Euromaidan Newsletter No. 26
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Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
The Media As a Mirror of Putin's Evolving Strategy in Ukraine
Tomila Lankina and Kohei Watanabe ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Lankina, Tomila V. and Watanabe, Kohei (2017) ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine. Europe-Asia Studies. pp. 1526- 1556. ISSN 0966-8136 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2017.1397603 © 2017 University of Glasgow This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68226/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 Tomila Lankina* and Kohei Watanabe** ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring Betrayal’? The Media as a Mirror of Putin’s Evolving Strategy in Ukraine Abstract We develop a novel Russian-language electronic content analysis dictionary and method to analyse Russian state media’s framing of the Euromaidan protests. -
Riding the Anti-Corruption Tide
#7 (113) July 2017 What kind of land reform Will Ukraine lose the transit Updates on Ukraine’s captives will boost the economy of Russian gas in Russia and Crimea RIDING THE ANTI-CORRUPTION TIDE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 So many suspects, so little evidence: 4 The very costly secret: Ukrainian prisoners The pitfalls of Yanukovych’s in Russia and Crimea $1.5bn case 34 Ihor Luniov: “Our enemies no longer sleep tight” Commander POLITICS of Ukraine’s new Special Operations 7 Farmers vs agriholdings: Forces on progress, plans What kind of land market 36 Martin Brest: “Victory is not possible Ukraine needs until the people start to truly love 10 The Holy Grail: Who wants a change their military“ of Ukraine’s Constitution, and why Veteran and blogger on problems 12 Pre-Constitutional changes: and spirit in the Army, veteran What preceded the 1996 Constitution activism and life after war FOCUS NEIGHBOURS 16 A new kind of sport: 38 The crossroads of the new Silk Road: Why the trend of fighting government Kazakhstan is open for business corruption yields no visible results but only half-ready for it 18 Numerical anti-corruption: 40 Michael Binyon on the UK’s sense Scores in international rankings and of loss as Brexit talks start reports by domestic law enforcers 42 Gerardo Ángel Bugallo Ottone: “The image and ideas we project and ECONOMICS discuss today are not dissimilar 20 No transit, no cry: Dealing to the ones discussed during WWII” with the termination -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Ukraine
Elections in Ukraine 2019 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 22, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Why is this election important? .................................................................................................................... 1 What is the role of the president? ................................................................................................................ 1 What is the legal framework governing the elections? ................................................................................ 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 2 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 2 How are elections administered? ................................................................................................................. 3 Who can vote in these elections? ................................................................................................................. 4 How do citizens register to vote? ................................................................................................................ -
REDUX: the 'Euro' in Euromaidan, in Hindsight #BORDERS #UKRAINE
[tabgroup layout="vertical"] REDUX: The ‘Euro’ in Euromaidan, in Hindsight #BORDERS #UKRAINE written by Karolina Follis April 16, 2015 On March 18th, 2014 Putin delivered a speech to the Russian Duma where he reclaimed Crimea for Russia. The Russian President did not declare a new Cold War, but he made it known that as far as he was concerned, the post-Soviet order of the past 25 years has come to an end. From now on Russia would be prepared to fight back against any perceived interference in the territories that it considers its sphere of influence, or its blizhneye zarubezhye, the ‘near abroad.’ Implicit in Putin’s statements was the ultimate strategic goal of Russian policy towards Ukraine: to transform it into a protectorate of Russia. On April 7th, pro-Russian protesters seized city administration buildings in Donetsk launching a chain of events which may lead to a repeat of the Crimean scenario in the South-East of Ukraine. With this much clear, we look back at events in Kyiv, where not long ago Ukrainian citizens came out en masse to protest against the then-Ukrainian 1 of 6 [tabgroup layout="vertical"] government’s decision not to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union. Back then, in November of 2013, many observers in the West were puzzled by the protesters’ apparent enthusiasm for the EU. As Euromaidan swelled and turned into an expression of a desire for wholesale political change in Ukraine, the postulate of EU accession receded into the background but never vanished. On the 21st of March in Brussels, four months after the start of the protests and two days after the annexation of Crimea, Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Herman van Rompuy finally signed the political part of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin. -
The Donbas As an Intentional Community
THIS IS A DRAFT PAPER From Exit to Take-Over: The Evolution of the Donbas as an Intentional Community VLAD MYKHNENKO* International Policy Fellow The Central European University & Open Society Institute E-mail: [email protected] Paper for Workshop No 20. The Politics of Utopia: Intentional Communities as Social Science Microcosms The European Consortium for Political Research Joint Sessions of Workshops 13-18 April 2004 Uppsala, Sweden ABSTRACT: The Donbas – a large old industrial region in the Ukrainian-Russian Cossack borderland – constitutes a particular intentional community. According to earlier positive accounts, it was a space, the open steppe, a frontier land, a fugitive’s paradise, where the notions of and desires for freedom and dignifying labour had been realised. According to its current negative associations, the Donbas is an allegedly realised utopia of an ‘anti-modern’ community, dominated by a ‘criminal-political nexus’ of terrorising mafia gangs and political clans. The purpose of this paper is to compare the Donbas community, the evolution of intentions of its founders and of the images produced in the process of its construction, in three very different points in time – under the Russian Empire, under the Bolshevik Rule and Stalin’s Great Terror, and during the post-communist transformation. * I would like to express my gratitude here to the International Policy Fellowships, affiliated with the Central European University and Open Society Institute – Budapest, for their generous help, which has allowed me, among many other things, to work on this paper. 2 In both a geographical and symbolic sense, the Donbas constitutes a particular community, just as a nation, city, or village does. -
Annual Report
JAHRESBERICHT Rapport Annuel Annual Report Informe anual The Groupe ReveNue €6,610 M Table of Contents NeT INCOMe €737 M DILuTeD eps 2 Message from Maurice Lévy €3.36 4 Message from Élisabeth Badinter 5 The Supervisory Board DIvIDeND 9 The Strategic Leadership Team €0.90 14 THE GROUPE 16 The Human Digital Agency New BuSINeSS 18 Major Clients uS$3.5 20 Corporate Governance – Compliance BILLION 22 Re:Sources – Shared Service Centers AGENCIES 24 eMPLOYeeS 28 Advertising Agencies 58,000 36 Media & Digital Agencies 48 Specialized Agencies GLOBAL PReSeNCe 56 SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY 108 58 Strengthening the Groupe’s CSR policies 59 A Selection of 2012 Pro Bono Campaigns COuNTRIeS 62 KEY FIGURES OPeRATING MARGIN 64 Key Figures € 65 Revenue and Organic Growth 1,064 M 66 Operating Margin 67 Shares & Net Income and Free Cash Flow OPeRATING MARGIN RATe 68 Debt & Stock Price 16.1% E profil Publicis Groupe is one of the world's leading communications groups. We offer the full range of services and skills: digital (Digitas, Razorfish, Rosetta, VivaKi), creative services (BBH, Leo Burnett, Publicis Worldwide, Saatchi & Saatchi), public affairs, corporate communications and events (MSLGROUP), media strategy, planning and buying (Starcom MediaVest Group and ZenithOptimedia) and healthcare communications, with Publicis Healthcare Communications Group (PHCG). Since 2004, Publicis Groupe has ranked first in Creative Performance (number of awards relative to revenue) in The Gunn Report. In 2012, at the 59th edition of the Cannes Lions International Festival of Creativity, Publicis Groupe took a total of 154 Lions, including 2 Grand Prix, 44 Gold, 42 Silver and 66 Bronze awards. -
Whatson1-2017.Pdf
Contents | Issue 1 September 2017 12 What’s On this Month A selection of some of the best events around town for family, arts, live mu- sic, theatre and classical music, cinema sports, and nightlife On the Cover 24 Social media love for WO What’s All the Fuss This fabulous spread is dedicated to the stories that don’t necessarily make the 18 headlines, but are well worth a read What’s Abroad 4 The bezviz regime has kicked in for From the Editor Ukrainians, but the EU isn’t the only Kyiv’s best-loved English-language mag- place locals are flocking to, nor have azine is back and it’s better than ever! bezviz rights to 28 What’s In Focus There’s a number of events we have captured from behind the lens in recent weeks. If you weren’t there, the only ques- 6 What’s New 20 What’s Ahead tion is – why not? What changes has the country seen since Hold on to your WO and make sure you our departure back in 2014 grab tickets to some fabulous events head- ing to town in the coming months 22 What Women Want Girl guru Ksenia Karpenko talks about the necessity to keep it sustainable when 8 it comes to fashion, and shares a few note- What About the Guys worthy spots to spend your hard-earned What’s On takes a tour around cash the karaoke clubs of Kyiv with Serzh Velichanskiy to find out where you might 34 What’s Up For Grabs want to pick up the mic Grab your camera and get out in the city for your chance to win some super priz- es! Every month there’s another chance 10 to win! What’s On the Cover The What’s On team gets real, while congrats come in from -
Competing Nationalisms, Euromaidan, and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict
bs_bs_banner Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 15, No. 1, 2015 Competing Nationalisms, Euromaidan, and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict Taras Kuzio* Senior Research Associate, Canadian Institute for Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta Senior Research Fellow, Chair of Ukrainian Studies, University of Toronto Non-Resident Fellow, Center for Transatlantic Relations, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University Introduction Although Ukraine is a regionally diverse country, it had succeeded in peacefully managing inter-ethnic and linguistic tension between competing nationalisms and identities. However, the rise of the openly pro-Russian Party of Regions political machine after the Orange Revolution, whose leader came to power in 2010, and the evolution of Vladimir Putin’s regime from proponent of statist to ethnic national- ism, heightened Ukrainian inter-regional and inter-state conflict. Viktor Yanukovych’s policies provoked popular protests that became the Euromaidan. His unwillingness to compromise and his fear of leaving office led to violence and the breakdown of state structures, opening the way for Russia’s interventions in the Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. This article investigates the sources for the violence during and after the Euromaidan and Russia’s interventions. It argues that domes- tic and foreign factors served to change the dynamics of Russian speakers in Ukraine from one of passivity in the late 1980s through to the 2004 Orange Revolution; low-level mobilization from 2005 to 2013; and high-level -
Opora Final Report on Observation at the 2019 Regular Presidential Elections in Ukraine
OPORA FINAL REPORT ON OBSERVATION AT THE 2019 REGULAR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE Kyiv― 2020 The publication was made possible due to support of American people pro- vided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Any opinions and statements expressed in this publication may not coin- cide with the official position of USAID and US Government. Authors Oleksandr Kliuzhev Oleksandr Neberykut Olha Kotsiuruba Robert Lorian Iurii Lisovskyi Grygorii Sorochan Endorsed by Olga Aivazovska Translation Svitlana Bregman Design by Viktoria Arkhypenko ISBN 978-617-7142-56-9 © OPORA, 2020 CONTENT ABOUT OPORA OBSERVATION 5 BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF THE REPORT 7 DETAILED SUMMARY 13 ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL LAW 31 REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES FOR THE POSITION OF THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE 35 CAMPAIGNING ACTIVITIES OF PARTIES AND CANDIDATES 39 Peculiarities of the early campaigning 40 Format of campaigning activities and early campaigning subjects 41 Campaigning activities of candidates within the electoral process 46 Campaigning activities of candidates during the preparation for the second round of voting 51 ADMINISTRATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE 55 CEC operations 56 Formation and activities of district election commissions 64 Establishing district election commissions 64 The first sessions of district election commissions 69 Rotation of the DEC membership 72 Formation of precinct election commissions 72 Launch of operations of precinct election commissions 78 Formation and organization of DEC operations -
Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2019 Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis Nicholas Pehlman The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3073 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © Copyright by Nick Pehlman, 2018 All rights reserved ii Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Mark Ungar Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Julie George Jillian Schwedler THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional