DOCSLIB.ORG

Nuclear Proliferation, Preventive War, and a Leader's

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Nuclear Proliferation, Preventive War, and a Leader's All Options on the Table? Nuclear Proliferation, Preventive War, and a Leader’s Decision to Intervene By Rachel Elizabeth Whitlark B.A. in International Affairs, May 2003, The George Washington University M.A. in International Policy Studies, June 2005, Stanford University A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 31, 2014 Dissertation Directed by Charles Louis Glaser Professor of Political Science and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Rachel Elizabeth Whitlark has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of June 19, 2014. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. All Options on the Table? Nuclear Proliferation, Preventive War, and a Leader’s Decision to Intervene Rachel Elizabeth Whitlark Dissertation Research Committee: Charles Louis Glaser, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Dissertation Director James L. Goldgeier, Dean, School of International Service, American University, Committee Member Elizabeth N. Saunders, Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2014 by Rachel Elizabeth Whitlark. All rights reserved iii Acknowledgements I wish to extend tremendous gratitude to the countless individuals who offered advice, mentoring, and support over these last seven years. First, I wish to thank my dissertation committee: Charles Glaser, my chair; James Goldgeier; and Elizabeth Saunders. I consider myself incredibly lucky that their paths intersected with my own. I am grateful for their endless patience and sage advice and shudder to think what this process would have been like without them. I am also grateful to the other members of the George Washington University’s Department of Political Science for their support, community, and expertise. This project would not have been possible without the generous financial support of various institutions. A Nuclear Security Fellowship from the Stanton Foundation brought me from Washington, DC, to Boston, Massachusetts and specifically to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Security Studies Program. I could not have asked for a better adoptive academic community and am especially grateful for the generosity and support of Barry Posen, Cindy Williams, Owen Coté, Vipin Narang, and Frank Gavin. I would also like to thank the members of the International Relations Work- in-Progress workshop and Strategic Forces Working Group for the opportunity to present my work and explore the work of others. Their working environments are both rigorous and intellectually challenging, but simultaneously productive, supportive, and stimulating. I am especially lucky to have learned from and alongside Noel Anderson, Lena Andrews, Marc Bell, Fiona Cunningham, Brian Haggerty, Marika Landau-Wells, Nick Miller, Amanda Rothschild, Alec Worsnop, Ketian Zhang, and Catherine Zweig. iv A research fellowship with Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs allowed me to extend my stay in Cambridge and continue focusing exclusively on completing the manuscript. I am grateful for the support of both the International Security Program and the Managing the Atom Project. I am thrilled to continue my tenure at the Belfer Center as a post-doctoral fellow for the coming academic year. I would especially like to thank the members of the Great Powers Working Group who provided a rich intellectual environment as we each strove to complete our projects. To Gene Gerzhoy especially – who journeyed with me from MIT to Harvard – I could not have asked for a better partner in crime as we completed this adventure. The archival research for this project was made possible by the generosity of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Foundation, the Stanton Foundation, and The George Washington University Department of Political Science. I also benefited tremendously from the Summer Institute on Conducting Archival Research, also at George Washington. I would like to thank the fantastic individuals at the various Presidential Libraries and the National Security Archive, whose patience and expertise were extremely important to this endeavor. I am especially grateful for the guidance of: William Burr at the National Security Archive; Charlaine Hester at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library; Jason Kaplan, Rob Seibert, and Lisa Sutton at the Clinton Presidential Library; and Rachael Altman at the George Bush Presidential Library. v Throughout this endeavor many people helped me to envision, create, and complete this manuscript. A select few have revealed themselves to be life-long friends, capable both of offering shrewd commentary and suggestions on academic writing, but perhaps equally importantly offering advice and serving as sounding-boards for navigating the complexities of graduate school, professional development, and life in general. Here in Cambridge, the members of Women in International Politics and Security have offered wisdom, friendship, and participation in a vibrant community. For the leadership and friendship of Jennifer Ericson, Miranda Priebe, and Annie Tracy Samuel, I consider myself especially lucky. My comrades in the Bridging the Gap community and New Era Foreign Policy network have guided me along the way, serving as patient mentors and brilliant co-authors. To Naazneen Barma, Brent Durbin, and Ely Ratner, I owe tremendous appreciation. For friendship that goes beyond New Era, graduate school, and travels to conferences both near and far: Eric Lorber; Julia Macdonald; and Michael Weintraub. And finally, for the Yentes, Shannon Powers and Amir Stepak, without whom I surely would have quit repeatedly along this journey. Lastly, I am most grateful for my friends and family who have supported me on this roller coaster – accepting my frequently hermetic behavior, offering brief distractions and inducements to step away from the computer when needed, and tolerating my forgetfulness when life took a backseat to the manuscript. I am lucky to be surrounded by family who encouraged this endeavor and humored my fascination with the curiosities of international history. I dedicate this project to them, with heartfelt thanks. vi Abstract of Dissertation All Options on the Table? Nuclear Proliferation, Preventive War, and a Leader’s Decision to Intervene Under what conditions do states use preventive military force to forestall or destroy an adversary’s nuclear weapons program? If nuclear weapons are so dangerous, why do leaders disagree about the magnitude of the threat posed by specific nuclear programs? Despite the fact that nuclear proliferation has been a growing source of concern, counter- proliferation decision-making remains poorly understood. In addition, though the logic of preventive war pervades the international relations literature as one state response to a relative decline in power, even after five decades of scholarship it remains unclear when this leads to war and when it does not. This manuscript demonstrates that the decision to consider and use preventive force rests not only on structural factors, such as power differentials and military feasibility, but critically on a leader’s prior beliefs about the consequences of proliferation and threat posed by a specific adversary, generally and once armed with nuclear weapons. Conducting comparative and historical analysis using archival research and process tracing, this manuscript examines American decision- making against the Chinese, Iraqi, and North Korean nuclear programs. vii Table of Contents Acknowledgements....................................................................................................................................................iv Abstract of Dissertation...........................................................................................................................................vii List of Figures..............................................................................................................................................................ix List of Tables ................................................................................................................................................................ x Chapter 1: Introduction..............................................................................................................................................1 Chapter 2: Theory..................................................................................................................................................... 25 Chapter 3: Kennedy and Johnson Confront China’s Nuclear Program.................................................. 81 Chapter 4: George H.W. Bush, William J. Clinton, and North Korea’s Nuclear Program............166 Chapter 5: George H.W. Bush, William J. Clinton, George W. Bush, and Iraq’s Nuclear Program......................................................................................................................................................................235 Chapter 6: Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................293 Bibliography.............................................................................................................................................................301
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Additional Pleading of the Republic of Croatia
    international court of Justice case concerning the application of the convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide (croatia v. serBia) ADDITIONAL PLEADING OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA volume 1 30 august 2012 international court of Justice case concerning the application of the convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide (croatia v. serBia) ADDITIONAL PLEADING OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA volume 1 30 august 2012 ii iii CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 section i: overview and structure 1 section ii: issues of proof and evidence 3 proof of genocide - general 5 ictY agreed statements of fact 6 the ictY Judgment in Gotovina 7 additional evidence 7 hearsay evidence 8 counter-claim annexes 9 the chc report and the veritas report 9 reliance on ngo reports 11 the Brioni transcript and other transcripts submitted by the respondent 13 Witness statements submitted by the respondent 14 missing ‘rsK’ documents 16 croatia’s full cooperation with the ictY-otp 16 the decision not to indict for genocide and the respondent’s attempt to draw an artificial distinction Between the claim and the counter-claim 17 CHAPTER 2: CROATIA AND THE ‘RSK’/SERBIA 1991-1995 19 introduction 19 section i: preliminary issues 20 section ii: factual Background up to operation Flash 22 serb nationalism and hate speech 22 serbian non-compliance with the vance plan 24 iv continuing human rights violations faced by croats in the rebel serb occupied territories 25 failure of the serbs to demilitarize 27 operation maslenica (January 1993)
    [Show full text]
  • Članci Republika Srpska Krajina and the Right of Peoples to Self-Determination*
    ČLANCI PETER RADAN, PhD, Professor of Law Macquarie University, Sydney Sydney, New South Wels, 2109, Australia [email protected] UDK: 341.231 originalan naučni rad 323.1(497.5) primljeno: 17. maj 2017. prihvaćeno: 11. oktobar 2017. DOI: 10.29362/IST20VEKA.2018.1.RAD.9-34 REPUBLIKA SRPSKA KRAJINA AND THE RIGHT * OF PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION ABSTRACT: In Part I of this article author details the claims to inde- pendent statehood of Croatia and Krajina based upon the right of peoples to self-determination in the context of the emergence of nationalism as a powerful political force in Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. He also details the response of the international community to the crisis which these irreconcilable claims gave rise to. In Part II author explores the reasons why the secession of Croatia suc- ceeded and the secession of Krajina failed. Finally, the ramifications of Croa- tia’s and Krajina’s competing claims to statehood for the right of peoples to self-determination are discussed in the Conclusion. KEYWORDS: Republika Srpska Krajina, The break-up of Yugoslavia, War in Croatia 1991–1995, International Law, Self-determination, Secession, Inter-ethnic relations, National Minorities, Serbs in Croatia, Nationalism Introduction On 9 November 1989 the Berlin Wall came down. More than any other, this event of that tumultuous year symbolised the end of the Cold War and ush- ered in what Allen Buchanan has called ‘the age of secession’.1 The usual justi- fication for secessionist demands was the right of peoples to self-determination. One of the means by which this right is realised is by ‘the establishment of a sovereign and independent state’.2 The critical question for self-determination relates to the meaning of ‘peoples’.
    [Show full text]
  • Same Soil, Different Roots: the Use of Ethno-Specific Narratives During the Homeland War in Croatia
    Same Soil, Different Roots: The Use of Ethno-Specific Narratives During the Homeland War in Croatia Una Bobinac A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts in International Studies, Russian, Eastern European, Central Asian Studies University of Washington 2015 Committee: James Felak Daniel Chirot Bojan Belić Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies 2 @Copyright 2015 Una Bobinac 3 University of Washington Abstract Same Soil, Different Roots: The Use of Ethno-Specific Narratives During the Homeland War in Croatia Una Bobinac Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor James Felak History This work looks at the way interpretations and misrepresentations of the history of World War II changed and evolved and their ultimate consequence on the Homeland War in Croatia from 1991 to 1995 between the resident Serb and Croat populations. Explored are the way official narratives were constructed by the communist regime, how and why this narrative was deconstructed, and by more ethno-specific narratives prevailed that fueled the nationalist tendencies of the war. This paper is organized chronologically, beginning with the historical background that puts the rest of the paper into context. The paper also discusses the nationalist resurfacing before the war by examining the Croatian Spring, nationalist re-writings of history, and other matters that influenced the war. The majority of the paper analyzes the way WWII was remembered and dismembered during the late 1980’s and early 1990’s by looking at rhetoric, publications, commemorations, and the role of the Catholic and Serbian Orthodox Churches. Operation Storm, which was the climax of the Homeland War and which expelled 200,000 Serbs serves as an end-point.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991)
    Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991) By Harry Jack Hayball Thesis submitted to Goldsmiths College, University of London, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 2015 Supervised by Professor Jan Plamper 2 Declaration All the work presented in this thesis is my own. Harry Jack Hayball Declaration 3 Abstract It is often suggested that the Serbian rebellion in Croatia in 1990-91 was orchestrated by Serbia, and, in particular, by its president Slobodan Milošević personally. Despite the popularity of this interpretation, however, the literature on the break-up of Yugoslavia is yet to offer a focused study of Serbia's role in the descent into conflict in Croatia. Many sources that have become available in recent years remain unused. Through a critical and cautious use of such sources, including extensive interviews with participants in the conflict and contemporary documentation, this thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature and to update our knowledge of this important aspect of the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia. Honing in on Belgrade's relationships with Serb political and military/paramilitary leaders in Croatia, as well as Serbia's direct involvement in and attitude towards the road to war, it concludes that the existing focus on Milošević's Serbia has been misplaced. Serbia's stance towards Croatia was hardline, but Belgrade's influence over the Croatian Serbs was limited and its direct involvement in events minimal. Milošević did not have a grand plan to orchestrate violence in Croatia, and the leaders of the Serbian rebellion in Croatia were fundamentally independent and autonomous actors, who, far from being Milošević's puppets, were often in conflict with him.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Memories of Wartime Violence: Commemorating World War Two in Gospić 66
    Dragojević i Pavlaković | Local Memories of Wartime Violence: Commemorating World War Two in Gospić 66 UDK: 355.01’’382’’(497.562)’’1939/1945’’ 32’’382’’(497.562)’’1939/1945’’ Izvorni znanstveni rad Primljeno 27. listopada 2016. Local Memories of Wartime Violence: Commemorating World War Two in Gospić MILA DRAGOJEVIĆ Department of Politics, University of the South, Sewanee, TN [email protected] VJERAN PAVLAKOVIĆ Department of Cultural Studies, University of Rijeka [email protected] How do dominant state narratives influence commemorative practices in local communities in different historical periods? We address this question by carrying out a study of World War Two commemorations in Gospić in two distinct periods of a political regime transition. The study is based on the documents from the archive of Gospić, articles from the local paper, existing scholarly publications on this area, as well as reports from state institutions and non-governmental organizations. We also photographed standing monuments and graveyards dating back to World War Two, or collected archival images and documentation of those that were removed or destroyed, in a fifty-kilometer radius around Gospić. We show how the narratives, symbols, and rituals that formed part of commemorations of World War Two violence changed when competing political actors attempted to establish their political legitimacy or gain political support. Keywords: commemorative practices, collective memory, World War Two, Yugoslavia, Gospić, Lika suvremene TEME, (2016.) god. 8., br. 1. 67 April is the cruelest month, breeding Lilacs out of the dead land, mixing Memory and desire, stirring Dull roots with spring rain. Winter kept us warm, covering Earth in forgetful snow, feeding A little life with dried tubers.
    [Show full text]
  • Cases of Croatia and Ukraine
    Miořádé číslo - 2016 DOI: 10.3849/2336-2995.25.2016.05.100-118 Peer-Reviewed Article Hybridní válka – případ Chorvatska a Ukrajiny Hybrid Warfare - Cases of Croatia and Ukraine Jugoslav Jozić, Slavko Barić, Robert Barić1 Abstrakt: Navzdory sahá ozačoat hyridí álku jako oou foru álčeí, eo dokoe jako faktor, který ěí poahu álky, hyridí álka je součástí ozrojeýh koflitů od staroěku do současosti. Podstatou hyridíh álek je paralelí yužíáí praidelýh i epraidelýh ozrojeýh sil a růzé způsoy půsoeí a protiíka, s íle, ez použití oteřeého útoku jej oslait. Čláek předládá aalýzu iforačí dieze hyridí ále proti Choratsku 990-9 a Ukrajiě 20. V oou případeh yla hlaí íle hyridí álky soiálí jedota apadeýh zeí. V případě Choratska, azdory silé propagadistiké kapai, ásledoaé použití ojeské síly, se epodařilo proloit soiálí soudržost ětšiy oyatel Choratska. V případě Ukrajiy, díky absenci soiálí soudržosti společosti hyridí álka edea ‘uskou federaí je ohe efektiější. Abstract: Despite the attempts of labeling hybrid warfare as a new form of warfare or even as a factor that is changing the nature of war, hybrid warfare is part of a war from the Antiquity to the present day. The essence of hybrid warfare is in parallel use of regular and irregular military forces and different means of pressure by a power unwilling to openly attack a weaker opponent. Information dimension is analyzed in the cases of hybrid warfare against Croatia (1990-91) and Ukraine (2014). In both cases the key target of hybrid warfare was social cohesion of the attacked countries. In the Croatian case, despite a strong propaganda campaign followed by the direct and indirect use of military force, the attacking side was unable to break social cohesion of the majority of Croatia's population.
    [Show full text]
  • Balkans July 2016
    Balkans July 2016 The harsh diplomatic clash between Serbia and Croatia In the last days three controversial episodes have shown the emerging new tensions in Serbo-Croat relations. Once again, the chance to start a new quarrel between the two countries was given by the politicization of their history which still has considerable impact in the present political arena of both countries. The first of the three episodes refers to the decision taken by a Croatian court in Zagreb to revoke the sentence pronounced in 1946 by the Supreme Court of the Popular Republic of Croatia against the catholic cardinal Aloysius Stepinac. The cardinal was sentenced to 16 years of forced labour because of his alleged support at the Croatia’s pro-Nazi Ustashe regime during the Second World War. Stepinac, who died in 1960 due to the consequences of an attempt of poisoning while in jail, was also accused to have helped the Ustashe regime in its massacres of Serbs, Rom and Jewish. This sentence was revoked because, according to the Croat tribunal, it was based only on political charges and the process was carried out without the respect of any rule of law principles. A war criminal for the Serbs, a nation hero for the Croats, the figure of Aloysius Stepinac has always been debated in the two countries: the new sentence adds fuel to the fire. The second event that has triggered Serbian protests was the lack of public condemnation by the Croat government of the turmoil that took place in Srb on the 27th of July.
    [Show full text]
  • International Community Peace Plans in Croatia and Bosnia- Herzegovina
    International Community Peace Plans in Croatia and Bosnia- Herzegovina 1991-1995 By Igor Vranic Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Florian Bieber Second Reader: Professor Roumen Daskalov CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2014 Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection 2 Abstract The thesis offers a review of the Yugoslav war of dissolution with special reference to the international community’s peace plans. The thesis’ main aim is to examine the purpose and efficiency of international diplomacy and the role of the Republics of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in new geopolitical relations caused by the fall of Communism. Answers are provided as to what caused the war, what the war aims of the belligerent sides were and problems of international mediation. Moreover, special emphasis is put on the declassified intelligence records of the Clinton administration. CEU eTD Collection 3 Abbreviations used in the text ABiH Armija Bosne i Hercegovine (Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina) BiH Bosna i Hercegovina (Bosnia
    [Show full text]
  • A/HRC/39/46/Add.2 General Assembly
    United Nations A/HRC/39/46/Add.2 General Assembly Distr.: General 10 September 2018 English only Human Rights Council Thirty-ninth session 10–28 September 2018 Agenda item 3 Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances Addendum Follow-up report to the recommendations made by the Working Group* Missions to Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo** Note by the Secretariat This document contains information supplied by Governments, authorities, civil society and other stakeholders, relating to the follow-up measures to the recommendations made by the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, following its visits in 2014 (A/HRC/30/38/Add.3, A/HRC/30/38/Add.2 and A/HRC/30/38/Add.1). * Reproduced as received. ** All references to Kosovo in the present document should be understood to be in compliance with Security Council resolution 1244 (1999). GE.18-14948(E) A/HRC/39/46/Add.2 Contents Page I. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 3 II. Regional recommendations .............................................................................................................. 3 III. Croatia ......................................................................................................................................... 4 IV. Montenegro .....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia on War Crime Investigations and Prosecutions in Serbia
    THE IMPACT OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR YUGOSLAVIA ON WAR CRIME INVESTIGATIONS AND PROSECUTIONS IN SERBIA BY KEREN MICHAELI DOMAC/13, NOVEMBER 2011 ABOUT DOMAC THE DOMAC PROJECT focuses on the actual interaction between national and international courts involved in prosecuting individuals in mass atrocity situations. It explores what impact international procedures have on prosecution rates before national courts, their sentencing policies, award of reparations and procedural legal standards. It comprehensively examines the problems presented by the limited response of the international community to mass atrocity situations, and offers methods to improve coordination of national and international proceedings and better utilization of national courts, inter alia, through greater formal and informal avenues of cooperation, interaction and resource sharing between national and international courts. THE DOMAC PROJECT is a research program funded under the Seventh Framework Programme for EU Research (FP7) under grant agreement no. 217589. The DOMAC project is funded under the Socio-economic sciences and Humanities Programme for the duration of three years starting 1st February 2008. THE DOMAC PARTNERS are Hebrew University, Reykjavik University, University College London, University of Amsterdam, and University of Westminster. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Adv. Keren Michaeli is a lecturer in Public International Law at the School of Law, the College of Management, Academic Studies in Israel. She is a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, St. Antony's College. She received her LL.M. from Georgetown University (2004). ACKNOWLDEGEMENTS The author would like to thank the interviewees for their time and assistance. A special appreciation goes to Ivan Jovanovic of the OSCE Mission to Serbia and to Bogdan Ivanisevic for their help and comments.
    [Show full text]
  • Military and Political Aspects of the Croato-Serbian Conflict
    Tatalovi}, S., Military and Political Aspects..., Politi~ka misao, Vol. XXXIII, (1996), No. 5, pp. 166—190 166 Military and Political Aspects of the Croato-Serbian Conflict SINI[A TATALOVI] Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb Summary The author deals with the political and military aspects of the conflict be- tween Croatia and Serbia. Starting from global political circumstances in which this conflict emerged and developed, he describes the political goals of the conflicting parties, their strategies and military organization as well as the stages of the war in Croatia. After this war, nothing has been the same in Croatia. Croatia has, much sooner than expected and with fewer victims, realized its political goals. Besides the international recognition and the establishment of its authority on almost entire state territory, Croatia has become a major military force. However, the war in Croatia has significantly hindered democratic processes which, in turn, has stood in the way of its taking part in the European integrational processes. Serbia is the loser of this war in every, primarily military respect. The consequence of the Serbian instigatory politics in Croatia has not only been Serbian exodus from Croatia, but the socially unenviable position in which the remaining Serbs in Croatia find themselves. By becoming proponents of Serbian global politics and failing to bring their interests in line with those of Croatia, the leadership of the seditious Croatian Serbs accepted the role of an instrument of global national politics. As Serbian national politics was losing ground and giving up on previous goals - the creation of a great national state - Serbs in Croatia became victims of this politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Dosije: JNA U Ratovima U Hrvatskoj I Bih Dossier: the JNA in the Wars In
    Dossier:Dosije: The JNA inu ratovima the Wars inu CroatiaHrvatskoj and i BiHBiH ISBN 978-86-7932-090-2 978-86-7932-091-9 Dossier: The JNA in the Wars 1 in Croatia and BiH Belgrade, Dossier: The JNA in the Wars in CroatiaJune and BiH2018 2 Dossier: The JNA in the Wars in Croatia and BiH Contents ABBREVIATIONS .......................................................................................................................................................... 5 SUMMARY....................................................................................................................................................................... 7 I. THE JNA WITHIN THE SFRY ARMED FORCES ............................................................................................. 8 II. SHIFT IN THE JNA’S OBJECTIVES AND TASKS IN THE COURSE OF THE CONFLICT IN CROATIA.......................................................................................................................................................................... 9 i. Political Crisis in the SFRY and the SFRY Presidency Crisis ................................................................. 10 ii. Political Situation in Croatia – Emergence of the Republic of Serbian Krajina ............................... 13 iii. First Phase of JNA Involvement in the Conflict in Croatia ................................................................. 14 iv. Second Phase of JNA Involvement in the Conflict in Croatia ............................................................. 15 v. Decision to
    [Show full text]