The Times, the Spectator. April 1978
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PCE, Santiago Carrillo: Enero De 1977 O El Giro Sacrificial De La Transición1
302 SanchezBiosca, Vicente_EMP 1 14/06/2016 1:11 Página 49 PCE, Santiago Carrillo: enero de 1977 o el giro sacrificial de la Transición1 Vicente SÁNCHEZBIOSCA Universidad de Valencia [email protected] Recibido: 10 de octubre de 2015 Aceptado: 30 de marzo de 2016 Resumen La Transición española a la democracia ha sido objeto de uno de los más sólidos relatos construidos por el periodismo y refrendado por la sociedad civil. En su corazón tiene lugar un momento de violencia que se concentra en la llamada semana negra de enero de 1977, cuyo clímax está representado por la matanza de Atocha. El presente artículo analiza las distintas etapas de cristalización de ese relato: un capítulo de La Transición (Elías Andrés, Victoria Prego, 1995), Siete días de enero (J.A. Bardem, 1978), un repor taje de Interviú (febrero de 1977) y las crónicas periodísticas de El País, Diario16 y Mundo Obrero. Es pecial atención se presta a la figura de Santiago Carrillo, identificado con la estrategia del PCE, cuya consideración cambió radicalmente durante esa semana. Palabras clave: Transición democrática en España, Carrillo y PCE, Carisma y Transición, violencia fas cista, comunismo. The Spanish Communist Party, Santiago Carrillo: January 1977, or the sacrificial turning point in the Spanish Transition to Democracy Abstract The Spanish Transition to democracy has originated one of the most solid narratives built by the press in recent History. Its turning point is represented by the acts of violence that spread in Madrid during the socalled ‘black week’ (end of January 1977). Its apex was the massacre of a group of communist law yers by fascist gunmen. -
Legitimacy by Proxy: Searching for a Usable Past Through the International Brigades in Spain's Post-Franco Democracy, 1975-201
This is a repository copy of Legitimacy by Proxy: searching for a usable past through the International Brigades in Spain’s post-Franco democracy, 1975-2015. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93332/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Marco, J and Anderson, PP (2016) Legitimacy by Proxy: searching for a usable past through the International Brigades in Spain’s post-Franco democracy, 1975-2015. Journal of Modern European History, 14 (3). pp. 391-410. ISSN 1611-8944 10.17104/1611-8944-2016-3-391 (c) 2016, Verlag C.H. Beck. This is an author produced version of a paper published in the Journal of Modern European History. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Legitimacy by Proxy: searching for a usable past through the International Brigades in Spain’s post-Franco democracy, 1975-2015 INTRODUCTION The 23 October 2011 marked the 75th anniversary of the official creation of the International Brigades. -
(PCE M-L) Elena Ódena, Exemplary Communist
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line * Spain Communist Party of Spain M-L (PCE M-L) Elena Ódena, exemplary communist First Published: November 2013 http://pceml.info/actual/index.php/60-hemeroteca/biblioteca- marxista/elena-odena/300-elena-odena-comunista-ejemplar Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. By Efrén H. | It is common to hear that no person is indispensable or irreplaceable. As a general rule, this principle is correct, but there are cases in which the disappearance of certain men and women, due to their exceptional qualities, leaves an immense vacuum difficult to fill. This is the case of Elena Ódena, founder, along with Raúl Marco, of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist). Woman committed from a very young age to the struggle of the working class, dedicated her life to the cause of communism, always defending the principles of Marxism-Leninism. PCE militant, she fought firmly against revisionist deviations and Khrushchev's lies about Stalin. That is why the great historian Pierre Vilar stressed "the fidelity of Elena to the three thinkers, the three revolutionary creators, Marx who foresaw the revolution, Lenin who made the revolution, Stalin who built the revolution and saved it, winning the war against the fascisms. -
Santiago Carrillo Solares
fundación TRANSICIÓN española Santiago Carrillo Solares Nacido en Gijón en 1915, pasó su primera infancia en Asturias, Santiago Carrillo se traslada junto a su familia a Madrid e ingresa en el Grupo Escolar Cervantes, donde es seleccionado para cursar bachillerato pero al no poder pagar los derechos de examen comenzó a trabajar como aprendiz en una imprenta. Poco después se afilia a las Juventudes Socialistas de España (JJ.SS.) y a la Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT). En 1930 comienza a colaborar como periodista en El Socialista y el 14 de abril de 1931 la República, se le encarga cubrir la información parlamentaria. Desde la dirección de la revista de las JJ.SS. Renovación, a la que accede en 1933, defiende su posición revolucionaria extendiéndola en el seno deEspañola las Juventudes. En 1934, fue nombrado secretario de las Juventudes Socialistas, momento en el cual existían dos corrientes en el PSOE, el de los reformistas de Besteiro y Prieto y el de los revolucionarios de Largo Caballero con el que Carrillo colabora estrechamente. Toma parte en el movimiento revolucionario de Asturias, lo que le lleva a la cárcel hasta que, tras la victoria del Frente Popular en las elecciones del 16 de febrero de 1936, es puesto en libertad. Al salir de prisión, los representantes de la Internacional Comunista en España le proponen y organizan un viaje a Moscú con las direcciones de las TRANSICIÓNJuventudes Socialistas y Juventudes Comunistas. A su regreso a España, la unificación de ambas formaciones no tarda en producirse, y en este proceso la nueva organización experimenta un espectacular crecimiento de afiliados. -
THE SPANISH LEFT: ILLUSION and REALITY Lorenzo Torres
THE SPANISH LEFT: ILLUSION AND REALITY Lorenzo Torres THE present crisis of the Spanish Left-and it is a real crisis we shall be discassing-is the result of a whole series of complex prob- lems, international as well as national. By national we mean primarily the growing lack of agreement between the policies and political activity of the parties of the traditional Left, and the actual situation in Spain. By international we refer to the crisis in the international workers' movement-the crisis of Stalinism, the Russo-Chinese con- troversy, the degeneration of Social-Democracy-all of which find an echo among the membership of the Spanish Workers' organiza- tions. These two sets of problems naturally interact one with the other. Within Spain. despite the present confusion, we are beginning to see emerge new critical forces, from within which a new socialist policy may come. That is the hope: of a programme for the future that will be based on Spanish and international realities and no longer on the out of date anti-Franco-ist dreams and disreputable compromises. The terrible defeat of 1939 naturally has taken many years before its effects have been overcome, even though a considerable number of working class leaders succeeded in escaping abroad. They, and the nucleus in Spain itself which in one way or another managed to escape being shot or imprisoned, rested all their hopes upon the defeat of Nazism and international Fascism. In 1945, on the morrow of the liberation of Europe from Fascism, the whole world seemed con- vinced that the Franco ri5gime would soon suffer a similar fate. -
Eurocommunism: a Discussion of Carrillo's "Eurocommunism and the State" Sam Aaronovitch 1
222 MARXISM TODAY, JULY, 1978 Eurocommunism: a discussion of Carrillo's "Eurocommunism and the State" Sam Aaronovitch 1. Introduction contents" but basing myself on his book and on Santiago Carrillo took the chance to write this other documents by communist parties and individ book in 1976 after entering Spain "illegally" in order, ual communists let me propose this as reasonably as he says, to tackle "one of the most confused and summarising this view. difficult questions confronting a communist today." First: the Soviet model of 1917 is an inappropriate It is not a major and original contribution to Marxist one for advanced capitalist societies which have theory but it is, nevertheless, an important and powerful and extensive state structures, developed liberating book written in a simple and direct way. civil society (i.e. a dense network of social, cultural Part of its importance rests in the fact that the and political groupings based on voluntary commit general secretary of an important communist ment), and considerable democratic traditions and party has written a book which begins to break with practices. past traditions and reflexes in the international Second, in such societies, the road to socialism communist movement and which gives reasons for a involves the working class, through its organisations, strategy which has attracted to itself the name of actually developing its own unity and building a Eurocommunism. Of course, that title is not strictly series of alliances which put it in a leading (hege accurate. It is applied to communist parties such as monic) position in all spheres of economic, social and the Japanese which are not European and would be political life thus enabling it to speak for the people rejected by some communist parties in European as a whole. -
THE SPANISH REVOLUTION and Radio Opes at 8:15, When the Program Changes from English to Ital- Generality of Catalonia, Had Been Making Attacks Against the P.O.U.M
Vol. ii N.° a Barcelona, Spain; May 19, 1937 Please reprint NEWS AND NOTES Revolutionary Youth of France THE SPANISH REVOLUT The example given by Catalonia of a Revolutionary Youth BULLETIN OF THE WORKERS1 PARTY OF MARXIST UNIFICATION Front has been followed by the Revolutionary Youth of France. The Anarchist Youth and the Left Socialist Youth have made P. O. U. M. an agreement which it is hoped will become the nucleus of an AGENTS FOR ENGLAND: EDITORIAL OFFICE: inclusive Revolutionary Youth Front of France. The I. L. P. The Marxist League «77fE SPANISH REVOLUTION* 10. Rambla de los Estudios A Literary Competition PRICE IN ENGLAND: 2d. PRICE IN U. S, A.. OS BARCELONA Every revolution and every war gives rise to its own liter- ature and song. Those who are close to the action express their political aspirations. Th^ P. O. U. M. Militiamen are being encouraged to write their impressions of the battle front by CONTENTS means of a competition organized by the Editorial Marxista. Comrades Andrade, Gorkln and Escuder will select the prize 1: The Barricades of May 3-7. 2: The Barcelona Conference. 3: The Second P. O. U.M. Confe- work, which will be published. rence. 4: Dissention in the Socialist Youth. 5: Fools or Knaves. «E1 Pionero Rojo» The firs; number of the «RED PIONEER», the organ of the Federation of Communist Pioneers (of the Iberian Com- munist Youth), has just appeared. This interesting paper will THE BARRICADES OF MAY 3-7 help to make good Communists of the working class children. THE WORKERS HOLD THE STREETS THE ATTACK ON THE TELEPHONE BUILDING Another Supression Barcelona, the workers' city, has just lived through glorious Monday, May 3rd, at 3 p. -
103-3-Ayer103 OTAN.Pdf
La última batalla de la transición, la primera... Emanuele Treglia Ayer 103/2016 (3): 71-96 ISSN: 1134-2277 La última batalla de la transición, la primera de la democracia. La oposición a la OTAN y las transformaciones del PCE (1981-1986) * Emanuele Treglia LUISS-CIHDE Resumen: El propósito del presente artículo consiste en analizar el desa- rrollo experimentado por el movimiento de oposición a la OTAN en- tre 1981 y 1986, centrando la atención en un sujeto que fue uno de sus protagonistas: el PCE. El estudio seguirá dos líneas: por un lado, ilus- trará cómo el «partido del antifranquismo» participó en las dinámicas que caracterizaron las protestas contra la pertenencia a la Alianza At- lántica; por el otro, evidenciará la influencia que dicha participación ejerció en las transformaciones que en este periodo afectaron a la polí- tica y a la estructura organizativa de los comunistas españoles. Palabras clave: referéndum OTAN, PCE, Izquierda Unida, euromisiles, movimiento pacifista. Abstract: This article aims to analyse the development experienced by the Spanish anti-NATO movement between 1981 and 1986, focusing on one of its protagonists: the Communist Party of Spain. The study will follow two lines: on the one hand, it will illustrate how the «party of an- tifrancoism» participated in the dynamics that characterised the protests against NATO membership; on the other hand, it will highlight how this participation influenced the transformations undergone during this pe- riod by the communists’ politics and by its organisational structure. Keywords: NATO Referendum, Partido Comunista Español (Spanish Communist Party), Izquierda Unida, euromissiles crisis, peace movement. -
El PCE Y El Movimiento Comunista Internacional (1969-1977)*
El PCE y el movimiento comunista internacional (1969-1977)* Emanuele TREGLIA LUISS-CIHDE [email protected] Recibido: 28/01/2015 Aceptado: 15/09/2015 RESUMEN El artículo se centra en la actividad internacional del Partido Comunista de España (PCE) desde las se- cuelas de la represión de la Primavera de Praga hasta 1977. Fue un período caracterizado por el principio del declive definitivo del movimiento comunista internacional. El análisis abarca múltiples cuestiones. Examina las crecientes críticas del PCE hacia el modelo soviético, y sus repercusiones en las relaciones entre el partido liderado por Santiago Carrillo y el movimiento comunista. Además, el artículo explora el intento del PCE de promover un nuevo tipo de internacionalismo en Europa occidental, auspiciando una renovada colaboración entre comunistas y socialistas y aprovechando las condiciones brindadas por la distensión. En este contexto tuvo lugar el surgimiento del eurocomunismo, que el ensayo analiza ilustrando los factores internos y externos que determinaron su crisis en la segunda mitad de los setenta. Palabras clave: movimiento comunista internacional, eurocomunismo, PCE, Santiago Carrillo, PCI, Unión Soviética, Guerra Fría, distensión, Transición. The Communist Party of Spain and the International Communist Movement (1969-1977) ABSTRACT This article focuses on the international activity of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) since the after- math of the Prague Spring’s repression until 1977. It was a period characterized by the beginning of the definitive decline of the international communist movement. The analysis takes into account multiple dimensions. It examines the PCE’s growing criticism towards the soviet model, and its repercussions on the relations between the party leaded by Santiago Carrillo and the communist movement. -
El «Eurocomunismo» De Santiago Carrillo Y La «Revolución
El «eurocomunismo» de Santiago Carrillo y la «revolución democrática y nacional» de Álvaro Cunhal: la política de los partidos comunistas en el final de las dictaduras en la Península Ibérica, 1974-1978 Raquel Varela ISCTE, Universidad de Lisboa «El segmento humano con el que habrá mayor dificultad para explicar la transición no serán los resentidos, ni los envidiosos, ni los perdedores, ni los violentos, ni los extranjeros. Serán los niños. No es fácil hacer pedagogía con la transición. Primero habrá que explicarles los personajes, luego las situaciones y, por fin, el resultado. Corremos el riesgo de que el no lo entiendan el se ofendan. Se necesita edad para comprender la transición. Lo idóneo es la ancianidad porque permite ese bello tono distante que empieza siempre diciendo '... si yo te contara...'». Gregorio Morán, El Precio de la Transición «Portugal es España» «De hecho en Portugal la dictadura de Salazar ha caído bajo la acción de algo que se asemeja mucho al pacto para la libertad que nosotros preconizamos para liquidar la dictadura fascista en España: la convergencia, en un momento dado, entre el movimiento obrero y popular y los grupos neocapitalistas (...)1». La declaración es de Santiago Carrillo, principal dirigente comunista de España –un país que vivía bajo la más grande movilización de masas desde la guerra civil. El líder comunista defiende aún en esta entrevista a Radio España Independiente la inmensa repercusión de los acontecimientos portugueses en su país; habla de Portugal como el país que enseña al país vecino como resolver su «problema nacional» y aún del extraordinario ejemplo del secretario-general del PCP, Álvaro Cunhal. -
La Madre De Todos Los Camaradas». Dolores Ibárruri
«La madre de todos los camaradas». Dolores Ibárruri... David Ginard i Féron Ayer 90/2013 (2): 189-216 ISSN: 1134-2277 «La madre de todos los camaradas». Dolores Ibárruri como símbolo movilizador, de la Guerra Civil a la transición posfranquista David Ginard i Féron Universitat de les Illes Balears Resumen: El siguiente trabajo aborda el proceso de construcción del sím- bolo «Pasionaria» como elemento de movilización y legitimación social por parte del Partido Comunista de España. Su singular biografía, su longevidad y las dimensiones internacionales de la Guerra Civil espa- ñola propiciaron su aparición, desarrollo y extensión. El culto a Dolo- res Ibárruri se inició durante los años treinta del siglo XX y desde en- tonces ha ido adaptándose a las necesidades de este partido político y a las circunstancias de cada periodo histórico. Palabras clave: mito, símbolo, comunismo, identidades militantes, culto a la personalidad. Abstract: This paper describes the process of constructing the symbol «Pa- sionaria» as an element of social mobilization and legitimacy of the Communist Party of Spain. Her unique biography, and longevity as well as the international dimensions of the Spanish Civil War led to its emergence, development and extension. The cult of Dolores Ibarruri began during the thirties of the twentieth century and has since been adapted to the needs of this political party and the circumstances of each historical period. Keywords: myth, symbol, communism, militant identities, cult of per- sonality. Uno de los rasgos esenciales de la cultura política que singularizó al movimiento comunista del siglo XX fue la articulación de un va- riado conjunto de recursos simbólicos que ejercían un poderoso in- Recibido: 10-12-2011 Aceptado: 25-05-2012 David Ginard i Féron «La madre de todos los camaradas». -
Preston, Paul, the Coming of the Spanish Civil War: Reform, Reaction and Revolution in the Second
THE COMING OF THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR The breakdown of democracy in Spain in the 1930s resulted in a torrent of political and military violence. In this thoroughly revised edition of his classic text, Paul Preston provides a deeply disturbing explanation of the democratic collapse, coherently and excitingly outlining the social and economic background. Spain was a backward agricultural country divided by the most brutal economic inequalities. The coming of the Second Republic in April 1931 was greeted by the Left as an opportunity to reform Spain’s antiquated social structure. Over the next two years, the Socialist members of a Republican—Socialist coalition pushed for reforms to alleviate the day-to- day misery of the great southern army of landless labourers. Paul Preston shows how the political activities of the Right, legal and conspiratorial, between 1931 and 1936, as well as the subsequent Nationalist war effort, were primarily a response to these reforming ambitions of the Left. His principal argument is that, although the Spanish Civil War encompassed many separate conflicts, the main cause of the breakdown of the Second Republic was the struggle between Socialists and the legalist Right to impose their respective views of social organisation on Spain by means of their control of the apparatus of state. The incompatible interests represented by these two mass parliamentary parties—those of the landless labourers and big landlords, of industrialists and workers—spilled over into social conflicts which could not be contained within the parliamentary arena. Since the first edition of this book was completed more than fifteen years ago, archives have been opened up, the diaries, letters and memoirs of major protagonists have been published, and there have been innumerable studies of the politics of the Republic, of parties, unions, elections and social conflict, both national and provincial.