The Scenes of Memory During the Era of the Democratic Transition in Spain: Politics and Culture
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PCE, Santiago Carrillo: Enero De 1977 O El Giro Sacrificial De La Transición1
302 SanchezBiosca, Vicente_EMP 1 14/06/2016 1:11 Página 49 PCE, Santiago Carrillo: enero de 1977 o el giro sacrificial de la Transición1 Vicente SÁNCHEZBIOSCA Universidad de Valencia [email protected] Recibido: 10 de octubre de 2015 Aceptado: 30 de marzo de 2016 Resumen La Transición española a la democracia ha sido objeto de uno de los más sólidos relatos construidos por el periodismo y refrendado por la sociedad civil. En su corazón tiene lugar un momento de violencia que se concentra en la llamada semana negra de enero de 1977, cuyo clímax está representado por la matanza de Atocha. El presente artículo analiza las distintas etapas de cristalización de ese relato: un capítulo de La Transición (Elías Andrés, Victoria Prego, 1995), Siete días de enero (J.A. Bardem, 1978), un repor taje de Interviú (febrero de 1977) y las crónicas periodísticas de El País, Diario16 y Mundo Obrero. Es pecial atención se presta a la figura de Santiago Carrillo, identificado con la estrategia del PCE, cuya consideración cambió radicalmente durante esa semana. Palabras clave: Transición democrática en España, Carrillo y PCE, Carisma y Transición, violencia fas cista, comunismo. The Spanish Communist Party, Santiago Carrillo: January 1977, or the sacrificial turning point in the Spanish Transition to Democracy Abstract The Spanish Transition to democracy has originated one of the most solid narratives built by the press in recent History. Its turning point is represented by the acts of violence that spread in Madrid during the socalled ‘black week’ (end of January 1977). Its apex was the massacre of a group of communist law yers by fascist gunmen. -
WW2-Spain-Tripbook.Pdf
SPAIN 1 Page Spanish Civil War (clockwise from top-left) • Members of the XI International Brigade at the Battle of Belchite • Bf 109 with Nationalist markings • Bombing of an airfield in Spanish West Africa • Republican soldiers at the Siege of the Alcázar • Nationalist soldiers operating an anti-aircraft gun • HMS Royal Oakin an incursion around Gibraltar Date 17 July 1936 – 1 April 1939 (2 years, 8 months, 2 weeks and 1 day) Location Spain Result Nationalist victory • End of the Second Spanish Republic • Establishment of the Spanish State under the rule of Francisco Franco Belligerents 2 Page Republicans Nationalists • Ejército Popular • FET y de las JONS[b] • Popular Front • FE de las JONS[c] • CNT-FAI • Requetés[c] • UGT • CEDA[c] • Generalitat de Catalunya • Renovación Española[c] • Euzko Gudarostea[a] • Army of Africa • International Brigades • Italy • Supported by: • Germany • Soviet Union • Supported by: • Mexico • Portugal • France (1936) • Vatican City (Diplomatic) • Foreign volunteers • Foreign volunteers Commanders and leaders Republican leaders Nationalist leaders • Manuel Azaña • José Sanjurjo † • Julián Besteiro • Emilio Mola † • Francisco Largo Caballero • Francisco Franco • Juan Negrín • Gonzalo Queipo de Llano • Indalecio Prieto • Juan Yagüe • Vicente Rojo Lluch • Miguel Cabanellas † • José Miaja • Fidel Dávila Arrondo • Juan Modesto • Manuel Goded Llopis † • Juan Hernández Saravia • Manuel Hedilla • Carlos Romero Giménez • Manuel Fal Conde • Buenaventura Durruti † • Lluís Companys • José Antonio Aguirre Strength 1936 -
Legitimacy by Proxy: Searching for a Usable Past Through the International Brigades in Spain's Post-Franco Democracy, 1975-201
This is a repository copy of Legitimacy by Proxy: searching for a usable past through the International Brigades in Spain’s post-Franco democracy, 1975-2015. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93332/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Marco, J and Anderson, PP (2016) Legitimacy by Proxy: searching for a usable past through the International Brigades in Spain’s post-Franco democracy, 1975-2015. Journal of Modern European History, 14 (3). pp. 391-410. ISSN 1611-8944 10.17104/1611-8944-2016-3-391 (c) 2016, Verlag C.H. Beck. This is an author produced version of a paper published in the Journal of Modern European History. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Legitimacy by Proxy: searching for a usable past through the International Brigades in Spain’s post-Franco democracy, 1975-2015 INTRODUCTION The 23 October 2011 marked the 75th anniversary of the official creation of the International Brigades. -
(PCE M-L) Elena Ódena, Exemplary Communist
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line * Spain Communist Party of Spain M-L (PCE M-L) Elena Ódena, exemplary communist First Published: November 2013 http://pceml.info/actual/index.php/60-hemeroteca/biblioteca- marxista/elena-odena/300-elena-odena-comunista-ejemplar Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. By Efrén H. | It is common to hear that no person is indispensable or irreplaceable. As a general rule, this principle is correct, but there are cases in which the disappearance of certain men and women, due to their exceptional qualities, leaves an immense vacuum difficult to fill. This is the case of Elena Ódena, founder, along with Raúl Marco, of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist). Woman committed from a very young age to the struggle of the working class, dedicated her life to the cause of communism, always defending the principles of Marxism-Leninism. PCE militant, she fought firmly against revisionist deviations and Khrushchev's lies about Stalin. That is why the great historian Pierre Vilar stressed "the fidelity of Elena to the three thinkers, the three revolutionary creators, Marx who foresaw the revolution, Lenin who made the revolution, Stalin who built the revolution and saved it, winning the war against the fascisms. -
Inventari Del Fons FP (Sèrie Fons Personals) Subsèrie Manuel Serra I Moret De La Biblioteca Del Pavelló De La República De La Universitat De Barcelona
Centre de Recursos per a l’Aprenentatge i la Investigació Biblioteca del Pavelló de la República Av. Cardenal Vidal i Barraquer, s/n 08035 Barcelona Tel. 93 4285457 Fax. 93 4279371 www.bib.ub.es Inventari del Fons FP (Sèrie Fons Personals) Subsèrie Manuel Serra i Moret de la Biblioteca del Pavelló de la República de la Universitat de Barcelona Olga Giralt i Esteve Documentalista Barcelona, octubre 2006 1 FONS PERSONAL DE MANUEL SERRA I MORET Apunt biogràfic Manuel Serra i Moret (Vic, 1884 – Perpinyà, 1963) Polític i escriptor, fill de l'historiador Josep Serra i Campdelacreu. Conferenciant i articulista des de molt jove, col.laborà a "La Renaixença", "El Pensament Català" i "Catalunya Artística", així com a d'altres publicacions de comarques. Orfe de pare i mare, el 1901 se n'anà a estudiar economia i ciències socials als EUA, i viatjà molt per Amèrica i Europa. Completà estudis d'economia el 1907 a Cambridge (Anglaterra) i residí del 1908 al 1912 a l'Argentina. El 1912 tornà a Catalunya i s'instal.là a Pineda (Maresme), vila de la qual fou elegit alcalde (1914-23) i on portà a terme una gestió municipal exemplar. Publicà aleshores La socialització de la terra (1912) i es relacionà amb Domènec Martí i Julià, i fou designat vicepresident de la Unió Catalanista, mentre escrivia per a "Renaixement" i "La Nació". El 1916, ja resoludament convertit al socialisme, ingressà a la Federació Catalana del Partido Socialista Obrero Español, però aviat discrepà amb la directiva del partit respecte a la manera d'entendre la qüestió nacional catalana i, el 1923, després d'un llarg període de tensions, se separà del PSOE i fundà, amb Rafael Campalans, Gabriel Alomar i d'altres, la Unió Socialista de Catalunya (USC), de la qual fou el vicepresident i la principal figura teòrica. -
Santiago Carrillo Solares
fundación TRANSICIÓN española Santiago Carrillo Solares Nacido en Gijón en 1915, pasó su primera infancia en Asturias, Santiago Carrillo se traslada junto a su familia a Madrid e ingresa en el Grupo Escolar Cervantes, donde es seleccionado para cursar bachillerato pero al no poder pagar los derechos de examen comenzó a trabajar como aprendiz en una imprenta. Poco después se afilia a las Juventudes Socialistas de España (JJ.SS.) y a la Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT). En 1930 comienza a colaborar como periodista en El Socialista y el 14 de abril de 1931 la República, se le encarga cubrir la información parlamentaria. Desde la dirección de la revista de las JJ.SS. Renovación, a la que accede en 1933, defiende su posición revolucionaria extendiéndola en el seno deEspañola las Juventudes. En 1934, fue nombrado secretario de las Juventudes Socialistas, momento en el cual existían dos corrientes en el PSOE, el de los reformistas de Besteiro y Prieto y el de los revolucionarios de Largo Caballero con el que Carrillo colabora estrechamente. Toma parte en el movimiento revolucionario de Asturias, lo que le lleva a la cárcel hasta que, tras la victoria del Frente Popular en las elecciones del 16 de febrero de 1936, es puesto en libertad. Al salir de prisión, los representantes de la Internacional Comunista en España le proponen y organizan un viaje a Moscú con las direcciones de las TRANSICIÓNJuventudes Socialistas y Juventudes Comunistas. A su regreso a España, la unificación de ambas formaciones no tarda en producirse, y en este proceso la nueva organización experimenta un espectacular crecimiento de afiliados. -
THE SPANISH LEFT: ILLUSION and REALITY Lorenzo Torres
THE SPANISH LEFT: ILLUSION AND REALITY Lorenzo Torres THE present crisis of the Spanish Left-and it is a real crisis we shall be discassing-is the result of a whole series of complex prob- lems, international as well as national. By national we mean primarily the growing lack of agreement between the policies and political activity of the parties of the traditional Left, and the actual situation in Spain. By international we refer to the crisis in the international workers' movement-the crisis of Stalinism, the Russo-Chinese con- troversy, the degeneration of Social-Democracy-all of which find an echo among the membership of the Spanish Workers' organiza- tions. These two sets of problems naturally interact one with the other. Within Spain. despite the present confusion, we are beginning to see emerge new critical forces, from within which a new socialist policy may come. That is the hope: of a programme for the future that will be based on Spanish and international realities and no longer on the out of date anti-Franco-ist dreams and disreputable compromises. The terrible defeat of 1939 naturally has taken many years before its effects have been overcome, even though a considerable number of working class leaders succeeded in escaping abroad. They, and the nucleus in Spain itself which in one way or another managed to escape being shot or imprisoned, rested all their hopes upon the defeat of Nazism and international Fascism. In 1945, on the morrow of the liberation of Europe from Fascism, the whole world seemed con- vinced that the Franco ri5gime would soon suffer a similar fate. -
¡Alerta Los Pueblos!
Vicente Rojo ¡Alerta los pueblos! ¡Alerta los pueblos! es, un estudio político-militar del periodo final de la guerra española, desde el 23 de diciembre de 1938 hasta el 10 de febrero de 1939, que es sin duda, como escribe el autor, «el más dramático de nuestra lucha y también el de más trágicas consecuencias. En él hacen quiebra un ejército abrumadoramente dominado por su adversario y un Estado viciado profundamente en su moral y en su organización, vinien- do al suelo, estrepitosamente, todo un edificio social… La bondad de la masa, la excelsitud del sacrificio de los hombres buenos, quedan sumer- gidas en la hecatombe, pero no llegan a perecer ni a envilecerse; es, por ello, de notoria justicia deslindar lo que merece repulsa de lo que ganó el aplauso del mundo; lo que hubo de justiciera o, simplemente de lógica sanción de las armas, de lo que ha sido para los buenos españoles una adversidad inmerecida». Así, el libro, que se centra en la campaña militar de Cataluña y en el derrumbamiento político del Estado español republicano termina con un análisis de las causas del triunfo de Franco. Estudio político-militar del periodo final de la guerra española Título original: ¡Alerta los pueblos! Vicente Rojo, 1939 - 2 - 1. El general Vicente Rojo Lluch (1894-1966). - 3 - INTRODUCCIÓN (I): LA OPINIÓN DE UN MILITAR REPUBLICANO … Quiero añadir que mis ideas no van a estar respaldadas con abundan- tes citas eruditas. Me basta demostrarlas como expresiones de una fe y una convicción afianzadas en el estudio. Ellas me han permitido eludir el camino de la insensibilidad e indiferencia, tan frecuentado en nuestros días por los escépticos. -
Eurocommunism: a Discussion of Carrillo's "Eurocommunism and the State" Sam Aaronovitch 1
222 MARXISM TODAY, JULY, 1978 Eurocommunism: a discussion of Carrillo's "Eurocommunism and the State" Sam Aaronovitch 1. Introduction contents" but basing myself on his book and on Santiago Carrillo took the chance to write this other documents by communist parties and individ book in 1976 after entering Spain "illegally" in order, ual communists let me propose this as reasonably as he says, to tackle "one of the most confused and summarising this view. difficult questions confronting a communist today." First: the Soviet model of 1917 is an inappropriate It is not a major and original contribution to Marxist one for advanced capitalist societies which have theory but it is, nevertheless, an important and powerful and extensive state structures, developed liberating book written in a simple and direct way. civil society (i.e. a dense network of social, cultural Part of its importance rests in the fact that the and political groupings based on voluntary commit general secretary of an important communist ment), and considerable democratic traditions and party has written a book which begins to break with practices. past traditions and reflexes in the international Second, in such societies, the road to socialism communist movement and which gives reasons for a involves the working class, through its organisations, strategy which has attracted to itself the name of actually developing its own unity and building a Eurocommunism. Of course, that title is not strictly series of alliances which put it in a leading (hege accurate. It is applied to communist parties such as monic) position in all spheres of economic, social and the Japanese which are not European and would be political life thus enabling it to speak for the people rejected by some communist parties in European as a whole. -
The Times, the Spectator. April 1978
Speedier handover to Catalans presse From Harry Debelius himself and Señor Tarradellas. Madrid, April 3 s " We both agree to work for Señor Josep Tarrädellas, the a more democratic Spain, . to president of the Generalität, the strengthen the. unity, of Spain Catalan regional government, through the establishment of conferred in Madrid today with home rule." Señor Adolfo Suárez, the Prime Although neither. of the two Minister, and other political mentioned it, one . of the and military leaders in an toughest points in the negotia-. effort to speed up the transfer tions about the degree of of responsibilities and authori• autonomy for Catalonia is the ties to the Generalität. ^ matter of taxes and government After a one-hour meeting expenditure. ',. with the Prime Minister, Señor Señor Manuel Fraga Iribarne, Tarradellas said that it had been the leader of the conservative as cordial as the previous ones, Popular Alliance and former but he refused to disclose what Minister of the Interior, said had been discussed. He denied in Granada at the weekend that that a proposal to establish full the death penalty should be legal parity between'Castilian mandatory for the killing of a Spanish and the Catalan lan• policeman. He also called for guage was the most important a law to increase police powers of the matters under discussion. to deal, with terrorism. i; Princess returns: Princess Irene Señor . Tarradellas • told of Holland, wife of Prince reporters that he would meet Carlos Hugo de Bourbon-Parma, Señor Suárez- again on Thurs• leader of the Spanish Car list day.' He then left for talks with Party, returned to Spain today Lieutenant-General Manuel after nine years in exile. -
Viñas, Ángel (Ed.) En El Combate Por La Historia: La República, La Guerra Civil, El Franquismo
Viñas, Ángel (Ed.) En el combate por la historia: la República, la guerra civil, el franquismo Jaime Valim Mansan* Barcelona: Pasado & Presente, 2012. 978p. Em meados de 2011 vieram a lume na Espanha os primeiros 25 volumes do Diccionario Biográfico Español, cujo projeto prevê cinquenta volumes, cada um com 850 páginas. Até agora foram concluídos 36 volumes. Segundo o sítio da Real Academia de la Historia (RAH), organizadora da obra, deverão ser abordados mais de 40 mil “personajes destacados en todos los ámbitos del de- sarollo humano y en todas las épocas de la historia hispana”. Para viabilizar a publicação, o erário público espanhol já pagou 6,4 milhões de euros (El país, 27 maio 2011). Como comparação, estimou-se em 3 milhões de euros a cons- trução de um bairro popular, com cem casas, destinado aos moradores despe- jados no início de outubro de 2012 de El Gallinero, a parte mais pobre de um dos maiores poblados chabolistas da Espanha, na periferia de Madrid (20 mi- nutos, 9 out. 2012). O Diccionario teve, portanto, um custo muito elevado, sobretudo consi- derando a conjuntura econômica pela qual o país tem passado nos últimos anos. No mínimo, teria um conteúdo de altíssimo nível. Contudo, a obra tem sido alvo de severas críticas, oriundas de diversos segmentos sociais. Na im- prensa, pouco depois do lançamento, um dos principais questionamentos referia-se à ausência de referências à repressão franquista (Público, 28 maio 2011). Isso e a qualificação da guerra civil como cruzada ou guerra de libera- ción, dentre outros aspectos, constituem fortes indícios da pertinência das críticas ao dicionário (Público, 2 jun. -
103-3-Ayer103 OTAN.Pdf
La última batalla de la transición, la primera... Emanuele Treglia Ayer 103/2016 (3): 71-96 ISSN: 1134-2277 La última batalla de la transición, la primera de la democracia. La oposición a la OTAN y las transformaciones del PCE (1981-1986) * Emanuele Treglia LUISS-CIHDE Resumen: El propósito del presente artículo consiste en analizar el desa- rrollo experimentado por el movimiento de oposición a la OTAN en- tre 1981 y 1986, centrando la atención en un sujeto que fue uno de sus protagonistas: el PCE. El estudio seguirá dos líneas: por un lado, ilus- trará cómo el «partido del antifranquismo» participó en las dinámicas que caracterizaron las protestas contra la pertenencia a la Alianza At- lántica; por el otro, evidenciará la influencia que dicha participación ejerció en las transformaciones que en este periodo afectaron a la polí- tica y a la estructura organizativa de los comunistas españoles. Palabras clave: referéndum OTAN, PCE, Izquierda Unida, euromisiles, movimiento pacifista. Abstract: This article aims to analyse the development experienced by the Spanish anti-NATO movement between 1981 and 1986, focusing on one of its protagonists: the Communist Party of Spain. The study will follow two lines: on the one hand, it will illustrate how the «party of an- tifrancoism» participated in the dynamics that characterised the protests against NATO membership; on the other hand, it will highlight how this participation influenced the transformations undergone during this pe- riod by the communists’ politics and by its organisational structure. Keywords: NATO Referendum, Partido Comunista Español (Spanish Communist Party), Izquierda Unida, euromissiles crisis, peace movement.