest, the Korean War of 1950 led to a boom in the this long-term oriented mindset was due in large Japanese economy. Japanese production increased by part to the demilitarization under the allied forces 70% within one year, a result of the United States and the reliance on United States military, as the removing the ban on Japanese military production decrease in military-purposed funding provided the for the sake of procuring material and labor resources government the opportunity to instead invest funds during the Korean War. Tey also removed the ban in industrial development. Tis was strongly refected in light of the rapidly intensifying Cold War tension, in the Yoshida Doctrine, named after contemporary especially following the rise of the People’s Republic Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru during the Korean of China in 1949.14 Te total payments Japan received War of 1950 to 1953. Te doctrine maintained that during this period surpassed one billion USD.15 the lack of military obligation aforded Japan the Tough this procurement boom faded within a CRAIG JOINER 17 year, Japanese manufacturers continued to import amended to reduce restraints on certain cartels and technology from the west, modifying and integrating relax restrictions on acts that only slightly afected it into non-military industries in order to evolve low- competition between enterprises. Te state backed the cost mass production systems.16 While Japan had yet relaxation of antimonopoly laws and the subsequent to become the technology hub it is today, the ability of establishment of keiretsu—massive business Japanese frms to adapt and apply foreign technology conglomerates with trading companies, industrialists, proved essential to the facilitation of growth and and banks as primary stock and shareholders. Tis competitiveness of Japanese frms in the domestic and modifed government-industry relation, as compared international arenas, ultimately setting the stage for to a much tighter pre-war connection, thus enabling the Economic Miracle. postwar Japan to move forward in reconstructing the economy without wasting the assets that had been THE NEW BUSINESS MODEL - THE previously built. FORMATION OF KEIRETSU Formation of keiretsu inspired extreme market In addition to evolving capital and fnancial competition, as companies (kaisha) gained fnancial investment strategies, the Japanese government at the and networking advantages to undercut both national start of the 1950s moved to reform its relationship and international rivals. In order to fulfll potential, with domestic companies. It encourages a more the management style underwent two dramatic democratic relationship compared to the pre-war, changes. Te frst, the 1955 introduction of the Life- close-knit structure between the government and the long employment system (LLE; the author’s acronym), key industries held by zaibatsu or the large cartels served as a mechanism to enlarge the labor force. including Mitsui, Mitsubishi, and Sumitomo. Te Te LLE is an agreement between employers and antimonopoly act obligated Japanese frms to adopt employees to avoid fring or quitting from a company, a new form of management; corporate managers even during times of economic depression, until the would no longer inherit positions based on ancestry employee has reached retirement age.17 Under the and lineage, but rather be promoted in a merit-based LLE, recent graduates received training and education pattern. As expected, with more equal opportunity to develop skills specifc to the frms’ needs. Te to rise in the company ranks, employees became second shift in management was the implementation more competitive and productive. Tis elevation of of the senior-based wage system (nenkō joretsu); to be productivity was accompanied by better working referred to as “nenkō System”) under which employee conditions within frms compared to the pre-war wages are tied to the number of consecutive years period. they have worked in a company. Te nenkō system However, it was not a completely open system. and the LLE both embodied the Japanese cultural Toward the end of the occupation of Japan, the sense of loyalty and bonds, and employers were able to MITI argued that with its small territorial size and confdently establish and utilize teams to accomplish lack of natural resources, Japan could not allow long-term goals. free competition to govern its markets. In order to maximize efciency in the use of resources while THE ASSET BUBBLE reducing dependency on foreign providers, the MITI maintained that it was essential to limit competition RECENT HISTORY to a small number of large companies. Accordingly, Te extraordinary development and expansion in April of 1952, the Antimonopoly Act was of the Japanese economy continued until the start of 18 JAPAN’S LABOR CHALLENGE the 90s, when the bursting of the asset price bubble under the assumption that the high value of land occurred, severely and rapidly haltering Japan’s would ensure quick and large returns.19 With the economic growth. Te fnal fve years of the 1980s bursting of the bubble, they were unable to recover were marked as a period of substantial real estate the money, and instead encountered a massive amount price infation and intense economic activity. Te of loan defaults and plummeted asset values. Unlike bubble was largely the efect of eforts to stimulate the US, where the banks were protected under the the domestic demand of real estate agencies; at the pretext of them being too big to fail (as in the 2008 height of the economy, corporations were rich in Congressional measures), Japan saw successive trade surpluses, incentivizing banks to ofer them bankruptcy fles by many banks, including some major loans at extremely low interest rates, reaching 2.5% by ones. 1987. High confdence in the Bank’s monetary policy promoted aggressive speculation in real estate and MANAGEMENT ISSUES domestic stock markets, resulting in a massive 15% In the manufacturing industry, the increase annual increase in the value of real estate and fnancial in average income during the asset bubble invited assets. Responding to the trend of increasing land increases in consumption of domestic goods and value, property owners began to use land as collateral services. Te rapidly growing economy pressured when taking out inexpensive and readily available companies to meet simultaneously soaring demand. bank loans to buy more land or speculate the markets. Productivity of Japanese workers grew at rates of Tis cycle of using overvalued land for stock loan 4-5% per year during the height of the bubble, and collateral persisted, and the benchmark Nikkei 225 company executives even began to hire surplus of stock average reached a maximum of 39,000 in 1989. marginal employees under the pretense that the By that time, the Bank of Japan had begun to expanding economy would create future demand for express concern for the growing of the bubble and them—a phenomenon referred to as in-company tightened its monetary policy.18 Over the next two unemployment. Tese marginal employees remained years, the Nikkei stock plummeted 61% to 15,000, on company payrolls without doing actual work. resulting in the bursting of the real estate bubble and After the asset bubble began to defate, citizens a loss of trillions of yen. Over the next two decades, incurred signifcant fnancial losses. Consumption the Japanese real estate market continued to defate, and, consequentially, the manufacturing of goods reaching values as low as 10% of their 1989 climax also fell. With the decreased role of banks and the by 2004. A close analysis of the Japanese Bubble decline in company proftability, skeptical investors conducted by economist Shigenori Shiratsuka reveals demanded businesses to alter the LLE management that although increases in asset price have positive practice and adopt performance-based wage systems. impacts on the economy, with market downturn, these Particularly, the nenkō system guaranteed that impacts are outweighed by unexpected correction employees would receive wage increases based on of asset prices such as land. Tis is observed in the the number of years in the company, independent Japanese banks. Furthermore, in fnancial systems, of if the employee had been promoted or if their banks serve as absorbers of short-term fnancial performance merited a pay raise. Business executives shocks, which is done via the accumulation of internal began seeking methods to minimize labor costs, such reserves. However, during the height of the Economic as slashing employee wages. Average monthly wages Miracle, banks had made themselves vulnerable fell from a maximum of 900,000 yen in 1993 to just to large fnancial shock by loaning billions of yen above 700,000 in 2005.20 In some cases, employers CRAIG JOINER 19 dispatched workers to do community service work in JAPAN’S LABOR SHORTAGE exchange for keeping them on the payroll.21 Te most Te low labor morale as seen in the above section common form of labor cost reduction, though, has arrived hand in hand with an acute shortage of Japan’s been the reluctance to hire new workers. In all cases, working population. Shortages in Japan’s work force Japanese businesses have proven reluctant to reform have risen primarily as a result of the nation’s “super- the employment and wage systems. aging,” the phenomenon of long life expectancy coupled with low birthrates leading to a rapidly aging MODERN DAY JAPAN and declining population. Te country’s population of 127 million, 30% of which is above the age of 65, LLE AND NENKO SYSTEMS is predicted to fall by 33% over the next ffty years, Te LLE and nenkō systems, once responsible and the percentage of elderly citizens is expected to for propelling the Japanese economy into the rise to nearly 40%. Furthermore, as the average age of Economic Miracle, have proved to be efcient only Japan’s citizens increases, so does the age of its labor under conditions of continued economic growth and force, reducing overall labor efciency as well as the expansion, much like the circumstances under which total size of the labor force. In 2015, Japan’s working- they were incorporated into managerial practices. age population shrank to 77.2 million from a peak of Without these conditions, they reduce the fexibility 87.2 million in 1995, and is forecasted to fall further of Japanese businesses to replace unproductive and to 45.2 million by 2065.22 With unemployment at high-waged senior workers, or to adapt in size to ft 2.8%, the ratio of employment to job seekers at 1.59, varying demand for products and labor that emerge and a reluctance to employ foreign workers, Japanese in accordance with the introduction of technological businesses have turned to the growing population of advancements. Simply put, after the bursting of the irregular workers in eforts to reduce labor costs while economic bubble, Japanese businesses have entered meeting fuctuating product and labor demand. Once a period of economic stagnation with a surplus of at 15% in 1984, the percentage of irregular Japanese permanently-hired employees. Businesses’ reluctance laborers has risen to 40%.23 to reform management and wage systems have further Firms focused on long-term proft fnd value in hindered the recuperation of the Japanese economy. the relative inexpensiveness by which temp-workers Slashing wages in lieu of laying of excess or low- can be hired and fred without the need to provide the performing workers has only reduced the consumption expensive benefts given to regular workers, resulting power of citizens and the demand for Japanese goods in a disparity between regular and irregular workers and services. Refusal to hire new workers as full-time worse in Japan than in its peer developed countries. In has shut young Japanese citizens out of the labor a survey conducted by the Health Labor and Welfare force, forcing them to pursue irregular employment Ministry regarding the diversifcation of employment where possible. Furthermore, this has resulted in low forms, it was revealed that only 67.7% of the irregular worker productivity and competitiveness in Japanese workers polled were covered by unemployment frms, as senior workers are unmotivated by the threat insurance compared to 92% of full-time employees, of dismissal or being replaced by incoming, younger only 54.7% versus 99.3% had public health insurance, and more efcient workers. and only 52% were in the public pension scheme for corporate workers. 20 JAPAN’S LABOR CHALLENGE

PROPOSED REFORM POLICY to receive wages 40% less than those of regular workers performing the same tasks.27 Proponents OVERVIEW of Abe’s proposal argue that a merit-based system In September of 2016, Japanese Prime Minister will incentivize a larger percentage of the elderly to Shinzo Abe announced before the Council of re-enter the labor force, a necessary outcome given Realization of Work-style Reform his nine facet the nation’s steadily aging population.28 Te Health, action plan for the Realization of Work-style Labor and Welfare Ministry reported in a survey on Reform—(1) providing equal pay for equal work, diversifcation of employment forms that people 65 or (2) increasing wages, (3) setting limits on overtime, older accounted for 11.9% of the irregular workers, up (4) promoting reemployment to large capacity from 9.1% fve years earlier.29 A merit-based system, industries, (5) increasing fexibility of working styles, it is argued, will increase productivity through wage (6) facilitating equal gender and age employment incentives, and indirectly increase the participation in opportunity, (7) providing elderly employment, (8) the labor system. simplifying childcare and work balance, (9) addressing Te Asia-Pacifc Journal reports that draft employment of foreign personnel—designed to legislation derived from the 2016 proposal was revitalize the Japanese economy through changes in introduced in 2017. Te draft outlines employment the country’s labor laws.24 By improving the working equality in two clauses, both of which assume no conditions, wages, and job security of irregular diference between workers’ job description or workers, the reform, Abe contends, will promote employment ranking and their quality of work labor productivity and increase middle class economic produced. Te frst clause, “equal treatment,” is consumption. Tis proposal, which was approved relatively straightforward, forbidding employers by the council in March of 2017, came timely as from discriminating against irregular workers when Abe received criticisms for his failure to address the providing benefts such as transportation allowances issue of labor stagnation, an intricate pillar of his or condolence and sick leave. Te second clause, Abenomics campaign promise. In the remainder of referred to as “balanced treatment,” prohibits any this paper, I will closely examine this policy and assess “unreasonable” discrimination in treatment of its efects. ations which policy makers concerned employees.30 Te journal highlights that the ambiguity about global security cannot aford to ignore. of the phrasing has sparked concern, particularly within the National Confederation of Trade Unions, EQUAL PAY FOR EQUAL WORK and many have called for its rephrasing to closer At the crux of the administration’s push for resemble that of the European Union directive labor reform sits the notion of equal pay for equal on non-discrimination, which explicitly forbids work — a new wage system by which all employees, any discrimination against workers that cannot be regular or irregular, are payed equally based on the justifed via objective means.31 Te implementation of quality of service provided.25 Tis runs contrary to a radically diferent, merit-based wage system must Japan’s current nenkō system, under which labor come along with appropriate methods of employee remunerations and working conditions are determined labor evaluation, a particularly challenging feat for by an employee’s status as well as the number of Japan’s diverse labor markets. Abe has emphasized consecutive years worked in a given company.26 employer-employee transparency, demanding that if Under this system, temporary workers, which now a regular and irregular worker are treated diferently, compose 40% of Japan’s labor force, have continued employers inform workers of all factors considered in CRAIG JOINER 21 determining the diferential treatment.32 the contract could be renewed.38 Te reform was However, the newly proposed system, expected designed to increase job security, but as a consequence to become efective in 2019, has received backlash of frms’ reluctance to hire new workers, it actually from company executives, particularly in the service resulted in employment instability for many irregular and construction industries where irregular workers workers. are most prevalent. Tey argue that an increase in pay for irregular workers will increase the cost of SETTING LIMITS ON OVERTIME labor, resulting in product price increases as well as a Te second and most controversial impact of the decrease in sales and profts.33 In a survey conducted Abe work-style reform is the proposed restriction by Reuters Corporate, data revealed that as many of overtime to 100 hours a month. According to the as 41% of company executives expected an increase Japanese Times, the previous revisions to the Labor in labor cost while only 11% expected the reform to Standards Act which limited the total overtime to 720 decrease the costs. Reuters further reported that a hours a year—60 hours a month—proved inefective, few frms have begun to invest in technology such as as restrictions were readily relaxed during busy computer systems, robots, and artifcial intelligence operation periods, allowing employees to work up to in attempts to replace the need for hiring more 100 hours.39 Te Japanese Times further explains that workers while simultaneously increasing productivity, under the current Labor Standards Law, employees though such drastic measures will likely prove difcult are limited to 40 work hours a week, with a maximum to implement.34 Tis adversity to reformation is a allowed overtime of 45 hours a month upon written common trend within the Japanese business world; agreement between a company and its labor union. companies view irregular workers as low-cost, easy to However, if the company and labor union both agree hire and fre manpower that they can use to ft their to establish a “special clause,” workers are permitted temporary needs.35 to exceed the 45-hour limits for up to six months per Tis is not the Abe administration’s frst attempt year. As there is no legal maximum beyond the 45, the to improve the employment stability of irregular amount of overtime for these six months technically workers. A 2013 revision to Japan’s labor contract law has no limit.40 Tough Abe proclaims that the new requires companies to accept fxed-contract employees cap will be more strictly enforced than previous who have worked for the same employer for fve years attempts, the reform includes a clause for highly (since the law’s inception) as permanent employees professional industries such as fnancial dealers or if requested by the worker.36 Te revision, though researchers, which exempts them from the 100-hour it does require companies to convert the temporary cap.41 workers into full-time employees, does not oblige Tere are two primary criticisms against the employers to provide the newly converted employees proposed 100-hour cap. Te frst, as expected, is with equal salaries or working conditions as regular the skepticism of enforcement. Tough the council full-time employees.37 Even so, a survey conducted has maintained that violation of the limits will be by the Japanese Trade Union Confederation four punishable by law, opposing members claim that years later not only revealed that 80% of the polled the cap serves only a formality that, like similar fxed-contract workers were unaware of the revision, past revisions, will remain malleable, granting but also that 17% percent had been denied renewal exceptions to businesses during particularly busy of their worker contracts after the fourth year or had seasons.42 Additionally, 2017 OECD statistics been subjected to limitations on the number of times revealed that Japan ranks among the highest of 22 JAPAN’S LABOR CHALLENGE developed countries in terms of total annual working government institutions have also introduced policies hours per worker—1,713 hours—even though the that encourage employee relaxation, like Premium nation’s average GDP per capita remains low at only Friday, which required employees to clock out at $42,700.43 More alarming, GDP per hour worked, at 3pm on the last Friday of each month.50 However, only $41.60 USD, ranked Japan far below the OECD the 2017 reform’s call for a 100-hour limit appears average, and the worst among G7 countries.44 Tis is counterproductive in that it allows companies to force mostly in the service industry where a combination workers to surpass the 80-hour threshold, increasing of employment safety nets and white-collar work the risk of karōshi. culture prevent employees from optimizing time and increasing efciency.45 Tis highlights that a CONCLUSION high number of work hours is not indicative of high Te steadfast mentality of business executives productivity, nor does it imply high wages. Te 100- who refuse to renounce the traditional management hour cap on overtime, for which employees are highly style tailored to a period of economic growth that underpaid, is not guaranteed to increase productivity has long passed has limited the fexibility of frms to nor employee wages. adapt to changing international markets. Reluctance Te second source of criticism, and by far the most to repeal or at least modify the LLE or nenkō system pressing, is that the cap limit of 100 hours promotes has caused many businesses within “dead” industries an unhealthy work-life balance among workers. 100 to remain open in Japan, and restricted the nation’s hours of overtime is 20 hours more than what the potential for competitive growth that exists in other Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare considers capitalist countries. Refusal to fre employees stems safe for employees. According to the Ministry, any from the Japanese culture and its value in trust. more than 80 hours a month of overtime poses a Socially, it is also refective of Japan’s resistance to serious threat to the physical and mental wellbeing change, which also appears in the hesitance to better of employees, increasing their risk of karōshi, or accommodate irregular workers. Te elderly executives death by overworking.46 Karōshi, which emerged in and employees of modern day Japan began work the Japanese labor industry with the introduction during the age of the Economic Miracle. During that of capitalism and associated competitiveness among time, the actions of the labor force were motivated employees, has become a national concern as hundreds by a sense of unwavering devotion to one’s company of reports of suicides, heart attacks, and strokes linked and the increasing global competitiveness of Japan. to accumulation of fatigue and sleep deprivation are However, the mentality of Japanese youth is one recorded each year.47 Moreover, nearly a quarter of that seeks a healthy work-life balance. In a survey Japanese companies have confessed to employees conducted by the Health Labor and Welfare Ministry, working more than the 80-hour threshold each roughly 40% of surveyed irregular workers admitted month. Tough public opinion indicates a push for to choosing irregular employment for the fexibility government intervention, several companies have and convenience. Accommodation of irregular workers already taken measures to reduce karōshi risks among through higher wages and better benefts is essential their workers and provide more opportunities for to maximizing labor participation of elderly citizens work-life balance.48 Major companies such as Toyota in a nation with an increasingly aged labor force. enforce strict limits on total annual overtime, while Businesses that fail to acknowledge and accommodate others enact more micro-scale policies, such as playing this growing labor trend will only prolong the ofce recordings that urge staf to clock out.49 Indeed, economic stagnation and promote the labor shortages CRAIG JOINER 23 by deterring the Japanese youth and elderly to enter or of low productivity stems from the over protection rejoin the work force. of Japanese frms by the government, as well as It is also true that this stubbornness is facilitated inefcient work culture in the Japanese service sector. by a lack of explicit and assertive enforced government Domestic industries, such as the retail and agricultural policy. In suggesting the equal pay for equal work sectors, are protected from international competition system, the government fails to explicitly require the by government policy and subsidizing, ultimately removal and replacement of the current nenkō system. discouraging the need for the intense productivity that Te irregular workers, unlike LLE contract employees, is normally driven by competition. are not guaranteed employment. Tus, improving the Ultimately, the Abe administration’s proposed conditions of irregular workers, ultimately increasing Work-style Reform, by improving the working the labor input costs, will deter businesses from hiring conditions of irregular workers and enforcing an them. Without removing the nenkō system, the explicit limit on overtime for employees, possesses government allows companies to continue relying on the potential to rectify the labor shortage and low the already hired employees that are often sunk costs. productivity challenges currently diminishing the Te reform then, while it may improve the working global competitiveness of Japan’s labor industry conditions for irregular workers, will ultimately and the growth of Japan’s economy. However, the reduce the number of irregular workers that are hired, opportunity to achieve the reform’s goals continues proving more detrimental in the long-run. In addition to be obstructed by the stubbornness of business to its passive nature, characteristic of the Japanese executives and government passiveness. Tis beckons culture, the government’s leniency will also prevent reform on a more fundamental level—cultural and the labor reform from efectively resolving the nation’s educational reform. Otherwise, if the internalized labor issues. It can be seen though the current policy value of labor ethics by Japanese workers and regarding employee overtime that the government’s managers remains the same, a mere introduction of willingness to relax regulation for the sake of potential numerical labor regulation will not be efective. growth is quite high. Te labor reform’s exemption of high professionals NOTES from the 100-hour overtime cap is another example 1. (Adelstein 2018) of this fexibility. Such readiness to ofer exemption 2. (Kojima, North and Weathers 2017) reduces the legitimacy and efcacy of the reform. As 3. Ibid. the cap exceeds the 80-hour threshold, the potential 4. (Otsubo 2007) for exemption and leniency from the government 5. (Takada 1999) could perpetuate current issues of health within the 6. (Otsubo 2007) Japanese labor industry. Moreover, the government 7. (Gady 2015) fails to recognize that participation does not ensure 8. (Takada 1999) productivity. If the reforms do encourage young, 9. (Otsubo 2007) elder, and female workers to rejoin the work force, it 10. Ibid. does not necessarily follow that the production level, 11. (Otsubo 2007) per-capita GDP, will also increase. Japanese men 12. Is now the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) work some of the longest hours in the world, yet the 13. (Takada 1999) nation’s productivity levels still remain the lowest 14. (Kanji 2011) among the OECD and G7 members. Te challenge 15. Ibid. 24 JAPAN’S LABOR CHALLENGE

16. Ibid. what-you-need-to-know-about-japans-controversial- 17. (Koshiro 1984) proposed-labor-reform-laws/#5b3e8ec49dd0. 18. (Shiratsuka 2005) Cabinet Public Relations Ofce. 2016. Council for the Realization 19. Ibid. of Work Style Reform. September 27. https://japan.kantei. 20. (Trade Economics 2018) go.jp/97_abe/actions/201609/27article2.html. 21. (Tabuchi 2009) Cox, Simon. 2017. Japan’s productivity paradox. http://www. 22. (Miyamoto 2016) bnymellonimoutlook.com/economics/japans-productivity- 23. Includes temporary, part-time workers, and ex-retired re- paradox.aspx. employed workers Gady Franz-Stefan. 2015. Should the United States Be Blamed 24. (Cabinet Public Relations Ofce 2016) for Japan’s Historical Revisionism? August 15. https:// 25. (Kojima, North and Weathers 2017) thediplomat.com/2015/08/should-the-united-states-be- 26. (Miyamoto 2016) blamed-for-japans-historical-revisionism/. 27. Ibid. Hoang, Viet. 2012. KAROSHI: THE JAPANESE ARE DYING 28. (Kojima, North and Weathers 2017) TO GET TO WORK. January 26. https://www.tofugu.com/ 29. (Te Japan Times 2016) japan/karoshi/. 30. (Kojima, North and Weathers 2017) Inoue, Makiko, and Megan Specia. 2017. Young Worker Clocked 31. Ibid. 159 Hours of Overtime in a Month. Ten She Died. October 32. Ibid. 5. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/05/world/asia/japan- 33. (Kajimoto 2017) death-overwork.html. 34. Ibid. Kajimoto, Tetsushi. 2017. Japan Inc braces for labor reform, 35. (Te Japan Times 2016) plans to boost productivity -Reuters poll. April 20. 36. (Te Japan Times 2018) Accessed March 15, 2018. https://www.reuters.com/article/ 37. Ibid. us-japan-companies-labour-reuterspoll/japan-inc-braces- 38. Ibid. for-labor-reform-plans-to-boost-productivity-reuters-poll- 39. (Yoshida 2017) idUSKBN17M30G. 40. Ibid. Kanji, Akagi. 2011. “Te Korean War and Japan.” Seoul Journal of 41. (Adelstein 2018) Korean Studies 175-184. 42. (Te Japan Times 2017) Kojima, Shinji, Scott North, and Charles Weathers. 2017. “Abe 43. (OECD 2018) Shinzō’s Campaign to Reform the Japanese Way of Work.” 44. (OECD 2017) Te Asia-Pacifc Journal Volume 15. 45. (Cox 2017) Koshiro, Kazutoshi. 1984. “Foreign Labor Developments.” 46. (Te Japan Times 2017) Lifetime employment in Japan: three models of the concept. 47. (Okunuki 2016) August. https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/1984/08/rpt4full.pdf. 48. (Hoang 2012) Miyamoto, Hiroaki. 2016. Reforming Japan’s dual labour market. 49. Ibid. December 23. http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2016/12/23/ 50. (Inoue and Specia 2017) reforming-japans-dual-labour-market/. OECD. 2018. Average annual hours actually worked BIBLIOGRAPHY per worker. May 1. https://stats.oecd.org/Index. Adelstein, Jake. 2018. What You Need To Know About Japan’s aspx?DataSetCode=ANHRS. Controversial Proposed Labor Reform Laws. March 1. —. 2017. GDP per hour worked. December 31. https://data.oecd. https://www.forbes.com/sites/adelsteinjake/2018/03/01/ org/lprdty/gdp-per-hour-worked.htm. CRAIG JOINER 25

Okunuki, Hifumi. 2016. Time to consign ‘death by overwork’ to Japan’s history. October 23. https://www.japantimes. co.jp/community/2016/10/23/issues/time-consign-death- overwork-japans-history/#.WujUMqQvyUm. Otsubo, Shigeru T. 2007. Post-war Development of the Japanese Economy. Nagoya, April. Shiratsuka, Shigenori. 2005. “Te asset price bubble in Japan in the 1980s: lessons for fnancial and macroeconomic stability.” Bank for International Settlements 42-62.

CRAIG JOINER DUNCAN COLLEGE 2019

ASIAN STUDIES, MATERIALS SCIENCE & NANOENGINEERING

The Dynamic Role of Chinese National Oil Companies in Central-Provincial Institutional Relationships Coleman Lambo ABSTRACT In its maturing economy, the People’s Republic of China is restructuring its energy sector to accommodate consumption levels and sustain economic growth. At the heart of this reorganization are the Chinese national oil companies (NOCs) which have traditionally driven economic growth and undergirded both the state’s and the Communist Party of China’s legitimacy. As a result, NOCs have played a defning role in the institutional relationship between the central government and provincial governments. Tis paper seeks to assess the implications of the central-provincial relationship through utilizing Douglas North’s theory of institutional change. Tis paper concludes that the central government is the superior actor and the provinces are the subordinate actors in guiding NOC actions. At the theoretical level, the paper also fnds that policy stoppage can still occur in spite of the asymmetrical power dynamic in favor of the central government. Tis implies that there is inefciency in the central-provincial relationship that could impede future policy implementation in the absence of institutional reforms.

2025 as one of its green initiatives.3 Ostensibly, the INTRODUCTION People’s Republic of China (PRC) is preparing to Now more than ever, the dynamics of Chinese move away from the industry that was integral to its domestic politics are shaped by energy intensive economic climb after the Communist Revolution. For industrialization. At the beginning of the 21st century, the immediate future, oil is going to continue to be the rapid expansion of China’s industrial output a key societal commodity, but the notion of the end bolstered the power of the Chinese Communist of the hydrocarbon era begs the question of how the Party (CCP) and its one party control of the national oil industry afects the institutions of the society it government. However, since the global fnancial crisis powers? of 2008-2009 a “new normal” of slower economic When considering the status of China’s growth has changed the landscape of domestic domestic oil industry, the relevant oil producers and politics and forced the national government to governmental bodies need to be taken into account. reform its economic and political relationships.1 At Specifcally, national oil company is going to be the heart of this economic transition is the Chinese primarily referring to the three largest state-owned oil energy sector- particularly oil. Te Chinese energy companies in China: the China National Petroleum industry is increasingly looking to resources abroad Corporation (CNCP), Sinopec, and the China and alternatives to hydrocarbons to meet domestic National Ofshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC). For energy consumption in the face of falling domestic simplicity, the national government which includes oil production. Domestic production of crude oil in the relevant governmental bodies and the ruling China was only be able to meet 29.7% of domestic Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will be referred demand in 2018 and was surpassed by foreign to as the central government. Lastly, the Provincial assets controlled by Chinese national oil companies governments are essential to understanding the (NOCs).2 Simultaneously, in 2018, China was development and current implications of Chinese responsible for over half of the world’s one million NOCs because this is the level of government charged electric car sales and has government backing to with implementing policy and managing the economy reach seven million electric cars in the country by to a far greater extent than the central government. 27 28 CHINESE NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES

Te primary point of interest in this paper is nature of institutions and organizations, institutional crystallizing the institutional relationship between the theory can be applied to the role of the oil industry provincial governments and the central government during the incipience of the People’s Republic of because it is only in conjunction that energy and China (PRC). Te oil industry was a key economic economic policies can be fully efective. After factor in Maoist China and supported the Communist establishing the institutional central-provincial and state-centric institutions of the time. Te industry relationship, the role of Chinese NOCs relative to this was one of the main non-agrarian based sources of institutional linkage will be assessed. revenue for the state and also provided domestic In order to determine the role of Chinese national energy which enabled the maintenance of autarky in oil companies in the context of central-provincial China’s closed planned economy to be made more Government relations, this paper will use the theory feasible. Te epitome of the oil industry’s infuence of institutional change proposed by Douglas C. was the Daqing oil feld which was discovered ten North. North’s theory rests upon the bidirectional years after the establishment of the PRC. Te Daqing relationship between institutions and organizations feld Oilfeld Management Bureau alone provided within a society. An institution is defned in this the largest fnancial payments to the state of any context as a formal or informal “humanly devised industrial enterprise by the 1960s and provided no constraint” that “structures human exchange[s].”4 In less than 3% of total state revenue during the 1980s.8 turn, an organization is outlined as simply as “groups Concurrently, the political institutions installed at of individuals bound by some common purpose to the beginning of the PRC defned the operations of achieve objectives.”5 Te loose parameters for an Chinese oil felds. Chinese oil felds were managed by organization allow political, economic, and social Oilfeld Management Bureaus which were under the bodies to all fall under the structure of North’s theory. supervision of Petroleum Ministers of the Petroleum Te pith of the institutional change theory lies Ministry (for upstream afairs) and the Petrochemical in the bidirectional capacity for institutions and Ministry (for downstream).9 As a result of this organizations to alter each other. Institutions make integration between Chinese oil enterprises and the up the framework of a society’s operations and state, oil was produced with the goal of providing control the “rules of the game” by which organizations public services which included educational, medical, function under. Tis denotes that institutional transportation, research, design services, and other structures also dictate the incentive system through public goods in addition to energy provision.10 which organizations defne their objectives and While revenue generation and production efciency determine the confguration of their operations.6 were important considerations, they were not the Concurrent with these infuences, organizations primary goals of Chinese oil production because of can gradually change established institutions at the conditions provided by collectivist institutions. the margins through mobilizing and directing Te incentive system was molded to prioritize public resources to nudge the course of the society in a welfare and supporting the state above corporate benefcial direction.7 Te expected benefts are a growth and development. key caveat to the organization’s ability to change a Tis paper utilizes the institutional change theory society’s institutions. Without expected benefts, the because the framework of this model allows for organization is better of expending resources in the multiple institutions to be analyzed at the same time status quo and reap a return on investment. and also ofers the optimal level of analysis for the To contextualize this idea of the bidirectional case study of the infuence of Chinese national oil COLEMAN LAMBO 29 companies (NOCs) on the institutional relationships model is to determine decision making factors and the between provincial governments and the national extent of principal-agent cooperation. However, this government. Te institutional relationship between theory is not preferable to the institutional change the two government actors simply needs to be theory because of several key reasons. Similar to the established and then the changes or lack thereof incompatibility of the corporate governance theory caused by NOCs can be analyzed. with this paper’s research question, the principal-agent Competing theories commonly used for analyzing theory is built to analyze two distinct actors or groups the relationship between Chinese NOCs and the in a hierarchical structure. Moreover, the principal- central government include the corporate governance agent theory is not ideal because of the historical roots theory and the principal-agent theory. Te corporate of Chinese NOCs. Unlike the typical formation of governance theory is primarily concerned with the national oil companies, Chinese NOCs are a product ownership structure of organizations in the context of the separation of industries and the government of China is often applied to determine the efciency rather than the nationalization of the industry. of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs).11 Terefore, the divide between the role of the principal Tis theory is efective in determining the market actor and the agent is imprecise because of the efciency of frms because it assesses the diference political capital that Chinese NOC ofcials possess in managerial incentives between frm managers and within the Chinese Communist Party.15 As a result, government supervisors.12 However, the institutional oil companies such as CNCP, Sinopec, and CNOOC change theory is still preferable because the corporate have remained largely autonomous since their creation governance theory lacks the ability to robustly preventing Chinese NOCs to be categorized as simply reconcile multiple actors that are not connected in a agents of the central government. linear hierarchical structure. Additionally, the theory Douglas North’s institutional change theory is would need to account for a gradient in the level relatively the optimal framework to apply to this of corporatization that individual Chinese NOCs analysis of Chinese NOC’s infuence on central- have reached. For example, CNCP and Sinopec have provincial relations; nonetheless, there are faws struggled to streamline their workforce and social in the model that need to be made lucid before its programs which hinder their transition to a more application. Tis paper seeks to avoid the threat corporatized frm while CNOOC has been more able of institutional determinism and is cognizant to to resemble a corporation due to their smaller initial exogenous factors that can infuence central-provincial workforce and remote drilling locations of-shore.13 relations as well as the economic and political impacts Lastly, the focus on market efciency ignores the that derive from the institutions involved.16 existence of embedded institutional incentives that ofer benefts for non-efcient actions. DISCUSSION Te principal-agent theory is also primarily an To begin this analysis, we need to establish economic theory that emerged during the 1970s the institutional bonds between the provincial and relies on the structure of a principal actor and governments and the central government before we a subordinate agent. Te main relationship in this can qualify the role of Chinese NOCs. China has model is defned by a principal actor delegating undergone dynamic political changes nationally since limited decision-making powers to the agent with the unifcation of the Chinese heartland over two the assumption that the agent will then uphold the thousand years ago under Qin Shihuangdi.17 However, specifc goals of the principal actor.14 Te goal of this one of the enduring facets of Chinese society is the 30 CHINESE NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES

“deep structures of providence and county.”18 Counties nomenklatura system, the sub-regional pluralism in the People’s Republic of China still resemble the politically and economically still persist at the country-level units that were founded during the Qin provincial level.25 and their complementary territorial administrations- Henan providence is one clear case example of providences, have also endured since the Yuan this deviation from national policy. Henan Providence Dynasty. Tis, despite eforts that continue to this day was considered one of the model providences during to centralize the expansive country, providences have the reign of Mao as it fully integrated the nation retained a local identity and political norms within socialist model of development into its local economy, the broader national context.19 policies, and institutions.26 However, soon after when Despite their historic individuality, provincial the central government sought to reform the Chinese governments are constitutionally weak and are subject economy and transition it to be more market- to direct supervision and political control by the oriented under Deng Xiaoping, the Henan providence central government. Specifcally, provincial leadership continued on its egalitarian trajectory and deviated is selected by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from the reformists. A lack of political will to purge through its nomenklatura system. Te nomenklatura Maoist loyal ofcials and implement central policies system is a selection mechanism that allows the caused the Chinese Communist Party to replace the CCP to maintain its political monopoly in Chinese Henan leadership in full in 1978.27 Despite exercising politics by selecting loyal and competent members autarchic political action against Henan leadership to key political positions or dismissing disruptive and assiduously pushing the providence towards members.20 Te system was formalized in 1955 by the structural reform, the providence continued to pursue CCP and mimicked the Soviet Union’s established its own course. Region-specifc policies remained nomenklatura system.21 Te nomenklatura system prioritized above nationally designated initiatives is essentially a political institution that the central throughout the reform era.28 government utilizes to align the incentive structure Henan’s embrace of regionalism is not a singular of politics with the party’s interests. Admittance to event. A similar reluctance to market reforms that the party is accompanied with a myriad of personal were initiated by Deng Xiaoping can be witnessed monetary and social benefts which promotes personal in Heilongjiang providence and Yunnan providence conformity to party norms and professionally for example.29 Tis phenomenon of provincial upholding party interests.22 prioritization is termed as “locally-fragmented Tis selection system is critical in the context authoritarianism” and is only exasperated by of maintaining national cohesion because control centrifugal economic forces within China.30 over the provincial governments is a necessary Tis tendency towards regionally-oriented policy prerequisite to implementing and meeting national has not gone unnoticed by the central government. policy objectives.23 Te provincial governments have While the cited providences of Henan, Heilongjiang, historically adhered to national directives but have and Yunnan resisted Central initiatives, the faltered when there is a divergence when a confict implementation of market reformation in fact granted of interest arises. Tis localism, or the sacrifcing providences a large amount of latitude in terms of of central policies in favor of local interests, can the how to meet national goals of privatization and only result in the downward political mobility for economic performance. Te movement towards a provincial ofcials if not political termination.24 market economy came through the decentralization Despite the incentivized structure created by the of economic powers during the 11th Central COLEMAN LAMBO 31

Committee Tird Plenum in 1978.31 With the in 1978 to a mere 12.6% in 1993.37 relaxation of government control, local governments Te development of these economic divides in were allowed to pursue specialized economic policies China was considered a required stepping stone in without pushback or recourse from Beijing. In the overarching economic ascent towards national place of national initiatives, providences embraced prosperity. On his tour of Southern China in 1992, the mindset of “local state corporatism” which was Deng Xiaoping emphasized the need for developing an interventionist style of small-scale economic Coastal providences initially to later leverage their development. Local development oriented toward wealth to elevate the nation as a whole.38 Tis revenue maximization, supported by the central economic strategy was institutionalized through government reforming its fscal system to allow coastal biases in China’s 5-year plans from the ffth marginal revenue to remain in provincial cofers.32 plan in 1976 until the seventh 5-year plan.39 Te PRC at the national level experienced Te macroeconomic growth that the Chinese unprecedented growth in the coming decades economy experienced garnered legitimacy for the as a result of decentralization and subsequently Chinese Communist Party during the reform era, the integration with the world market. However, but simultaneously produced a centrifugal force this economic success was distributed unequally. that threatened national integrity. Te unbalanced Te combination of decentralization and economic development among providences produced internationalization of Chinese markets produced under-developed providences which resented the provincial winners and losers.33 Provincial coastal bias institutionalized by the party and high performance varied due to comparative advantages developed providences that utilized their economic between territories, resource distribution, and the weight to assert more autonomy.40 Currently, allowing handling of economic policies during the transition for further inequality between the coastal providences an open market, but a clear regional disparity was and inland China will result negatively on economic produced between the coastal, central, and western growth in the short, middle, and long term.41 Te region.34 persistence of negative economic efects as a result of Te coastal providences on balance “won” in terms one-sided economic planning policy will only further of economic development and overall wealth, followed add pressure on the central government’s relationship by the central, and then lastly the western providences. with marginalized providences. In the wake of Between 1978-1990 the average trade-to-GDP ratio providences becoming relatively weaker, the “winner” for coastal providences was 15.7% and would swell to from decentralization and international trade have an average of 46% between 1991-2004. In contrast, incentivized to have to disassociate from the economic the entirety of inland China benefted from an average drag of poor performing provincial counterparts. As a trade-to-GDP ratio share of 3.6% and then later result, heighten inequality in the setting of economic grew to reach 9.8%.35 To compound this economic liberalization in China could push subnational entities disparity, coastal provinces were the primary target such as providences to disassociate from the PRC of foreign direct investment due to their accessibility in order to maximize their economic potential.42 In (FDI).36 Lastly, the ability for the central government response to these centrifugal forces that threaten the to of-set these growth disparities was limited by fscal monopoly control of CCP and the national integrity decentralization and later fscal contraction during of the country, the central government has notably the 1980s which caused the government budgetary utilized its fnancial, fscal, and political institutions to revenue as a total share of GDP to drop from 31.2% reconsolidate domestic political power. 32 CHINESE NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES

Financially, the central government in recent on central and western China is not only visible in years has been employing its banking resources to specifc policy actions but also in China’s current facilitate growth and structural development in the 5-year plan. One key focus is holistic coordinated periphery of China.43 Chinese banks, with are a mix development supported by government initiatives of western banking practices with Chinese state such as “urbanization, the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei control, have been directed to redouble investments in megaregion, the Yangtze Economic Belt initiative, rural and underdeveloped areas in China. Specifcally, and the Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century the State Council has an institutionalize vertical Maritime Silk Road initiative.”48 Tese initiatives seek control of the “Big Four” banks: the Bank of China, to expand economic opportunities in inner China (BOC), the China Construction Bank (CCB), the through greater connectivity with have simultaneously Agricultural Bank of China (ABC) and the Industrial given better access to jobs and housing as well as and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC).44 One of the ease the fow of capital and business to more remote key aspects of this fnancial investment is in regards areas. Tis connectivity will have the overall efect of to provincially operated SOEs. Te fnancing of incorporating traditionally isolated markets into the provincial start-up SOEs aims to create or stimulate wider domestic demand for goods and investment.49 markets in sluggish local economics. Since the fscal Te fnal reaction by the central government in and taxation reforms of 1994 under Premier Zhu the face of centrifugal forces is tightening political Rongji, local governments have been unable to run control over subnational governments which are being defcits or sell local bonds. Tis constricts the available empowered by their pecuniary advantage. Te most funds that can be used to fnance local SOEs; a void noteworthy shift in maintaining political preeminence that Chinese banks, under the direction of the central is the targeting of new bases of support for the party. government, and the China Developmental Bank For the past two decades, party recruitment has have sought to fll.45 Specifcally, Chinese fnancial been expanding around the developing educated and institutions are able to buy bad loans of of SOEs and urban middle-class Chinese citizen and the rising minimize their investment risk. Tis, in turn, allows entrepreneurs.50 Tis inclusion of a wider audience them to remain in play in the local economy despite into the party runs the risk of possibly disrupting gross inefciencies or misallocation of resources.46 the taut discipline in the party ranks. Terefore, as a Fiscal institutions are another avenue for the precaution, the party has coupled with recruitment central government to direct resources to the weakest efort with favorable salary benefts and deep areas of the country and to maintain national control integration of new members into the nomenklatura through an interregional distribution of state revenue. system to give the party more power over rising As part of the taxation reforms in 1993, there was Chinese executives.51 Te nomenklatura system a dramatic rearrangement of revenue collection provides the CCP with power over an individual’s causing a signifcant amount of locality revenue to career prospects. However, Chinese business leaders be redirected to the central government. As a result, possess a signifcant amount of clout within the party locality revenue fell from a share of 78% in 1993 to and are not simply puppets of the party. Leaders 45% in 2002.47 Tis infux of centralized revenue within large SOEs or strategic industries such as was not collected solely for the purpose of domestic petroleum, electricity production, steel, weaponry, or development but greatly contributed to the budget automobiles, for example, already possess a higher available for interregional distribution to equalize status than many established party members and the provincial economic disparities. Tis refocusing CEO’s of these companies are even given vice- COLEMAN LAMBO 33 minister or minister status.52 Te level of CEO energy production and the state assumed an indirect infuence can be seen by the obstruction of regulatory management tactic.55 agencies that would cut into major SOE profts; a Recentralization of the Chinese oil industry has prime example being the defanging of the National been attempted with the creation of the National Energy Administration (NEA) which was charged Energy Leading Group (NELG) in 2005; however, with monitoring Chinese NOCs.53 Te implication the group was primarily a research and advisory of this tightening of political ties is to recognize that panel with no direct authority over policy-making Chinese NOCs ofcials would further move towards or law enforcement. Instead of strengthening the the central government’s agenda not only because position of the central government, the NELG of the incentives but also because of the possible caused fractionalization in energy regulation and repercussions of being pushed out by new recruits. bureaucratic overlap.56 Te inefective nature of the Te institutional relationship between provincial NELG prompted its replacement which was through governments and the central government can be promoting the Energy Bureau to the level of vice- distilled into two primary branches before bring ministerial rank and renamed the National Energy in the implications of Chinese NOCs; there is the Administration (NEA). Pushback from the Chinese central government’s political control over local NOCs prevented the newly created regulatory organ politics through the nomenklatura system and there to possess any actionable power like its predecessor.57 are several economic institutions that facilitate As a result, the NEA has made a minimal impact economic development in the context of economic on the process of energy policy and the regulation decentralization. Tese institutions are all currently of Chinese oil giants. In the aftermath of the NEA, weathering economic and political centrifugal forces which is still functioning today, and the hazard of which are causing a fssiparous situation on the energy security the National Energy Commission subnational scale. (NEC) was created in 2010 to coordinate relevant Now that the bilateral relationship between actors and draft strategic energy security plans such provincial and the central government is established, as seeking hydrocarbon and other energy assets we can turn to the role of Chinese national oil abroad. Te NEC is not a regulator organ and has companies in this institutional bridge between no direct control over Chinese NOCs; however, governments. Since their inception, Chinese the commission’s agenda has been embraced by NOCs have been regarded as largely autonomous Chinese NOCs nonetheless.58 Te presence of two organizations despite their connection to the state. high ranking Politburo members in the commission Te NOCs are subject to government-mandated marks the clout that the commission possesses and reorganization such has when CNCP was directed the represent large potential political repercussions if to exchange upstream assets for part of Sinopec’s Chinese NOCs pushback.59 downstream refneries in 1998 to become vertically Tus, Chinese NOCs are well-poised to create competitive with one another.54 However, the Chinese institution change because of their access to high state does not have omnipotent control over the levels of capital, their political ties to the CCP, NOCs. Chinese NOCs have been free from direct and their relatively autonomous position within central government control since the Petroleum the Chinese political-economic sphere. However, Ministry and Petrochemical Ministry was stripped while formal institutional constraints are not been of their regulatory powers. Te Ministries were able to direct the actions of Chinese NOCs, the then downgraded to an Energy Bureau to oversee nomenklatura system allows the CCP to retain 34 CHINESE NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES informal control over the organizations.60 Terefore, to take recourse against national oil companies Chinese NOCs are not agents that represent the due to judiciaries being appointed through the central government, but rather that Chinese NOCs nomenklatura system.66 Tis causes there to not be an have no incentive to go directly against CCP’s independent mechanism to settle disputes between interests. In other words, the objectives of the Chinese two CCP entities. Terefore, there is no consistent NOCs are being defned by the incentive structure accountability for negative externalities produced that Chinese institutions provide them. by national oil companies such as environmental or Executives in CNCP, Sinopec, and CNOOC ecological damage because of a lack of political and strategically concentrate their resources and political legal support for the providences. capital on issues that are of the utmost importance. Chinese NOCs have few if any incentives to Namely, the prevention of detrimental institutions take on economic costs in order to beneft provincial such as energy regulatory organs.61 Tis institution territories and to produce institutional change threatens not only the marginal revenue that NOCs there needs to be an actor investing in change at earn by possibly raising production standards, the margins.67 In result, there is a tri-lateral confict but would also open the door for inquiries on of interest and an overall exasperation of already undeclared profts in overseas oil and asset sales.62 strained relationships. Tis is an inefcient point of Tis ability to gain profts without making payments operating for all three actors. Chinese NOCs seek to to the government is a result of Chinese fnancial maximize profts by minimizing costs irrespective of institutions. During the 1994 tax reform, the State the externality. Te central government will support Council Ruled that SOEs were no longer required ventures that enhance energy security or regional to remit their after-tax profts to the government. development but also hope to quell disgruntled Essentially, opening the door for companies to hoard citizens. Lastly, the providences will seek legal funds through not paying their dividend.63 recourse to be able to cover costs incurred but at Te political institution of the nomenklatura the end of the day provide the needed energy. As and the ability to generate untaxed revenue both it stands, “China’s decentralization has resulted in create an incentive structure that neither promotes increased competition and confict between local market efciency for Chinese NOCs nor fosters for government and central government, and between institutional change because there would be no clear corporate headquarters and local departments and return on investment. subsidiaries.” 68Te political-institutional provincial- When provincial government systems are center relationship has evolved to where the central introduced to this amalgam, confict as a result of government is dominant with its nomenklatura system divergence interests arise. Because of their status as while the provincial government can resist and deviate a state-owned enterprise, Chinese NOCs are given from central government mandates with a limited administrative monopolies over the hydrocarbon and latitude. Terefore, until the incentive system changes, natural gas infrastructure in China.64 Tis structural there is unlikely going to be an institutional change or lack of plurality in the oil industry eliminates the a successful provincial-led campaign. provincial government and their local energy supplier Politically, the Chinese national oil companies from having bargaining power during negotiations or do not interfere with the political goals of the central consultations with Chinese NOC representatives.65 government but will be willing to exploit providences To compound this issue, providences do not have with either the support or the absence of objection access to a stable and predictable legal framework by the central government as according to the theory COLEMAN LAMBO 35 of institutional change. In terms of the nomenklatura of credit with countries ranging from Brazil, Ecuador, system, the Chinese NOCs will not push for and Venezuela to Russia and Turkmenistan to secure institutional reform because they beneft from having future petroleum sales to CNPC.72 Tis result is high ranking CCP ofcials in strategic positions and essentially a feedback loop with a large portion of will stand lose substantially if the CCP decides to the loan being used to purchase refnery technology, purge the leadership of the Chinese NOCs.69 training, pipelines, or exploratory equipment from Ostensibly, Chinese NOCs do not cooperate well Chinese NOCs.73 A similar incentive is present in the with provincial governments but this is in the context development of inner Chinese providences and their of energy infrastructure and negative externality previously inaccessible markets. management. Chinese NOCs do promote institutional Te central government has created the conditions change in favor of provincial governments when they to naturally incentivize Chinese NOCs to construct invest in the local economy. As mentioned before, energy infrastructure. Not only does this open the way after the national tax reform of 1994, provincial for monetary gains from government sponsored bank governments sufered a serious fscal blow with the loans but also foreign direct investment (FDI) for central government absorbing a higher percentage Chinese NOCs. At the beginning of 2017, Chinese of the tax revenue.70 In the absence of local property NOCs including CNCP, Sinopec, and CNOOC taxes, many provincial governments had few streams have sought to augment private investment through of revenue. Tis is where local oil production mixed-ownership investment.74 New investment subsidiaries and oilfeld companies were inclined to is critical for NOCs to receive in order to remain contribute to the local government and grant the competitive with the resource at the disposal of local government some resources to compensate for international oil companies.75 Te development of the loss.71 While this is not support of localism, it not only the local economies in inner China but also is providing the provincial government with some grand scale projects that require heavy construction economic autonomy which is often a prerequisite and energy infrastructure will attract Chinese NOCs for political autonomy or locally-fragmented as development continues and foreign and domestic authoritarianism policies. investment becomes more available.76 Te central government’s strategic investment in developing inner Chinese providences is composed CONCLUSION of fnancial institutional aid, fscal interregional Chinese domestic politics is experiencing distribution, and large coordinated government increasingly disorderly in the contemporary initiatives. Te role of Chinese NOCs in these global economic environment. At the heart of this interweaving institutions is to follow the road already intersection of domestic politics and economics carved by these institutions because it ofers the least development are the institutions created around resistance and maximum proftability. Chinese NOCs. Utilizing Douglas North’s Chinese NOCs have an extensive working history institutional change theory, it becomes clear that the with the PRC’s fnancial and fscal institutions. In role of Chinese national oil companies is dependent recent year, fnancial institutions such the China on the incentive structure that the central-provincial Development Bank have secured massive loans with institutions constitutes. Regarding the NOCs’ role in mineral rich nations with repayment in the form of the political-economic institutional relationship, the oil-for-payment energy loans. Between 2009 and 2011 NOCs aligned themselves closely with the central alone, the CDB has extended over $75 billion worth government because the nomenklatura system grants 36 CHINESE NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES the central government exclusive power over the institutions that primarily guides the organization, an Chinese NOCs. In contrast, provincial governments inefcient point can still arise. Terefore, institutional were the subordinate actors due to the institutional reassessment needs to occur in conjunction with constraints and were less desirable to align with. Tis reformations to organizations in order to avoid is not to say that they are not totally subordinate to inefcient points of divergence. the central government. Chinese domestic politics has a deep history of provincial identity and localism NOTES which is amplifed in the context of regional oil 1. Steven J. Balla, “Is Consultation the New Normal: Online production. However, since the 1950s, the institutional Policymaking and Governance Reform in China” Journal of central-provincial relationship was slanted in favor Chinese Political Science/Association of Chinese Political Studies, of the central government and naturally caused the Issue 22, 2017. 376. NOCs to prefer the central government. As for the 2. Irina Slav, “China Now Produces More Oil Abroad Tan At economic relationship between the providences and Home” OilPrice.com, May 13th, 2018: https://oilprice.com/Energy/ the central government, there was a clear disparity in Energy-General/China-Now-Produces-More-Oil-Abroad-Tan- economic development between provincial territories At-Home.html which is masked by rapid national growth. Tis led 3. Ying Tian, and Anne Cronin, “China’s Drive to Become the to the rise of centrifugal forces that socially and Detroit of Electric Cars” Bloomberg Technology, Feb. 26th, 2018: economically challenged the integrity of the state and https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-02-27/china-s- the power of the Chinese Communist Party. Tus, drive-to-become-the-detroit-of-electric-cars-quicktake the institution relationship between the two levels of 4. Douglas North. Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic governing was based on the premise of stabilization. Performance (Cambridge University: Cambridge University Press, Te tightening of political ties clearly would bring 1990). 3. Chinese NOC ofcials closer to the Communist Party 5. Ibid, 5. again because of the incentive system. Concurrently, 6. Ibid, 76. the economic institutions being utilized: fnancial, 7. Ibid, 73. fscal, and the 5-year plans were all aimed at 8. Hou Li, Building For Oil: Daqing and the Formation of the equalizing the relative wealth and power of the Chinese Socialist State (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia providences in order to maintain the overall structure Center, 2018). 2-3. of government. Te result of these diferent veins was 9. Janet Xuanli Liao, “Te Chinese government and the National an inevitable convergence of Chinese NOC interests Oil Companies (NOCs): Who is the Principal?” in Managing with Party interests due to fnancial incentives and China’s Energy Sector: Between the Market and the State ed. T. investment opportunity. Hongyi Lai and Malcolm Warner (New York: Routledge, 2016). 4. Te most revealing fnding from this institutional 10. Steven W. Lewis, “Chinese NOCs and World Energy Markets: theory analysis was the confict of interests among the CNPC, SINOPEC and CNOOC” James A. Baker III Institute for central government, the provincial governments, and Public Policy, 2007. 47. the NOCs over the issue of burden shifting. It was an 11. Ibid, 5. inefcient point with a negative result for all actors 12. Nancy Huyghebaert and Qi Quan, “Ownership Dynamics after involved. No one actor could resolve the issue on their Partial Privatization: Evidence from China” Te Journal of Law & own. Tis demonstrates the limitation of this mode of Economics, Vol. 54, No. 2, 2011. 391. analysis. When there is an intersection of competing 13. Steven W. Lewis, 49. institutions, even if one is a dominant set of 14. Janet Xuanli Liao, 4. COLEMAN LAMBO 37

15. Ibid, 5. Linkages Between China’s Regions: Measurement and Policy 16. Pranab Bardhan, “Distributive Conficts, Collective Action, and (Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008), 11. Institutional Economics” in Frontiers of Development Economics: 37. Yumin Sheng, 77. Te Future in Perspective ed. T Gerald M. Meier and Joseph E. 38. Wen-Jie Wu, Economics of Planning Policies in China: Stiglitz (New York: co-publication by Te World Bank and Oxford Infrastructure, Location, and Cities (New York: Routledge, 2017), University Press, 2001), 269-290. 14. 17. “China Profle-Timeline,” BBC News, April 4th, 2018. 39. Niccolaas Groenewold, Anping Chen, and Guoping Lee, 3. 18. John Fitzgerald, “Te Providence in History” in Rethinking 40. Yumin Sheng, 148-149. China’s Providences ed. T. John Fitzgerald (New York: Routledge, 41. Zhao Chen and Ming Lu, Toward Balanced Growth with 2002), 11. Economic Agglomeration: Empiricial Studies of Chia’s Urban- 19. Ibid, 12. Rural and Interregional Development (Beijing: Peking University 20. John P. Burns, “Te Chinese Communist Party’s Nomenklatura Press, 2016), 111-121. System as a Leadership Selection Mechanism” in Critical Readings 42. Albert Alesina, Enrico Spolaore, and Romain Wacziarg, on the Chinese Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, 2, “Economic Integration and Political Disintegration” National (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 481. Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 6163, 1997, 26-27. 21. Suizhou Li, “Te CCP, the State and the Cadres in China” 43. James Stent, China’s Banking Transformation: Te Untold Story Guandong Institute of Public Administration: Chinese Public (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), 259. Administration Review, Vol. 4, Numbers ½, September/December 44. Ellennor Francisco, “Petroleum Politics: China and Its National 2007. 49. Oil Companies” Centre De Recheches Internationales, Sept. 2014. 22. Ibid, 507. 45. Henry Sanderson and Michael Forsythe, China’s Super Bank: 23. John Fitzgerald, 3. Debt, Oil, and Infuence- How China Development Bank is 24. Zhiye Bo, Chinese Provincial Leaders: Economic Performance Rewriting the Rule of Finance (Bloomberg Press, 2013), xxi. and Political Mobility Since 1949 (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2002), 46. Ibid, 10. 6-7. 47. Henry Sanderson and Michael Forsythe, 5. 25. Ibid, 4. 48. Katherine Koleski, “Te 13th Five-Year Plan,” US-China 26. Tomas Heberer and Sabine Jakobi, “From Hegemonism Economic and Security Review Commission, Staf Research to Fragmentism” in Rethinking China’s Providences ed. T. John Report, Feb. 14th, 2017, 15. Fitzgerald (New York: Routledge, 2002), 89. 49. Wen-Jie Wu, 20. 27. Ibid, 103. 50. John P. Burns, 507. 28. Ibid, 107. 51. Kjeld Erk Brødsgaard, “Politics and Business Group Formation 29. John Fitzgerald, 5. in China: Te Party in Control” in Critical Readings on the Chinese 30. Tomas Heberer and Sabine Jakobi, 117. Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, 2, (Leiden: Brill, 31. David J. Bulman, Incentivized Development in China: 2017), 511. Leaders, Governance, and Growth in China’s Counties (New York: 52. Ibid, 535. Cambridge University Press, 2016), 3. 53. Ibid, 536. 32. Ibid, 4-5. 54. Steven W. Lewis, 12. 33. Yumin Sheng, Economic Openness and Territorial Politics in 55. Hongyi Lai and Macolm Warner, 4. China (Cambridge University Press, 2010), 3. 56. Ellennor Grace M. Francisco, “Petroleum Politics: China and Its 34. Ibid, 65. National Oil Companies,” European Institute, 2013, 13. 35. Ibid, 67-69. 57. Enrico Deiaco, “China’s National Energy Administration - A 36. Niccolaas Groenewold, Anping Chen, and Guoping Lee, Short Overview,” Swedish Agency for Growth Policy Analysis, Nov. 38 CHINESE NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES

2014, 7. Economic Research. Working Paper 6163. 1997. 58. Peter Yuan Cai, “China’s New National Energy Commission” Balla, Steven J. “Is Consultation the New Normal: Online East Asia Forum, Mar. 12, 2010. Policymaking and Governance Reform in China.” Journal of 59. Tony Saich, “Te Chinese Communist Party” in Critical Chinese Political Science/Association of Chinese Political Readings on the Chinese Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld Erik Studies, Issue 22. 2017. Brødsgaard, 2, (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 34. Bardhan, Pranab. “Distributive Conficts, Collective Action, 60. Ellennor Grace M. Francisco, 22. and InstitutionalEconomics” in Frontiers of Development 61. Enrico Deiaco, 17. Economics: Te Future in Perspective ed. T Gerald M. Meier 62. Henry Sanderson and Michael Forsythe, 134. and Joseph E. Stiglitz. New York: co-publication by Te World 63. Kjeld Erk Brødsgaard, “Politics and Business Group Formation Bank and Oxford University Press, 2001. in China: Te Party in Control” in Critical Readings on the Chinese Bo, Zhiye. Chinese Provincial Leaders: Economic Performance and Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, 2, (Leiden: Brill, Political Mobility Since 1949. New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2017), 519. 2002. 64. Gao Yan and Qian Pu, “Evaluation and Analysis of Brødsgaard, Erik Kjeld. “Politics and Business Group Formation in Administrative Monopoly in China’s Oil Industry” Te China: Te Party in Control” in Critical Readings on the Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1, 2014, 50. Chinese Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, 2, 65. John Fitzgerald, 11-12. Leiden: Brill, 2017. 66. Steven W. Lewis, 48. Bulman, David J. Incentivized Development in China: Leaders, 67. Barbara Krug, “Why Providences” in Rethinking China’s Governance, and Growth in China’s Counties. New York: Providences ed. T. John Fitzgerald (New York: Youtledge, 2002), Cambridge University Press, 2016. 249. Burns, John P. “Te Chinese Communist Party’s Nomenklatura 68. Steven W. Lewis, 47. System as a Leadership Selection Mechanism” in Critical 69. Janet Xuanli Liao, 4. Readings on the Chinese Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld 70. Henry Sanderson and Michael Forsythe, 5. Erk Brødsgaard, 2. Leiden: Brill, 2017. 71. Clif, Tom. Oil and Water (Chicago: University of Chicago Cai, Peter Yuan. “China’s New National Energy Commission.” East Press, 2016), 70. Asia Forum, Mar. 12, 2010. 72. Erica S. Downs, “China Development Bank’s Oil Loans: Chen, Zhao, and Ming Lu. Toward Balanced Growth with Pursuing Policy and Proft” Brookings, Dec. 12th, 2011 Economic Agglomeration: Empirical Studies of Chia’s 73. Henry Sanderson and Michael Forsythe, 132. Urban-Rural and Interregional Development. Beijing: Peking 74. Michael Lelyveld, “China’s Oil Industry Reform Falls Short” University Press, 2016. “China Profle-Timeline.” BBC News. Radio Free Asia, June 12th 2017: https://www.rfa.org/english/ April 4th, 2018. commentaries/energy_watch/chinas-oil-industry-reform-falls- Clif, Tom. Oil and Water. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, short-06122017105651.html 2016. 75. Steven W. Lewis, 2. Deiaco, Enrico. “China’s National Energy Administration – A 76. Kusi Hornberger, Joseph Battat, and Peter Kusek, “Attracting Short Overview.” Swedish Agency for Growth Policy Analysis. FDI: How Much Does Investment Climate Matter?” World Bank, Nov. 2014. Note Number 327, August 2011. Downs, Erica S. “China Development Bank’s Oil Loans: Pursuing Policy and Proft.” Brookings. Dec. 12th, 2011. BIBLIOGRAPHY Francisco, Ellennor. “Petroleum Politics: China and Its National Oil Alesina, Albert, Enrico Spolaore, and Romain Wacziarg. “Economic Companies.” Centre D’Recheches Internationales. Sept. 2014. Integration and Political Disintegration.” National Bureau of Francisco, Ellennor Grace M. “Petroleum Politics: China and Its COLEMAN LAMBO 39

National Oil Companies,” European Institute, 2013. 2, Leiden: Brill, 2017. Fitzgerald, John. Rethinking China’s Providences. New York: Sanderson, Henry and Michael Forsythe. China’s Super Bank: Routledge, 2002. Debt, Oil, and Infuence- How China Development Bank is Groenewold, Niccolaas, Anping Chen, and Guoping Lee. Rewriting the Rule of Finance. Bloomberg Press, 2013. Linkages Between China’s Regions: Measurement and Policy. Sheng, Yumin. Economic Openness and Territorial Politics in Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008 China. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Heberer, Tomas and Sabine Jakobi. “From Hegemonism to Slav, Irina. “China Now Produces More Oil Abroad Tan At Fragmentism” in Rethinking China’s Providences ed. T. John Home.” OilPrice.com, May 13th, 2018: https://oilprice.com/ Fitzgerald. New York: Routledge, 2002. Energy/Energy-General/China-Now-Produces-More-Oil- Hornberger, Kusi, Joseph Battat, and Peter Kusek. “Attracting FDI: Abroad-Tan-At-Home.html How Much Does Investment Climate Matter?” Te World Stent, James. China’s Banking Transformation: Te Untold Story. Bank. Note Number 327, August 2011. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Huyghebaert, Nancy and Qi Quan. “Ownership Dynamics after Tian, Ying and Anne Cronin. “China’s Drive to Become the Detroit Partial Privatization: Evidence from China.” Te Journal of of Electric Cars.” Bloomberg Technology, Feb. 26th, 2018: Law & Economics, Vol. 54, No. 2, May 2011. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-02-27/china- Koleski, Katherine “Te 13th Five-Year Plan.” US-China Economic s-drive-to-become-the-detroit-of-electric-cars-quicktake and Security Review Commission. Staf Research Report. Feb. Yan Gao, and Qian Pu. “Evaluation and Analysis of Administrative 14th, 2017. Monopoly in China’s Oil Industry.” Te Copenhagen Journal Krug, Barbara. “Why Providences” in Rethinking China’s of Asian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1, 2014. Providences ed. T. John Fitzgerald New York: Routledge, 2002. Wu, Wen-Jie. Economics of Planning Policies in China: Lelyveld, Michael. “China’s Oil Industry Reform Falls Short.” Infrastructure, Location, and Cities. New York: Routledge, Radio Free Asia, June 12th 2017: https://www.rfa.org/english/ 2017. commentaries/energy_watch/chinas-oil-industry-reform-falls- short-06122017105651.html Lewis, Steven W. “Chinese NOCs and World Energy Markets: CNPC, SINOPEC and CNOOC” James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy, 2007. 47 Li, Hou. Building For Oil: Daqing and the Formation of the Chinese Socialist State. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2018 Li, Suizhou. “Te CCP, the State and the Cadres in China.” COLEMAN LAMBO Guandong Institute of Public Administration: Chinese Public Administration Review, Vol. 4, Numbers ½. September/ LOVETT COLLEGE December 2007. 2021 Liao, Janet Xuanli. “Te Chinese government and the National Oil Companies (NOCs): Who is the Principal?” in Managing ASIAN STUDIES China’s Energy Sector: Between the Market and the State ed. T. Hongyi Lai and Macolm Warner. New York: Routledge, 2016. Saich, Tony. “Te Chinese Communist Party” in Critical Readings on the Chinese Communist Party ed. T. Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard,

Early German Romanticism and Neo-Confucianism: Exploring Parallel Developmental Patterns in Man’s Search for Oneness Laura Li ABSTRACT Scholars often discuss the dichotomy of Eastern and Western intellectual thoughts as two traditions in confict or under the infuence of the other. Although power and infuence is an essential part of East-West relations, to assume that all similarities between the two schools of thoughts are results of power imbalances is to miss the wider image, which is that cultures can arrive at analogous beliefs independently. Tis notion is extremely important because it indicates the universality of the experiences of men. Te two intellectual traditions this paper focuses on are the Lu-Wang School of Neo-Confucianism and German Romanticism. Although they originate from opposite ends of the world, both schools of thoughts emerged from thinkers’ discontent with their contemporaries’s fxation on scientifc inquiries. As these Chinese and German intellectuals traced the history of men, they observed human beings and nature began as one. Gradually, men become more preoccupied with reason and scientifc discoveries, which leads them to break away from nature and enter into a state of confusion and alienation. To overcome this quandary, men must learn to unify their rational and emotional selves and strive to become one with nature again.

INTRODUCTION to his formulation of the dialogical principle.2 For most of history, the East and the West have As modern historians analyze the histories of been divided intellectually. Tey communicated Eastern and Western thought, they often see the through commercial activities, trading, buying and disparities and infuences before any other qualities. selling material goods that they fancied, but neither Tus, literatures on the two frameworks of thoughts side obtained a thorough understanding of each other become narratives of either two cultures in confict or beyond their mutual desire for commodities. It was one culture under the hegemony of another. Somehow, not until the last couple of centuries, as European power, particularly the imbalance of power, remains an nations established colonies in Asia, that Easterners indispensable element of the dialogue when people try and Westerners grew interested in the scholarly to make sense of the relations between the East and pursuits of one another. the West. Not only did scholars from both sides of the However, if scholars solely concentrate on how hemisphere closely study translated texts that fooded knowledge is used to establish dominance of one into their intellectual circles, but they were also culture over another, they will be missing the broader profoundly inspired by these imported ideas. Te perception, which is that respective civilizations are prominent late-Qing reformer and political thinker, capable of developing similar systems of thoughts Kang Youwei, for example, drew heavily from Social and arrive at analogous conclusions independently. Darwinism as he diagnosed the problems China Tis is a powerful insight because it suggests that was facing and developed his grand Utopian plan there is something catholic about the experiences of in One-World Philosophy.1 Likewise, in Europe, men and that as people try to make sense of their Austrian-born Israeli Jewish existentialist philosopher existence on Earth, more often than not, they arrive at Martin Buber translated and made commentaries the strikingly similar conclusions even when they are on Zhuangzi before publishing Ich und Du. His completely unaware of the lives of those whom they extensive studies of Chinese texts contributed greatly are alienated from. 41 42 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS

At the heart of this discourse, there are two illuminate the richness, fuidity, and fexibility of both specifc schools of thought that deserve special German and Chinese thought. attention: early German Romanticism and the Lu- Wang School of Neo-Confucianism. 18TH CENTURY GERMANY Early German Romanticism, frst emerged in late In the late 18th century Germany, there was 18th century Jena, was grounded on men’s confusion a group of writers, poets, and philosophers who and unhappiness at their current state of being. As were in a similar state of crisis that Lu and Wang writers and thinkers traced back to the root of their were in when they recognized how detached the plight, they realized that the ultimate source of their predominant system of thought was from the misery was their development from the state of actual experiences of human beings, and both were naïveté to the state of objectivity, which resulted in similarly concerned about the problems these values their detachment from nature. To cure the sense of engendered when men were forced to conform to alienation they feel, people must regain that sense these codes of behavior. Centered around the city of of oneness with the world. Tis call for a return to Jena, these closely-connected intellectuals engaged in innocence, this yearning for the transcendental have regular correspondences, forming the early German made profound impacts on the Western school of Romanticism movement. In particular, Friedrich thought, but is shared by a lesser known, but equally Schiller and his admirer Friedrich von Hardenberg, powerful intellectual movement, the Lu-Wang School more commonly known as Novalis, concentrated on of Neo-Confucianism. Similar to Early German addressing the history of mankind in order to fnd Romanticism, this intellectual movement also the cause of the alienation and detachment their stemmed from scholars’ concern over the alienation contemporaries felt. Sharing similar views with Lu men feels toward the outside world and other men. and Wang, they concluded men have fallen, losing To resolve this crisis, Chinese intellectuals suggested the unity they once had with nature. In order to reinterpretations of the Confucian Classics. regain their morality and become happy and content Spotlighting the Lu-Wang School of Neo- individuals, they must strive to regain that sense of Confucianism is essential because the German and unity, reaching an utopian vision of the ideal stage of Chinese traditions could not have emerged from the world. more distinctive origins, yet they both professed Friedrich Schiller was born in 1759 in the Duchy the thinkers’ discontent with their contemporaries’ of Württemberg. His father served as a lieutenant in devotion to scientifc inquiries, which they believed the Wurttemberg military who valued education.3 engendered the fragmentation of men and their Although the family moved around many times, relationship with nature. Moreover, German Schiller was still able to obtain a decent education Romanticism and the Lu-Wang School refected as a child. After meeting Schiller in theater, Duke how men’s pursuit of unity is universal. From their Karl Eugen of Württemberg was impressed by common belief in the goodness of mankind and the young man and insisted that Schiller become their shared vision of the eventual stage of ideal a student at the newly established military school humanity, the two intellectual movements propel Pfanzschule.4 Schiller frst attended an established modern scholars to rethink human progress as not military school Pfanzschule, studying military simply multicultural exchanges comprised of series of medicine, but he quickly realized that he was not actions and reactions, but also two parallel lines that interested in becoming a medical doctor. Instead, he have similar curves and turns. Tese curves and turns wanted to pursue poetry. So, he deserted the military LAURA LI 43 and became a freelance writer in the mid-1780s.5 He natural state, a state in which he allows nature to act traveled to Mannheim and Dresden, writing dramas for him, as he is still incapable of free intelligence, to of rebellion against the social and political order. a state where he has learned to “think for himself.”10 Te works he produced at this time refected his own However, Schiller is quick to point out that as human personal beliefs as a revolutionary artist. His resistance beings become enlightened, fnding truth through against established political forms and literary technical forms becomes their primary concern. Tey traditions encouraged his contemporaries to profess bind “spontaneous nature” into fetters of rule, “tear the same kind of individual self-assertion against its fair body to pieces by reducing it to concepts, any kind of repressions. In fact, after the eruption and preserve its living spirit in a sorry skeleton of of the French Revolution, the newly formed French words.”11 Te result is people valuing utility and government recognized Schiller for his alignment gratifcation of their material needs above all else, with their ideology and presented him with honorary thus becoming alienated and fragmented.12 More citizenship.6 importantly, art loses its place in people’s lives. For In the late 1780s, Schiller became acquainted Schiller, this development of events is horrendous with Johann Wolfgang von Goethe through common because people are lacking moral education that art friends.7 Although Goethe initially regarded Schiller can provide, so in their search for political freedom, and his radical tendencies with wariness, the two they act violently and brutishly, as they have shown men would grow to be close companions later on. In in the French Revolution. What people need is not 1789, on Goethe’s recommendation, Schiller became to repress their natural instincts or the pursuit for the a professor of History in the University of Jena.8 Te sensual, but to shape those desires through refnement next couple years would be crucial for him, for it was of their tastes. Te beauty that is found in art plays precisely during the early 1790s that Schiller moved an essential role because it unites humans’ “sphere of away from his literary pursuits and shifted his focus empirical knowledge” and “sphere of feeling.”13 As toward Kantianism.9 they cultivate their tastes and aesthetics through art, At the same time, in 1793, the French Revolution they learn the self-control needed in order to accept reached its most intense stage of mass murder and moral principles and become ethical and free beings.14 bloodshed, the Reign of Terror, which truly horrifed In the essay “On Naive and Sentimental Poetry,” Schiller. What was once an embodiment of freedom Schiller, again, retells the history of man, but focuses and human expression transformed into a justifcation less on men’s path toward morality and more on the of ruthless murders of innocent human beings. ideal state of being. Nature put men in a state of Sickened by the backlash of radical rationalism, he sublime because men appreciate how nature is acting devoted his energy and time into his battle against on its own within its own laws.15 More importantly, ancient and modern savagery and brutality. His people cherish nature’s “inner necessity, that eternal “Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Man” and “On oneness with themselves.”16 At the same time, nature Naive and Sentimental Poetry” articulate exactly his put mankind to shame because that state of oneness, disappointment in mankind. or naivety, was what men once were.17 Schiller In the “Letters on the Aesthetic Education of directed modern men to fnd that lost naïveté in Man,” Schiller addresses the question of whether the poems from ancient Greece. Schiller declares these history of man is a history of progression. Adhering naive poets from ancient Greece simply imitated to the Kantian system, Schiller acknowledges that nature because they did not fnd humanity to be man is indeed progressing. He has moved from his completely separated from nature; thus, they found no 44 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS need to objectify nature.18 Somewhere along history, named Sophie von Kühn.24 Te two spent two years men gained a strong sense of self, thereby causing together in hopes of marrying when von Kühn turns nature to disappear from humanity.19 As Schiller of age. However, in spring of 1797, Sophie passed discerns, men “reencounter [nature] in its genuine away, causing Hardenberg to fall into a deep state of only outside of humanity in the inanimate world.”20 depression. Sophie’s death triggered Hardenberg to It is precisely this separation from nature that is compose one of the most emblematic poems of the causing men to feel alienated and fragmented. early Romanticism movement, “Hymn to the Night.”25 However, no matter how much men long to Te poem is not only a form of sublimation regain unity with nature, they can never return to for Hardenberg or Novalis, after the passing of that state of happiness and contentment anymore, Sophie, but also a profession of his disagreement like how adults cannot revert back to childhood. In with the philosophies of Kant and Fichte. He the modern age, naive poets, such as Shakespeare believes Enlightenment thinkers were too engrossed and Goethe, though they have produced some of the with developing perfectly logical systems that they fnest works, can never progress beyond their works, undermine the power of human imagination.26 Even but sentimental poets have the potential of reaching though he concurs with Kant on the fact that objects the ideal. Tis is because the sentimental poet has conform to the structure that the subject imposes, already passed the stage of naïveté, thus he is not he believes Kant downplays the role of imagination driven by emotions, but instead is able to refect throughout the process.27 Te heart of Fichte’s upon his feelings with rationality. As Schiller states, philosophy is that ego is to uncover the absolute ego, the supreme goal of human striving is, “To be free which is “that all-encompassing consciousness in of passions, to look around and into oneself always which and for which the empirical ego and the natural with clarity and composure, to fnd everywhere more world exist.”28 Challenging Fichte, Novalis argues chance than fate and to laugh more about absurdity against the all-encompassing nature of the absolute than rage and whine about maliciousness.”21 By ego and contends that there is no sharp distinction establishing sentimental poets as the fner poets, between the real and the imagination.29 Te fuidity Schiller suggests that people should see the divine between thought and reality is manifested by “Hymn through a balance of rationality and imagination. to the Night.” As the poet reunited with his beloved at Even though mankind will never reach that ideal the graveside, readers are left wondering whether what state, they must strive to attain it.22 is occurring is real or imagined. Teir rational side In 1792, after a year of studying at Jena denies the possibility of their union, since the lover is under guidance of his idol Schiller, Friedrich von alive and beloved is dead, but the poet’s belief in his Hardenberg arrived at Leipzig and encountered conquest over death seems so real that readers want to Friedrich Schlegel. Te two immediately formed a believe the two united in the real world. friendship, which led to their extensive discussion Comparable to Schiller as he retells of the of philosophical ideas of Kant, Schiller, Fichte and history of the world in “On Naive and Sentimental poetry of Shakespeare, Goethe, and the ancient Poetry,” Novalis also feels a deep longing for the Greeks.23 Tese intellectual discussions made lasting past. In “Christianity and Europe: A Fragment,” impressions on Friedrich von Hardenberg and Novalis’ rendering of the history of Europe is one of profoundly impacted his later philosophical pursuits. idealization and distortion. He establishes the Middle In addition to forming a friendship with Schlegel, in Ages as the golden age and the Enlightenment as the November 1794, Hardenberg fell in love with a girl period of darkness. Te reason why men fell from the LAURA LI 45

“beautiful, magnifcent times” and became a clutter like the name suggests, could be traced back to of fragmented pieces is due to the rise of commercial mainly two scholars, Lu Xiangshan (1139-1192) and culture and men’s increasing devotion to their material Wang Yangming (1472-1529). 34 Tese two branches, needs instead of to God.30 although fundamentally in contradiction with each With the Protestant Reformation, secularization, other, together formed Neo-Confucianism. and the Enlightenment, people only became more and Neo-Confucian thinkers based their moral system more self-centered and alienated. What Europeans on a metaphysical comprehension of the world. should strive for is not a return to the old Catholic Confucius argued that in order for people to see the past, since they can never return to that state of way of a more promising future, they must understand perfection anymore. Instead, they should reinterpret the past, for the past illustrates how men in present Christianity and form an all-encompassing church. times should behave.35 Neo-Confucianists, inspired Tus, all nations will come together as one and by Buddhism, contended rather than emulating achieve “genuine freedom.”31 Novalis’ ideal vision is history, “a complete and proper understanding of the not just for Europe, but rather for each individual nature of reality would lead to a confrmation of the Europeans. In a way, this essay is Novalis’ guide on Confucian Way.”36 Tey see patterns or principles how people should cultivate themselves to become (li)37 inherently lying under every aspect of reality, “perfected human beings.”32 In order to achieve the making up the fundamental nature of the self.38 For ideal state, men must recognize that they live in the the Neo-Confucians, some of the core Confucian larger community and that they are at one with all ideas such as “righteousness”, “rights”, “benevolence”, members of society. Common self-interests will bind a and “flial piety,” are really expressions of principle.39 society together only temporarily. True unity happens Since it is the underlying order of the world, the when members of society forgo their preoccupations principle helps to explain the forms and functions of with the external world and focus on the Christian living and non-things, as well as how they can interact faith. with one another. Lu Xiangshan, a contemporary of Zhu, was NEO-CONFUCIANISM AND THE LU- one of the frst scholars to challenge and eventually WANG SCHOOL break away from the orthodox Cheng-Zhu School. Neo-Confucianism frst emerged during the He began his career as the magistrate of Jingmen Tang Dynasty with modest followings. It only rose County in Hubei after passing the highest civil to prominence after Song (960-1279) philosopher service exam in 1172.40 Although a capable and astute Zhou Dunyi (1017-1073) institutionalized its administrator, he lost interest in politics and withdrew framework, drawing on Daoist metaphysics and from public ofce in 1187.41 For the remainder of Buddhist terminologies.33 During the Song period, his life, Lu devoted his energy to teaching students the leading Neo-Confucian scholar was Zhu Xi and engaging in intellectual conversations with other (1130-1200). Zhu, along with Cheng Yi (1033- fellow Neo-Confucian thinkers. Among the most 1107), wrote extensively and their works together well-known of the discourses he participated in was formed the Cheng-Zhu School, or “Learning of the extended discussion and exchange he had with the Principle” (Lixue) sect, of Neo-confucianism. Zhu Xi at the Goose Lake Temple in 1175.42 Standing in opposition of the Cheng-Zhu School As historian Philip J. Ivanhoe suggests, there was the Lu-Wang School, or “Learning of the Heart- is a certain amount of truth in describing Lu as an Mind” (Xinxue). Te origins of the Lu-Wang School, “idealist.”43 In his short meditation pieces “Assorted 46 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS

Explanations” Lu expounds his belief that heart- and where cohere principles are manifested in the mind embodies all the principles that give structure, material world and heart-mind, how people can shape, and meaning to the phenomenal world as he achieve a full understanding of these principles reconstructed the beginning of the universe. His becomes a pressing issue. For Lu, understanding narrative is as follows, “Te universe is my heart- principles means taking the principles inherent in the mind; my heart-mind is universe. Tens of thousands heart-mind and matching them with the phenomena of generations ago, sages appeared within this universe of the natural world.47 Tere is the element that an and had this same heart-mind and his same principle. individual should look introspectively and come to Tens of thousands generations to come, sages shall see the truth for oneself for “the principles of the Dao appear within is universe and will have this same (the Way) simply are right in front of [his or her] heart-mind and this same principle. Anywhere within eyes.”48 However, people having the full subjectivity in the four seas, whenever sages appear, they will have searching for the principles does not signify that each this same heart-mind and this same principle.”44 and every one will come to his or her own conclusions. Perhaps the most strikingly idealistic part of Lu’s Rather, if the heart-mind is in the proper state, it account is his declaration, “Te universe is my heart- should reveal the same truth that the sages revealed mind; my heart-mind is universe.” If read without “tens of thousands of generations ago.”49 fully understanding the wider context, this statement Tere is an unmistakable sense of universal almost seems to imply that Lu sees the world as a oneness in Lu’s exposition of heart-mind. Tis grand total of all minds. In fact, some modern scholars awareness that the heart-mind is shared by every have indeed argued that “Lu’s idealism denies the individual and that the principles remain the same existence of a mind-independent world.”45 However, throughout space and time is especially evident in the as Ivanhoe correctly points out, what Lu means by latter half of the “Assorted Explanation” passage.50 “universe” is a combination of space and time. Tus, Tens of thousands generations ago, tens of thousands what Lu is really trying to express is his vision of of generations to come, anywhere within the four a metaphysically fawless universe. In this perfect seas, the sages have the same heart-mind and the universe, the principles of heart-mind and those of the same principle. Extending from the unity of the phenomenal world are always in accordance with each sages, Lu suggests that the heart-mind is shared by other. Moreover, the heart-mind is the only source every individual, for it is a common inheritance. In where principles are realized, known, and understood. addition, Lu believes people have a natural ability To further illustrate how he fully acknowledges the to understand and empathize with one another, for existing material world, Lu in the “Letter to Zisi” this common inheritance of heart-mind provides states, “Tis principle flls up and extends throughout people with the ability to connect with others and the universe! Not even Heaven, earth, ghosts, or the rest of the world.51 However, Lu makes it clear spirits can fail to follow this principle — how much that although everyone has the potential capacity for less can human beings aford to do so?”46 To contend making connections, an individual must overcome that Lu’s idealistic tendencies led him to reduce an “excessive concern with oneself ” before realizing the world into heart-mind is anything but accurate this potential.52 Combining the ability of men to since Lu identifes the principles to be found both sympathize and the personal nature of the process in its concentrated form in the heart-mind and in its of realizing true principles, Lu implies that the extended form throughout the universe. knowledge men seek is actually ethical knowledge, If the universe is a combination space and time because, for Lu, the ethical is a synthesis of sentiments LAURA LI 47 and freewill. He further clarifes when he asserts that mind of the people is that the former is composed “moral knowledge involves not only condition but also of purely of principle, whereas the latter has vital emotion and volition.”53 So perceiving and feeling, energy (qi) in addition to the principle.58 Because vital in addition to will, play instrumental roles in man’s energy is ever-changing and unstable, it constantly internalization of the principles of the world, or moral blocks human beings from grasping the true principle truths. and achieving the ideal state. In placing men in a Te pivotal split between Lu and the Cheng-Zhu precarious state, renxin limits men from reaching School occurred when the two scholars Zhu and Lu their full potential. Tus, humans are naturally prone had in-depth exchange at the Goose Lake Temple.54 to making mistakes, and because of the inherent Elucidating the essential diferences between Zhu fallibility of men, Zhu warned men against looking and himself, Lu recited a poem he composed named introspectively in search of the true principle.59 “Written at Goose Lake to Rhyme with My Brother’s Instead, men should direct their attentions to afairs Verse”: outside of themselves. For Zhu, self-cultivation meant “Old graves inspire grief, ancestral temples studying the Classics and participating in rituals, or, as reverence. he puts it, “pursuing inquiry and study.”60 Tis is the human heart-mind, never efaced Lu could not have disagreed more. For him, throughout the ages. the frst step in gaining pure knowledge is to look Water fowing from a brook accumulates into a within and engage with the heart-mind, for the vast sea; heart-mind is the only site where true understanding Fist-sized stones form into the towering peaks of of the world takes place. When people search for Mount Tai and Hua. understanding outside of the heart-mind, pursuing Easy and simple spiritual practices, in the end, inquiries and studies in the Classics and the rituals, proves great and long lasting. all they will obtain are pieces of incoherent and Fragmented and disconnected endeavors leave on nonsensical information. As he eloquently stated drifting and bobbing aimlessly. when he recited his poem, these “fragmented and You want to know how to rise from the lower to disconnected endeavors leave on drifting and bobbing the higher realms? aimlessly.”61 In fact, people’s preoccupation with First you must — this very moment — distinguish searching for the principle in the external world is true from false!”55 precisely what is preventing them from gaining true understanding. In “Explaining the Analects,” Lu Lu was particularly critical of Zhu’s belief that the reiterates his disapproval of Zhu’s method of self- heart-mind exists in two forms, which are pure heart- cultivation. According to Lu, when the Master asks, mind of the Way (daoxin) and impure human heart- “Who can leave [a room] without going out the door? mind (renxin).56 Who can fail to rely and draw upon the Dao?,” he According to Zhu, daoxin is the ideal state is suggesting the correct way to follow the Dao is of heart-mind. It is perfect because it originated through concentration and commitment in studying before actual things came into existence and remains the actual teachings of Confucius and internalizing uncontaminated by the afairs of the material world. the principles, not reciting the Classics.62 Contrastingly, renxin is the state of heart-mind that Lu spent the majority of his life teaching and exists within people.57 What fundamentally makes writing in the Elephant Mountain.63 His rejection the heart-mind of the Way diferent from the heart- of Zhu’s teachings and the prevalent Cheng-Zhu 48 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS

School introduced a permanent split within Neo- “Why does the Great Learning say that there is a Confucianism. Although his vision of the world relative importance among things?” Wang answered, was sharp and powerful, Lu was never a methodical “Because of ‘pattern’ or ‘principle,’ there is naturally a writer.64 It would take Wang Yangming hundreds of relative importance. Take, for example, the body which years later to expand on Lu’s original insights and is one. We use our hands and feet to protect our head institutionalize the Lu-Wang School. and eyes, but does that mean we are prejudiced and Wang Yangming was born into a prominent regard the hands and feet as less important? We do family in the city Yue in Zhejiang during the Ming this because it accords with patterns or principles.”73 Dynasty.65 Like Lu, Wang also passed the highest As a follower of Mengzi, Wang above all believed civil service exam; however, his political career was that human nature is inherently good.74 However, much more tortuous.66 He began as a minor ofcial, how they arrived at this conclusion is quite dissimilar. but in 1506, after he opposed the powerful eunuch According to Mengzi, human beings are born with Liu Jin in defense of a fellow ofcial, he was punished innate capacities and a set of physical, mental, and and banished to Guizhou.67 While serving his posts emotional tendencies. If men are raised in the proper in Guizhou, Jiangxi, Beijing, and Nanjing, Wang manner, human nature will develop as it should, with demonstrated his superb administrative skills, a keen heart and mind as the governor of self.75 Wang’s understanding of economics, and exceptional ability view of the inherent goodness of human nature is to command the military when he led campaigns much more metaphysical, in that it is dependent on suppressing bandits and the rebellion of Prince Ning Wang’s understanding of the principle. Unlike the in 1519.68 His success prompted criticism from higher conventional Cheng-Zhu School philosophers, who ranked ofcials who were not as accomplished as he see the physical and the moral as separate entities, was. Tired of public life, he retired and returned to Wang believes the principle is all-encompassing Yue in 1529.69 and universal. When he claims “Principle is one and Similar to Lu, Wang also began his philosophy no more,” he is suggesting that the heart-mind, its with the beginning of the universe. In his essay, thoughts (yi) and things (wu) are all just diferent “Pulling Up the Root and Stopping Up the Source,” aspects of li.76 Not only is human nature a single he suggests that people are to form one body with manifestation of li, the form, features, and characters Heaven, Earth and all things.70 More importantly, this of human beings are all manifestations of li.77 is not just an ideal that mankind should strive for, but In order to support his claim that human nature in actuality this is the true state of the universe, since is essentially good, Wang appropriates the concept during the golden ages of the sage-kings, this ideal of “pure knowing” (liangzhi) from the teachings of had been the reality.71 A similar unifed vision of the Mengzi. However, Wang eliminates people’s course universe is echoed in “Inquiry on the Great Learning,” of development from infancy to adulthood and where Wang asserts that the universe started as one dived immediately into the state of pure knowing single body and currently continues to be united in without ever acknowledging people’s pure or innate this way. People are not separate members of families abilities, which for Mengzi is the tool that helps each with distinctive bonds with other individuals. people develop pure knowing.78 Te reason is Wang is Instead, they are parts of a single universal body.72 convinced human nature is not developed, but is fully Wang explicitly explains his understanding of the formed since birth. If this were true, an important oneness of the universe and the way the principle logical question for Wang to consider is why not organizes the world when a student asks the question, everyone in the world is perfect and manifesting “clear LAURA LI 49 character?”79 Wang attributed people’s diference accumulating external knowledge and pursuing the in character and behavior to qi. He explains that principles in the external world.87 He interprets ge pure knowing guides men to be ethical, but they as “to rectify” and wu as “heart-mind.”88 People must need to protect it from the impure qi, a mixture of rectify their own thoughts internally and in doing so people’s own selfsh desires and thoughts (siyu).80 extend their pure knowing. Expanding upon this idea, What makes people small men (xiaoren) instead of Wang reinterprets the purpose of self-cultivation as a great men (junzi) is that their true nature is obscured process of eradicating selfsh desires that are blocking by selfshness.81 Te qi of small men is defled and men from their pure knowledge, rather than as an tainted, whereas the qi of great men is clear and exercise of gaining new knowledge or extending their lucid. Furthermore, once the heart-mind has become capabilities. Instead of thinking about ethics, people clouded and the individual has become a small man, are to think ethically about what they do. As people he will ignore the connection between himself and internalize the principle, pure knowing will clarify other people, living creatures, and non-living objects their qi and remove the selfsh desires that cover in the world, and instead see the world as hostile and people’s true nature. Eventually, they will achieve their dark, an enemy one must establish dominance over.82 original state of pure knowing and proper ethical Wang suggests that whether people can purify judgement when they are able to act ethically and their qi and reach the state of pure knowing relies properly intuitively, and Wang identifed this ideal entirely on their extension of knowledge and stage to be “the unity of knowing and acting” (zhi interpretation of gewu. Te phrase gewu frst appeared xing he yi).89 However, even when an individual does in the Great Learning, “[Te utmost] extension of achieve the unity of knowing and acting, his quest is knowledge lay in the investigation of things (zhizhi not over. Wang’s ultimate aim is the heaven, earth and zai gewu).”83 Te fact that Wang’s struggle with the myriad creature forming one body (tian di wan wu Zhu Xi’s teaching pivoted around the interpretation wei yi ti).90 In their journey toward this eventual goal, of gewu and that Wang expanded his argument Wang hopes men will abandon the self-centered view based on his own defnition of gewu spotlighted of their relationship to the world and overcome the the Great Learning as a text that is just as essential sense of isolation and alienation induced by following as the Analects in the Neo-Confucian tradition.84 the Cheng-Zhu School teachings. More importantly, Zhu interpreted the term as the investigation (ge) he hopes they will realize that the principles of heart- of things (wu), and translation was widely accepted mind are the principles of the world. by scholars.85 Yet, Wang found it difcult to accept the defnition Zhu had formulated, because Zhu’s THE UNIVERSAL SEARCH FOR model of extending knowledge requires one to build ONENESS up the collection of principles he knows and decipher Emulating categories of varying forms of the principles’ connection to things and events in Romantic imagination proposed by M.H. Abrams the outside world.86 In other words, the process only in Natural Supernaturalism, this paper seeks to allows people to examine the external. focus on the form “unity lost and unity regained” When Wang Yangming complains that earlier as it compares the thoughts of Lu-Wang School of generations “grope for [the highest good] outside Neo-Confucianism with that of the early German their minds, believe that every event and every Romanticism. “Unity lost and unity regained” is the object has its own peculiar defnite principle,” he is plot line of a story, in which man started as a whole. objecting the Cheng-Zhu School’s obsession with As he gains consciousness and refects, he set himself 50 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS against the natural world, thereby causing a split self-conscious, they began to separate from the between “ego and non-ego,” “subject and object,” natural world, triggering feelings of detachment and “spirit and other,” and “nature and mind.”91 Tis split alienation. Alluding to the biblical story, this is the causes men to feel alienated and fragmented, longing moment of men’s Fall from the Garden of Eden. After to be one again; thus, in order to feel whole and happy the Fall, the primary concern of men becomes pursuit again, modern men must to strive to regain unity. of material needs. Even when they fght for political Within the Lu-Wang tradition, this idea of freedom, their lack of morality engenders them to initial unity is vital. In his “Assorted Explanations,” commit atrocities like the Reign of Terror. Novalis’ Lu afrms that thousands of generations ago, the Christian Europe has a similar plot. Europe initially universe began as a unity of space and time, and started as one single body in complete religious principles of heart-mind and the world cohered. and political unity. Te Fall transpired with the rise Similarly, for Wang, the universe also began as one of commercial culture. As Europeans sought after single body with people, Heaven, Earth, and all individualism and secularization, Europe split into things. Both philosophers agree the split, or the Fall, little fragments. Te Enlightenment and the age of occurred when the Cheng-Zhu School initiated the reason further pushed Europe into the age of darkness formal division between the pure heart-mind of the for people no longer cared about their faith and their Way and the impure human heart-way. When Zhuxi love ones and concerned themselves with gaining made this distinction, he inadvertently separated men knowledge and possessing new material goods. from nature because men are to direct their attention Tinkers from both the Lu-Wang School of to the external physical world to investigate things Neo-Confucianism and early German Romanticism (gewu) and fnd the true and pure principle. In doing emphasized the essentiality of striving toward unity so, men became subjects and nature objects. For and oneness in order to reach the ideal state of Lu and Wang, Zhu’s scientifc method inquiry and humanity. Furthermore, becoming moral beings is self-cultivation caused men to become “fragmented what both Eastern and Western philosophers hope and disconnected”, “drifting and bobbing aimlessly” men will ultimately achieve. Within the Lu-Wang in a wealth of irrelevant information. Furthermore, tradition, the eventual goal is to purify the vital when men separated themselves from nature, they energy, or qi, through extending knowledge. Pure absorbed themselves in their own endeavors and knowing will guide people to the ethical path, and stressed their own individuality. Te result is their when people can make proper and ethical judgments loss of ability to emphasize with one another. Tey intuitively, they will have achieved the unity of not only see nature as a separate entity that they must knowing and acting, which is a unifcation of thoughts establish dominance over, they also see one another as and actions. What everyone should further strive for is enemies they must defeat in order to protect their own becoming one with Heaven, earth, and the myriad of wellbeing. things. Within the works of Schiller and Novalis, unity Once men reach this stage, they will realize that is also present at the beginning of the history of the principals of heart-mind are really the principles mankind. In “On Naive and Sentimental Poetry,” of the world; thus, they are no diferent from things Schiller suggests that men began with being at found within the universe. However, it is important to one with nature, or a state of naïveté. Te ancient note that while Wang stressed the inherent goodness Greeks, in particular, found themselves within nature. in human nature, he also placed great emphasis However, as people philosophized and gained more on the path toward the ideal. Men are born in the LAURA LI 51 state of pure knowing, but possessing pure knowing notice the perceptible similarities between the two and clear qi does not make them exemplary beings. systems of thought. Even though before the 19th Men must pursue after external knowledge frst, and century, the East and the West had few intellectual separate themselves from the natural world. While in dialogues, Chinese and German intellectuals came the process of purifying qi and striving toward unity to similar conclusions about history of mankind and with Heaven, earth, and myriad of things, they gain the direction where men are progressing toward. true understanding of the principle. Only with the Particularly interesting is their common recognition experience of the fall and struggle to regain unity that men’s separation from nature is the source of can man prevail over passivity, gain full agency, and their unhappiness. Tis shared anxiety communicates thus become junzi. Wang’s interpretation of junzi is universality of the experience of men: as men become comparable to Schiller’s sublime character, who does more rational, more logical, more concerned with not contain every sort of greatness like the beautiful empirical evidence and technological advancements, character does, but is “able to discipline and elevate they become less in touch with their feelings and himself to any level of greatness.” It is precisely this less concerned with their internal wellbeing. When will to overcome any sort of limitations that makes both the Romantics and Neo-Confucian scholars ideal beings. emphasized striving toward oneness, they convey to A similar idea is communicated through Schiller’s people today that we are not full beings without our understanding of the evolution of states. In “Letters rational or sensual capacities. Our desires and reasons on the Aesthetic Education of Man,” he argues that come natural to us, so it would be unwise to repress the highest state is the aesthetic state, because it is the either one of these tendencies. More importantly, the only state in which men are whole, but, like Wang, philosophers imparted to us that the journey toward Schiller presents the restrictive and passive dynamic unity is more important than ultimately reaching the state and ethical state as necessary stages. Only ideal state. We might never reach that ideal state of after citizens have already experienced the ethical perfect humanity, but we should never stop trying. It state and have learned to act morally intuitively, is through the striving process that we realize that to can they governed by aesthetics instead of abstract be human is to be imperfect. laws, balance their rational and sensual sides, and live as harmonious and free beings. Te ultimate NOTES utopian state for Novalis is also unifcation under 1. Kang Youwei, The One-World Philosophy of K’ang Yu-wei, the single faith of Christianity after fragmentation. trans. Laurence G. Thompson (London: George Allen & Novalis, although looks back at the Middle Ages with Unwin Ltd., 1958) nostalgia, recognizes that Europe can never return 2. Jonathan R. Herman, “The Mysterious Mr. Wang: The to the golden age. As the new Christian religion Search for Martin Buber’s Confucian Ghost Writer,” Journal is established throughout Europe, boundaries will of Chinese Religions 37 no.1, pp.73-91. disappear because communities will let go of their 3. Steven D. Martison, “Schiller and the New Century,” in A common material interests and instead focus on their Companion to the Works of Friedrich Schiller, ed. Steven D. common faith. As they internalize the Christian faith, Martison (Rochester: Camden House, 2005) p. 1. they will be able to realize the love they share for one 4. Ibid. p. 2. another. 5. Ibid. p. 3. By comparing the writings of the Lu and 6. John. H. Zammito, “Schiller and Weimar “Classicism” Wang with that of Schiller and Novalis, people can (lecture, History 375 European Romanticism, Houston, TX, 52 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS

September 10, 2018. (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1999) p. 5. 7.Ibid. p. 5. 34. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School 8. Ibid. of Neo-Confucianism (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing 9. Ibid. Company, Inc., 2009) pp. 29, 101. 10. Friedrich Schiller, “Letters on the Aesthetic Education 35. David L. Hall and Rover T. Ames, Thinking Through of Man,” in Essays, ed. Walter Hinderer and Daniel O. Confucius (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987) Dahlstrom (New York: Continuum, 1993) pp. 89-90. p. 62, 125. 11. Ibid. p. 88. 36. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The 12. Ibid. p. 89. Thought of Mengzi and Wang Yangming, Second Edition 13. Ibid. p. 160. (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2002) p. 22. 14. Ibid. p. 178. 37. This li is not to be confused with rituals (li) 15. Friedrich Schiller, “On Naive and Sentimental Poetry,” in 38. Ibid. p. 23. Essays, ed. Walter Hinderer and Daniel O. Dahlstrom (New 39. Ibid. York: Continuum, 1993) p. 180. 40. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 16. Ibid. Neo-Confucianism, pp. 29-30. 17. Ibid 41. Ibid. p. 30. 18. Ibid. p. 195. 42. Ibid. p. 29. 19. Ibid. p. 194. 43. Ibid. p. 34. 20. Ibid. p. 194. 44. Lu Xiangshan, “Assorted Explanations,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe 21. Ibid. p. 209. in Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi 22. Ibid. p. 180. and Wang Yangming, Second Edition (Indianapolis: Hackett 23. Robert J. Richards, The Romantic Conception of Life: Publishing Company, Inc, 2002) p. 89. Science and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe (Chicago, 45. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of University of Chicago Press, 2002) p.26. Neo-Confucianism, pp. 34. 24. Ibid. p. 28. 46. Lu Xiangshan, “Letter to Wu Zisi,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in 25. Ibid. p. 30. Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi 26. Pauline Kleingeld, “Romantic Cosmopolitanism: Novalis’s and Wang Yangming, Second Edition (Indianapolis: Hackett ‘Christian or Europe,’” Journal of the History of Philosophy Publishing Company, Inc., 2002) P. 74. 46, no. 2 (2008) p. 276. 47. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 27. Ibid. Neo-Confucianism, pp. 35. 28. Robert J. Richards, The Romantic Conception of Life, p. 48. Lu Xiangshan, “Recorded Sayings,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in 31. Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi 29. Pauline Kleingeld, “Romantic Cosmopolitanism,” p. 277. and Wang Yangming, Second Edition (Indianapolis: Hackett 30. Novalis, “Christianity or Europe: A Fragment,” trans. Publishing Company, Inc., 2002) p. 76. Frederick C. Beiser in The Early Writings of The German 49. Lu Xiangshan, “Assorted Explanations,” p. 89. Romantics, ed. Frederick C. Beiser (Cambridge: Cambridge 50. Please refer to the “Assorted Explanations” passage in University Press, 1996) p. 61-3. earlier part of the paper. 31. Ibid. p. 79. 51. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 32. Pauline Kleingeld, “Romantic Cosmopolitanism,” p. 282. Neo-Confucianism, pp. 36. 33. Huang Siu-chi, Essentials of Neo-Confucianism: Eight 52. Ibid. Major Philosophers of the Song and Ming Periods Westport 53. Ibid. LAURA LI 53

54. Ibid. p. 38. 76. Wang Yangming, “Instructions for Practical Living,” p. 55. Lu Xiangshan, “Written at Goose Lake to Rhyme with 161. My Brother’s Verse,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in Ethics in the 77. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Ethics in the Confucian Tradition, p. 34. Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi and Wang 78. Ibid. p. 48. Yangming, Second Edition (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing 79. Wang Yangming, “Inquiries in the Great Learning,” p. Company, Inc., 2002) p. 96. 272. 56. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 80. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of Neo-Confucianism, p. 39. Neo-Confucianism, p. 106. 57. Ibid. 81. Wang Yangming, “Inquiries in the Great Learning,” p. 58. Ibid. 272. 59. Ibid. 82. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 60. Ibid. Neo-Confucianism, p. 106. 61. Lu Xiangshan, “Written at Goose Lake to Rhyme with 83. Great Learning, in The Four Books trans. James Legge My Brother’s Verse,” p. 96. (China: Commercial Press LTD, 19--?) p. 312. 62. Lu Xiangshan, “Explaining the Analects,” trans. 84. *Note: Even though I believe James Legge followed P.J. Ivanhoe in Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Zhu Xi’s interpretation of gewu when he translated the Thought of Mengzi and Wang Yangming, Second Edition Great Learning from Chinese to English, his translations of (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2002) p. 82. Confucian texts remains the most authoritative, which is why 63. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of I am referring to his volume in my paper. Neo-Confucianism, pp. 30. 85. Tu Wei-Ming, Neo-Confucian Thought in Action: Wang 64. Ibid. p. 31. Yang-ming’s Youth (1472-1509) (Berkeley: University of 65. Julia Ching, To Acquire Wisdom: The Way of Wang California Press, 1976) p. 163. Yang-ming (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976) pp. 86. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 27. Neo-Confucianism, p. 108. 66. Ibid. p. 28. 87. Ibid. p. 107. 67. Ibid. p. 31. 88. Wang Yangming, “Inquiries in the Great Learning,” p. 68. Ibid. p. 32. 274. 69. Ibid. p. 33. 89. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Readings from the Lu-Wang School of 70. Wang Yangming, “Pulling Up the Root and Stopping Up Neo-Confucianism, p. 108. the Source” in Instructions for Practical Living and Other 90. Ibid. p. 112. Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, trans. Wing- 91. Ibid. tist Chan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963) p. 117 92. Robert J, Richards, The Romantic Conception of Life, p. 71. Ibid. pp. 121-123. 181-2. 72. Wang Yangming, “Inquiries in the Great Learning,” p. 272. BIBLIOGRAPHY 73. Wang Yangming, “Instructions for Practical Living,” p. 222. PRIMARY SOURCES 74. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Great Learning, in The Four Books, translated by James Thought of Mengzi and Wang Yangming, Second Edition Legge. China: Commercial Press LTD, 19--?. (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2002) p. 46. Kang, Youwei. The One-World Philosophy of K’ang Yu-wei, 75. Ibid. p. 57. translated by Laurence G. Thompson. London: George 54 MAN’S SEARCH FOR ONENESS

Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1958. Wang Yang-Ming, trans. Wing-tist Chan. New York: Lu, Xiangshan. “Assorted Explanations,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe Columbia University Press, 1963. in Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Thought ---“Pulling Up the Root and Stopping Up the Source,” of Mengzi and Wang Yangming, Second Edition. in Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo- Indianapolis: Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, trans. Wing-tist Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. 2002. Chan. New York: Columbia University Press, 1963. ---“Explaining the Analects,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi and SECONDARY SOURCES Wang Yangming, Second Edition. Indianapolis: Hackett Abrams, M. H. Natural Supernaturalism: Tradition and Publishing Company, Inc. 2002. Revolution in Romantic Literature. New York: W.W. ---“Letter to Wu Zisi,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in Ethics in the Norton & Company, 1971. Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi and Ching, Julia. To Acquire Wisdom: The Way of Wang Yang- Wang Yangming, Second Edition. Indianapolis: Hackett ming. New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press, 1976. Publishing Hall, David L. and Rover T. Ames. Thinking Through Company, Inc. 2002. Confucius. Albany: State University of New York Press, ---“Recorded Sayings,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in Ethics in the 1987. Confucian Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi and Herman, Jonathan R. “The Mysterious Mr. Wang: The Search Wang Yangming, Second Edition. Indianapolis: Hackett for Martin Buber’s Confucian Ghost Writer,” Journal of Publishing Chinese Religions 37 no. 1: 73-91. Company, Inc. 2002. Huang, Siu-chi. Essentials of Neo-Confucianism: Eight Major ---“Written at Goose Lake to Rhyme with My Brother’s Philosophers of the Song and Ming Periods Westport. Verse,” trans. P.J. Ivanhoe in Ethics in the Confucian Westport: Greenwood Press, 1999. Tradition: The Thought of Mengzi and Wang Yangming, Ivanhoe, Philip J. Ethics in the Confucian Tradition: The Second Edition. Thought of Mengzi and Wang Yangming, Second Edition. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. 2002. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. 2002. Novalis. “Christianity or Europe: A Fragment,” in The Early ---Readings from the Lu-Wang School of Neo-Confucianism. Writings of The German Romantics, edited by Frederick Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. 2009. C. Beiser. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Kleingeld, Pauline. “Romantic Cosmopolitanism: Novalis’s Schiller, Friedrich. “Letters on the Aesthetic Education of ‘Christian or Europe,’” Journal of the History of Man,” in Essays, edited by Walter Hinderer and Daniel O. Philosophy 46, no. 2 (2008): 269-284. Dahlstrom. New York: Continuum, 1993. Martison, Steven D. “Schiller and the New Century,” in A --“On Naive and Sentimental Poetry,” in Essays, edited by Companion to the Works of Friedrich Schiller, ed. Steven Walter Hinderer and Daniel O. Dahlstrom. New York: D. Martison. Rochester: Camden House, 2005. Continuum, 1993. Richards, Robert J. The Romantic Conception of Life: Science Wang, Yangming. “Inquiries in the Great Learning,” in and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe. Chicago, University Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo- of Chicago Press, 2002. Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, trans. Wing-tist Tu, Wei-Ming. Neo-Confucian Thought in Action: Wang Chan. New York: Columbia University Press, 1963. Yang-ming’s Youth (1472-1509).Berkeley: University of ---“Instructions for Practical Living,” in Instructions for California Press, 1976. Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Zammito, John. H. “Schiller and Weimar ‘Classicism.’” Lecture LAURA LI 55

presented in History 375 European Romanticism class, Houston, TX, September 10, 2018.

LAURA LI SID RICHARDSON COLLEGE 2020

HISTORY

British and Japanese War Brides in Post-World War II Sydney Susanna Yau ABSTRACT In the wake of World War II, British and Japanese war brides immigrated to Sydney through their connections to Australian soldiers. Trough analysis of personal accounts, newspaper articles, and government records, it becomes evident that although women from both countries had similar stories at the beginning of their journeys, their lives in Sydney were drastically diferent. Tis article argues that these diferences largely stemmed from the way white Sydneysiders reacted to new immigrants. While the British were considered the ideal immigrant group, most white Australians held deep-set prejudices against people of color, especially against Japanese migrants. Te experiences of war brides provide a unique lens through which to view issues of race, gender, and immigration in post-war Australia.

INTRODUCTION every war bride, observations will be made based on In the aftermath of World War II, countries across multiple primary accounts. Te experiences of British the globe experienced mass migration as people left and Japanese women have been chosen because of tragedy behind to seek new beginnings. Among these the relative abundance of information and the clear migrants were thousands of war brides, women who contrasts between them. Women settling or travelling married foreign military personnel and subsequently through metropolitan Sydney will be used as a case returned with them to their home countries. Although study to represent larger trends in Australia, and Australia was geographically closer to the Asian memoirs, newspaper articles, government records, front of the war, she sent servicemen to both Europe and photographs will be used to describe the brides’ and Pacifc in continued support of Great Britain, relationships and daily lives with their Australian and thus the war brides came from both theatres. Of husbands. the more than 5,000 women who emigrated from Trough these sources, it is clear that British Western Europe between 1942 and 1951, the largest and Japanese war brides shared many of the same group migrated from the United Kingdom.1 Brides experiences, including the ways they met their also came from South Africa, Palestine, Canada, and husbands and their initial reception in Sydney. Te many other countries. In addition, approximately major diference between them was the degree of 650 Japanese women moved to Australia, having met isolation the Japanese women felt, which profoundly their husbands during the Allied occupation of Japan afected the rest of their lives in Sydney. Tis isolation from 1946 to 1956.2 Teir presence is particularly can be attributed to the attitudes Sydney natives signifcant given Australia’s longstanding immigration had towards Japanese women. To show this, primary policies barring the entrance of non-white people. source material, pre-migration relationships and Tis paper aims to answer the question, ‘How daily lives of British and Japanese war brides moving did the experiences of British and Japanese war to Sydney will be compared. Tese aspects of the brides immigrating to Sydney difer, and what was women’s experience will be contextualised by the the main cause of these diferences?’ Currently, attitudes towards immigration in Australia and the few scholars examine the experiences of Western evolving role of women in Australian society. war brides, and no source analytically compares brides of diferent cultural backgrounds. Tough it is impossible to fully encompass the experiences of 57 58 WAR BRIDES IN POST-WWII SYDNEY

OVERVIEW OF SOURCES exoticism of the Japanese women by the public surely Te dearth of primary sources coming from the contributed to the increased media coverage, again war brides themselves in the mid-twentieth century showing how Australian perception of the brides aligns with the idealised view of women as housewives afected the women themselves. and mothers. Personal accounts published before 1990 of both British and Japanese brides are extremely PRE-AUSTRALIA RELATIONSHIPS rare. In the last thirty years, multiple collections of Before arriving in Sydney, British and Japanese accounts by European women have been published.3 women had similar experiences in their interactions Te lack of sources published when the women frst with Australian men and the reactions of their arrived can perhaps be explained in light of post-war families to marriage. Te principal diference between gender roles. Although women experienced greater them was their ability to marry their husbands independence as a result of their work during the war, and migrate to Australia, which can be attributed many were forced to give it up in favour of having to the Australian belief that people of colour were a family. In the Cambridge History of Australia, racially inferior. By the time World War II was historians Katie Holmes and Sarah Pinto state, “Te over, the White Australia Policy, which barred non- everyday life of the Australian woman [in the 1950s] white people from immigrating to Australia, had was to be framed around her husband and children, been in place for over thirty years, with the goal of who were to be prioritised in all but the most unusual maintaining a European population and identity of circumstances.”4 Tis emphasis on domesticity over rather than an Asian one.7 a woman’s individual experience helps explain why During the war, British war brides frequently there were not sources about or by British war brides; met foreign soldiers through work or informal they, and society, were focused on their families frst. socialisation. As in World War I, women were heavily While the perspectives of Japanese war brides involved in the war efort and frequently worked in were also overlooked, newspaper articles detailing auxiliary units in the armed forces. Women’s Auxiliary their arrivals in Australia were more common; both Air Force (WAAF) sergeant Vera Baker frst saw her these trends are tangible manifestations of the impact husband at Royal Air Force (RAF) station where she Australian perceptions had on Japanese women’s was working, later meeting him at a local pub.8 Other experiences. Like the British war brides, personal couples were introduced at dances, on blind dates, or accounts of the Japanese women were not published through their jobs. While it was fairly common to until recently. In some cases, the women refused to meet Australian men in this way, marrying them was discuss their experiences and ‘remained insistent that another matter. WAAF nurse Estelle Mydat recalls their lives were private’, according to Amy Bentley, that when she informed her father of her intentions who interviewed multiple Japanese women and their to marry an Australian, he “hit the roof and said I husbands in 2002 for her master’s thesis.5 Bentley was mad because I knew nothing about him… and connects the brides’ willingness to discuss their proceeded to tell me all about the Aussies in World experiences with the welcome the women received War I who married English girls and then went when they frst arrived. Women in Melbourne and home to their wives and children.”9 Tis statement Brisbane, where crowds had met the ships carrying reveals a general distrust of Australians held by many Japanese brides with enthusiasm, more readily agreed British parents. Despite initial familial misgivings, to interviews than women in Sydney, where they were most couples married in England, often before the less eagerly welcomed.6 In addition, the perceived war ended. Te majority of the brides travelled to SUSANNA YAU 59

Australia after 1945; the Australian government ofcer and fll out many pages of paperwork.18 Te provided free passage to them and their children eventual admission of the war brides into Australia aboard so-called ‘bride ships’ until 1952.10 For some, was infuenced by ‘an intrinsically gendered concept the six week journey was a ‘wonderful cruise’ full of Japanese’, as Amy Bentley describes it, whereby of sightseeing and better food and amenities than women and men were seen as ‘pretty girls and were available during the war.11 For others, especially bastards’, respectively.19 Tat Japanese women were those with young children, the voyage was much less seen as harmless and innocent of the war would comfortable, with one wife cabling her husband to tell have made the government more inclined to permit him that her ship was ‘appalling’.12 Regardless of the them in the country, further showing how Australian conditions, British women faced few governmental conceptualisation of the war brides infuenced their and logistical obstacles in migrating to Australia, no experiences. doubt helped by the fact that the British were the preferred immigrant group in a country committed to RECEPTION IN SYDNEY maintaining its white population.13 Upon arrival in Sydney, British women were In post-war Japan, Australian troops made up warmly welcomed by the community, aligning with a large contingent of the British Commonwealth the governmental and public desire for Anglo-Saxon Occupation Forces (BCOF) stationed at Kure, a naval immigrants. Most were met of the ships by their port near Hiroshima, from 1946 to 1956.14 During husbands and in-laws, while others disembarked in the occupation, BCOF employed a large population intermediate cities and were received by organisations of Japanese women, incentivizing them with relatively such as the Red Cross or the YWCA. Tese groups, high wages. Women commonly served as house girls, usually run by middle-class women, provided food and nurses, and interpreters; the lack of Japanese men overnight accommodation to the brides before they meant that they were frequently the primary earners continued travelling to meet their husbands.20 Vera for their families and sent money away while living on Baker remembers that she ‘corresponded with [the their own.15 Like the British, these Japanese families family she stayed with] for some time after I reached also opposed their daughters’ marriages to Australians. Sydney, and they sent a lovely silk christening gown A bride known only as Michi, who met her husband for [my daughter]’, demonstrating the longevity of the Gus while working for a local newspaper, states that bond between wives and hosts and the positivity of her parents “opposed it strongly when I said that I the relationship.21 Tat Australian women, who may wanted to marry Gus… they talked as if I should have resented the foreign war brides for ‘stealing’ their be disowned as my association with the Australian men and sons, would immediately welcome the British soldiers would spoil marriage chances for my younger wives implies that Australia was open and welcoming sisters and brothers.”16 Michi’s parents’ reaction to the British women from the start. Like the British demonstrates both the depth of disproval of interracial families, however, some women found that their in- marriages and the efects it would have on her entire laws were less accepting. Olive Johnson remembers family. Te Australian government also disproved that her husband Johnny’s family was quite cold upon of marriages between soldiers and Japanese women, her arrival in Kings Cross, saying, “Neither Johnny’s attempting to enforce an anti-fraternisation policy sisters nor his mother spoke to me… I think it boiled and, when that failed, making immigration difcult down to having the wrong religion and the wrong for the wives.17 Couples were required to undergo nationality.”22 Te rejection by her in-laws, potentially extensive evaluations by the soldier’s commanding as a result of her diferences, is similar to the British 60 WAR BRIDES IN POST-WWII SYDNEY families’ reactions and less a refection on opinions of this Australian hostility is deemed acceptable is even immigration. more telling of attitudes towards the Japanese. While Japanese women were also welcomed positively in Australia, as reported by multiple DAILY LIFE newspapers across the country, these articles When refecting on the most impactful changes simultaneously convey patronising attitudes consistent between England and Sydney, most women focused with previously stated prejudices towards people of on material aspects rather than ideological or cultural colour. Te Australian government began permitting ones, showing the acceptance they received in those Japanese brides into the country in 1952 on temporary areas. Molly Ellis, who moved to Woolloomooloo in visas, by which the government maintained the 1946, writes that she immediately noticed “the heat, power to deport them if desired. Only in 1956 were too many fies, no trees that I knew — everything women allowed to apply for citizenship.23 Like the was so diferent.”26 Tat material observations, rather British war brides, Japanese wives were typically met than treatment by Sydneysiders, stood out to her their husbands and in-laws upon arrival in Sydney. shows a lack of concern over her ability to assimilate Tere are no records of organized hosts for the into Australian culture. Beyond relatively shallow women, and when one husband failed to meet his lifestyle diferences such as slang and the lack of wife at the airport after his car broke down, another modern conveniences, the women seemed to adjust Japanese bride was called to take care of her.24 While quickly to their new country and easily identifed as this may have been because there were signifcantly Australians.27 Most did not report working outside fewer Japanese brides, and thus less of a need for the home in the frst years, and almost all proudly accommodation, it demonstrates a diference in the mention their ‘true blue dinky-di Aussies’.28 Tis hospitality Australians were willing to ofer to the family focus again aligns with general trends in post- non-white women. Newspapers covering the arrivals war Sydney of the home being the most important were more positive than might be expected, but still aspect of women’s lives. Tis is not to say that the expressed subtle prejudice. In an article on Japanese wives never felt homesick; many cite their local war brides in America, which reported the women War Brides Clubs made of other British women, ‘gradually being accepted by their neighbours as “good often hosted by the YWCA, as places of comfort American wives”’, the author refers to interracial and community.29 However, when refecting on their marriages as “one of the problems of the Allied decisions to move to Sydney, most women emphasise occupation of Japan.”25 Rather than celebrating the their allegiance to their adopted nation. Mabel Mann, happy marriage, the paper deigns it a ‘problem’ based whose husband died in 1958, says that ‘though I still solely on the fact that the bride was not white. In the love the gentleness of the English countryside… that same article, the Minister for the Australian Army is in the past; Australia is in the present’, eloquently describes Japanese women as ‘liv[ing] in frugal, even summarising her identity as an Australian despite the feudal, atmospheres, and if they were brought here absence of the reason she had come in the frst place.30 they would be alone in very strange surroundings, In contrast, the defning characteristics of the knowing nothing of our customs, and amid people lives of Japanese women in Sydney were the feelings who might even be hostile.’ Tis statement showcases of isolation and loneliness and the externally-imposed many of the negative opinions Australians held about desire to become authentic Australian housewives. the Japanese, including having a backwards society Both can be directly attributed to Australian attitudes and an inability to adjust to Australian culture. Tat towards the brides. Because white neighbors were SUSANNA YAU 61 not always friendly, and 1950s Sydney lacked a experiences should not be understated, as I have Japanese community, it could be difcult for women attempted to show. At the centre of their stories to make connections outside the home. Of her was the pursuit of love in the face of devastating interviewees, Amy Bentley writes, “the women I war. I have focused on women who lived in Sydney talked to all seemed to have had difcult and lonely for a signifcant amount of time, many of whom times, feeling isolated and unsure of themselves.”31 experienced happy marriages and genuinely grew to Anyone moving to a new country would have see Australia as their home. However, the stories of ‘difcult and lonely times’, but Bentley’s description the women who were abandoned, cheated on, and implies a widespread epidemic of these feelings that returned home should not be discounted. War brides profoundly impacted the women. Multiple brides, are still being created today and provide an important including Michi, remember ‘thinking about suicide lens that refects society at its vulnerable points. sometimes’ because they had no one to turn to, but were ultimately deterred by the thought of their NOTES children being motherless.32 Tis shows the depth of 1. Overseas War Brides Association, Overseas War Brides: Stories the women’s despair as well as their commitment to from the Women Who Followed Teir Hearts to Australia (East their families, which can be tied to the government’s Roseville: Simon & Schuster, 2001), x. emphasis on war brides assimilating into society and 2. Keiko Tamura, Michi’s Memories: Te Story of a Japanese War becoming ‘respectable Australian housewives’. As Bride (Canberra: ANU Press, 2011), 12. Australia accepted over 180,000 immigrants after the 3. Te three main sources used for research on British war brides war, the government and the public pushed them to were Carol Fallows’ Love & War: Stories of War Brides from adapt Australia’s customs. Te pressure to assimilate the Great War to Vietnam; Overseas War Brides, a collection of was so high that war bride Sadako Morris ‘chose to short personal accounts compiled by the Overseas War Brides stay with her husband’s family for six months so she Club, which was based in Sydney and hosted yearly reunions in could learn Australian ways’ rather than move into Kirribilli; and Rebecca Britt’s Stories of Love & War: From the a new home with him immediately.33 In another Collection of the Australian War Memorial. instance, an Australian husband instructs his Japanese 4. Katie Holmes and Sarah Pinto, ‘Gender and Sexuality’ in Te wife to ‘Always speak English, doesn’t matter if it is Cambridge History of Australia, ed. Alison Bashford and Stuart broken English it’s still English’ to their son.34 Both MacIntyre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 321. of these situations exemplify the ‘denial of a migrant’s 5. Amy Bentley, ‘Japanese Women in Australia from 1890s-1950s: past’ by Australians, as Joy Damousi describes it, Positioning Japanese War Brides in the Australian National demonstrating an eagerness to completely eliminate Imaginary’ (master’s thesis, University of Sydney, 2003), 1. the women’s Japanese heritage.35 Te loneliness 6. Bentley, 2. and pressure to assimilate as caused by Australian 7. Mark Peel and Christina Twomey, A History of Australia (New treatment of the war brides were major aspects of York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 142. their experiences. 8. Overseas War Brides, 24. 9. Carol Fallows, Love & War: Stories of War Brides from the CONCLUSION Great War to Vietnam (Sydney: Bantam Books, 2002), 125. Post-World War II war brides were a unique 10. ‘Bride Ship Conditions Criticised’, Te Argus, 6 August 1946. population of women often overlooked in the study 11. Fallows, Love & War, 157. of the war and its efects. Te role of Australian 12. ‘Bride Ship Conditions Criticised’, Te Argus, 6 August 1946. perceptions of and reactions to these women in their 13. Peel and Twomey, A History of Australia, 210-211. 62 WAR BRIDES IN POST-WWII SYDNEY

14. Tamura, Michi’s Memories, 3. Overseas War Brides Association, Overseas War Brides: Stories 15. Fallows, Love & War, 206. from the Women Who Followed Teir Hearts to Australia 16. Tamura, Michi’s Memories, 24. (East Roseville: Simon & Schuster, 2001) 17. Bentley, ‘Japanese Women in Australia’, 20. Te Daily Telegraph 18. Fallows, Love & War, 211. National Advocate 19. Bentley, ‘Japanese Women in Australia’, 54. Northern Star 20. Fallows, Love & War, 163. Te Sun 21. Overseas War Brides, 26. Sydney Morning Herald 22. Fallows, Love & War, 168. Tweed Daily 23. Tamura, Michi’s Memories, 30. 24. ‘War Bride’, Sydney Morning Herald, 8 January 1953. SECONDARY SOURCES 25. ‘Madame Butterfy In U.S.A.’, Sydney Morning Herald, 2 Bentley, Amy. ‘Japanese Women in Australia from 1890s-1950s: March 1952. Positioning Japanese War Brides in the Australian National 26. Overseas War Brides, 49. Imaginary’. Master’s thesis, University of Sydney, 2003. 27. Overseas War Brides, 15. Britt, Rebecca. Stories of Love & War: From the Collection of 28. Overseas War Brides, 27. the Australian War Memorial (Frenchs Forest: New Holland 29. Overseas War Brides, 134. Publishers, 2010). 30. Overseas War Brides, 24. Damousi, Joy. ‘“We are Human Beings, and have a Past”: Te 31. Bentley, ‘Japanese Women in Australia’, 136. “Adjustment” of Migrants and the Australian Assimilation 32. Tamura, Michi’s Memories, 66. Policies of the 1950s’, Australian Journal of Politics and 33. Fallows, Love & War, 208. History (2013): 501-516. 34. Fallows, 209. Damousi, Joy and Marilyn Lake, eds. Gender and War: 35. Joy Damousi, ‘“We are Human Beings, and have a Past”: Te Australians at War in the Twentieth Century (New York: “Adjustment” of Migrants and the Australian Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, 1995). 36. Assimilation Policies of the 1950s’, Australian Journal of Darian-Smith, Kate. ‘World War 2 and Post-War Reconstruction, Politics and History (2013): 501. 1939–49.’ Chapter. In Te Cambridge History of Australia, edited by Alison Bashford and Stuart Macintyre, 88–111. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. doi:10.1017/ CHO9781107445758.035. PRIMARY SOURCES De Matos, Christine, and Robin Gerster, eds. Occupying the National Archives of Australia: Prime Minister’s Department; “Other”: Australia and Military Occupations from Japan to A4940, Correspondence fles, multiple number series, second Iraq (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009). system, 1952-53; C639, Japanese wives of servicemen and ex- Dinan, Jacqueline. ‘Australia at war: Te challenges and servicemen - Admission to Australia Policy opportunities for women during World War II’, Agora 51, no. National Archives of Australia: Department of External Afairs; 3 (2016): 38-44. A1838, Correspondence fles, multiple number series, 1952- Dyson, Catherine. Swing by, Sailor: True stories from the War 54; 1531/114, Immigration - Admission of Japanese Wives of Brides of HMS Victorious (Sydney: Hatchette Australia, Australian & Allied Ex-Servicemen - General 2007). National Archives of Australia: Department of Immigration; Fallows, Carol. Love & War: Stories of War Brides form the A446, Correspondence fles, 1953-68; 1963/45335 PART 2, Great War to Vietnam (Sydney: Bantam Books, 2002). Admission of Japanese wives of Australian Servicemen Glenn, Nakano Evelyn, Issei, Nissei, War Bride: Tree SUSANNA YAU 63

Generations of Women in Domestic Service (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986). Holmes, Katie, and Sarah Pinto. ‘Gender and Sexuality’. In Te Cambridge History of Australia, edited by Alison Bashford and Stuart MacIntyre, 308–31. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. doi:10.1017/ CHO9781107445758.044. Lake, Marilyn. ‘Female desires: Te meaning of World War II’, Australian Historical Studies 24, no. 95 (1990): 267-284, doi:10.1080/10314619008595846. Mackie, Vera and Jones, Paul. Relationships: Japan and Australia, 1870s-1950s (Parkville: University of Melbourne, Department of History, 2001). McKernan, Michael. All In! Australia during the Second World War (Melbourne: Nelson, 1983). Owen, June Duncan. Mixed Matches: Interracial Marriage in Australia (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2002). Peel and Christina Twomey, A History of Australia (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). Tamura, Keiko. Michi’s Memories: Te Story of a Japanese War Bride (Canberra: ANU Press, 2011). Tamura, Keiko. ‘War Brides Break Barriers’, Wartime 20 (2002): 49-51.

SUSANNA YAU MARTEL COLLEGE 2020

HISTORY 64 EDITORIAL BOARD GENNIFER AVERY GEER JORDAN MCMURTRY COLLEGE, 2020 WIESS COLLEGE, 2020 ASIAN STUDIES & HISTORY ASIAN STUDIES & Gennifer is dedicated to COMPUTER SCIENCE advocating for issues regarding Avery is interested in American and the U.S. military presence Chinese technology policy, particularly abroad, particularly in Okinawa, related to AI and Quantum Comput- Japan. Her research focuses on ing. He anticipates Chinese technology transnational identity, intercultural companies becoming even more glob- communication, and solidarity ally relevant and foresees computer movements among minority EDITOR / WEBMASTER science and Asian Studies being a EDITOR-IN-CHIEF groups. critical juncture in his future career.

SOPHIE COLEMAN LAFFERTY LAMBO JONES COLLEGE, 2019 LOVETT COLLEGE, 2021 ASIAN STUDIES ASIAN STUDIES Sophie has an interest in Japan and Japanese feminist issues. Cole is interested in the She’s studying Japanese and was intersection of security and an exchange student in Tokyo. economics in the Indo-Pacific Next year, she’ll attend graduate region. He aims to pursue a school to become a secondary career in intelligence analysis mathematics teacher. Sophie loves and afterwards apply his to edit for fun and writes short knowledge to the world of EDITOR stories in her free time. EDITOR academia.

FLORA ERIN NAYLOR YE MARTEL COLLEGE, 2021 BROWN COLLEGE, 2019 ASIAN STUDIES & SOCIAL ASIAN STUDIES & SOCIOLOGY POLICY ANALYSIS Erin is interested in East Asian Flora is a sophomore interested history and literature. She is an in the concept of human aspiring law student who enjoys dignity and its manifestation applying social theory to her disci- in social, political, and legal pline in Asian Studies. Passionate realms. She also enjoy running about human rights and equity, and exploring Houston’s food she heavily focuses her studies on scene. Asian racial dynamics and Asian EDITOR EDITOR underdeveloped countries.