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LINDSEY HUGHES the Funerals of the Russian Emperors and Empresses LINDSEY HUGHES The Funerals of the Russian Emperors and Empresses in MICHAEL SCHAICH (ed.), Monarchy and Religion: The Transformation of Royal Culture in Eighteenth-Century Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) pp. 395–419 ISBN: 978 0 19 921472 3 The following PDF is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND licence. Anyone may freely read, download, distribute, and make the work available to the public in printed or electronic form provided that appropriate credit is given. However, no commercial use is allowed and the work may not be altered or transformed, or serve as the basis for a derivative work. The publication rights for this volume have formally reverted from Oxford University Press to the German Historical Institute London. All reasonable effort has been made to contact any further copyright holders in this volume. Any objections to this material being published online under open access should be addressed to the German Historical Institute London. DOI: 14 The Funerals of the Russian Emperors and Empresses LINDSEY HUGHES In the eighteenth century eight Russian monarchs and ex- monarchs 'departed this temporal existence for eternal bliss'. 1 (See Table 14.1.) Six were laid to rest in the Cathedral of SS Peter and Paul in St Petersburg, one of them, Peter III (1761-2), thirty-four years after his first burial. Peter II (1727-30) was buried in Moscow in 1730, while Ivan VI (1740---1), deposed as an infant in 1741, did not merit a state funeral by the time he was killed in 1764. As is well known, the eighteenth century occupied a rather different place in the scheme of Russian history and culture than it did for most countries further west, where essen- tially there was continuity between the seventeenth and eight- eenth centuries. In Russia the so-called 'revolution' associated with the reforms of Peter the Great (1682-1725) created a break with the past-or at least was perceived to do so-which was symbolized by shifting the capital from Moscow, first mentioned in written records in 1147, to St Petersburg, founded in 1703. Administrative institutions, the armed forces, the church, the economy, culture-all underwent radical changes at Peter's hands, although the fundamental institutions of autocracy and serfdom remained intact Peter also altered the manner in which Russian monarchs were buried, a topic that remains comparatively unexplored. In Soviet Russia religious and courtly rituals and ceremonies were not deemed suitable subjects for sustained scholarly investigation and were treated patchily, if at all, while Western studies of death, burial, and commemoration rarely touch upon Orthodox practices. However, post-Soviet curiosity about royalty and its rituals prompted further research, as did the controversial 1 'Ot sego vremiannogo zhitiia predstavisia v vechnoe blazhenstvo.' See below, n. 35. 396 LINDSEY HUGHES TABLE 14.1. Deaths and funerals of eighteenth-century Russian monarchs Emperors and Death Procession Burial* empresses followed by and funeral [pogrebenie] lying-in-state and service* requiem masses [otpevanie] [panikhidy] Peter I 28Jan. 1725 10 March 29 May 1731 b. 1672 r. 1682-1725 Catherine I 6 May 1727 16May 29 May 1731 b. 1684 r. 1725-7 Peter II 19Jan. 1730 ? Archangel b. 1715 [Moscow] Cathedral, r. 1727-30 Moscow Anna 17 Oct. 1740 23 Dec. 15Jan. 1741 b. 1696 r. l 730-40 Ivan VI 5July 1764 Schlusselburg b. 1740 [murdered] Fortress r. 1740-1 Elizabeth 25 Dec. 1761 5 Feb. 1762 27 Feb. b. 1708 r. 1741-61 Peter Ill Deposed (l) Alexander (l) 1762. Alex- b. 1728 28June 1762 Nevsky Monastery ander Nevsky r. 1761-2 Murdered 6 July lOJuly 1762 Monastery (2) 5 Dec. 1796 (2) 18 Dec. 1796 Catherine II 6 Nov. 1796 5 Dec. 18 Dec. b. 1729 r. 1762-96 Note: Dates are Old Style, 11 days behind Gregorian Calendar. * In St Petersburg Peter and Paul Cathedral unless otherwise indicated. Source: Compiled by the author from information in the text of the essay. The Funerals of the Russian Emperors 397 funeral of Nicholas II (1894-1917, died 1918) and his family in St Petersburg in 1998. The ceremony was designed 'to correspond with historical traditions', with the help of the late D. S. Likhachev, specialist on medieval culture, and the deputy direc- tor of the State Hermitage, G. V. Vilinbakhov, head of the Office of Heraldry of the President of the Russian Federation.2 This essay draws on the best of recent literature in Russian (little of which, however, is informed by Western scholarship), on pre- revolutionary studies, and primary source material, including printed descriptions, proclamations and laws, court calendars, and memoirs. The aim is to assess the extent of change and, in particular, the limits of secularization in the conduct of imperial funerals from Peter I to Catherine II (1762-96). I The groundbreaking changes wrought by Peter the Great will take up a large part of this essay, for Peter's own pioneering funeral set patterns for virtually all his successors, up to and including the burial of Alexander III (1881-94) in 1894. To put Peter's funeral into perspective, let us go back to the time of his immediate predecessors. All the seventeenth-century tsars died in their beds in Moscow and their corpses were transferred from the Kremlin palace to the adjacent Cathedral of the Archangel Michael (1505-9) within twenty-four hours of their deaths. Funeral services for Peter's father Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich (1645-76) and half-brothers Fedor Alekseevich (1676-82) and Ivan V Alekseevich (1682-96) all took place on the day after they died, on 30 January 1676, 28 April 1682, and 30 January 1696 respectively. 3 In the West the day of burial for ordinary folk was 2 See V. B. Gendri.kov, Poslednii put' (16-q wlia 1998 goda) (St Petersburg, 1999). 3 Philip Longworth, Alexis Tsar ef All the Russias (London, 1g84), 227; 'Kniga zapisnaia tsaria i velikova kniazia Petra Alekseevicha v 190 godu', in V. I. Buganov (ed.), Vosstanie v Moskve 1682 goda: Sbomik dokumentov (Moscow, 1976), 9-12; Polnoe sobranie zakonov rossiiskvi imperii (hereafter cited as PS:(), 1st ser., 45 vols. (St Petersburg, 1830), iii. no. 1,536, pp. 220-3 (29 Jan., Mar. 1696). A recent study claims incorrectly that the coffins of Muscovite monarchs stood in a 'palace chapel' for forty days and only then were taken in a procession to the cathedral and buried with full rites: V. B. Gendri.kov and S. E. Sen ·ko, Petropavlovski.i sobor: Usypal' nitsa imperatorskvgo doma Romanovykk (St Petersburg, 1998), 92. LINDSEY HUGHES nearly always the day after death, but royal and noble funerals were often delayed much longer to allow appropriate tributes. 4 At Muscovite royal funerals the cortege walked the short distance from the royal apartments to the cathedral to the solemn toll of funeral bells. The patriarch of Moscow, who was the main organizer, walked immediately in front of the coffin at the rear of a line of priests, choristers, and senior churchmen carrying icons and crosses. Secular persons dressed in black followed the coffin, led by the new tsar and leading courtiers, followed by the departed's widow and perhaps one or two female members of the household. (Funerals were one of the few public ceremonies that élite women attended alongside men.) The coffin was carried on a sledge by bearers. Inside the cathedral divine liturgy and a funeral service (otpevanie) consisting of Bible readings and special prayers were celebrated over the open coffin. It was and remains Orthodox practice for the corpse to be on show until after the final leave-taking by relatives, which was ritual- istically conducted 'with great tears and wailing'. 5 Thereafter the coffin was closed and requiem masses (panikhidy) were sung at prescribed intervals, with courtiers in groups of ten keeping a twenty-four-hour vigil by the coffin for forty days. The fortieth day was believed to be the point when the soul of the departed conquered the Devil, like Christ in the wilderness, and could proceed to heaven. Burial (pogrebenie) then took place. The coffin was lowered into a vault, the position of which was marked by a plain sarcophagus (nadgrobie) at floor level. The only adornments on it were religious symbols and the occupant's name, for stone funeral effigies (indeed, sculpture in the round in general) were alien to Orthodox practice. The striking features of these funerals, then, were the speedy transfer of the corpse from secular to sacred space; the use of exclusively religious ritual and imagery (no symbols of office or regalia), and the relatively private nature of the whole proceedings. Although there is no evidence that the wider public was expressly excluded, the space between the residence and the cathedral was restricted and offered few vantage points for spectators. Peter's own funeral in 1725 followed a very different pattern. It was a fitting.finale to his reforms, demonstrating various aspects 4 See Philippe Aries, The Hour ef Our Death (London, 1981), 176. 5 PSZ iii. 223. The Funerals of the Russian Em.perors 399 of that 'modernity' that Peter so actively promoted while he was alive. We should mention first the publication in print of two descriptions of the Emperor's death, lying-in-state, and funeral, as these form two of our chief primary sources. 6 These works were inspired by the funeral or death books produced at both Catholic and Protestant courts since the sixteenth century, which recorded the deceased's last days to demonstrate his or her courage and fortitude and detailed the funeral rites to underline the pomp and universal grief that marked his or her departure.7 In Peter's case, the poignant contrast between a 'great' life and a painful terminal illness (blockage of the urinary tract) endured with courage, culminating in a 'good' (that is, pious) death in his own bed, provided rich material for the Short Account of his death, attributed to Archbishop Feofan Prokopovich of Pskov.
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