I R.N.Di

Copyright© Leonard Sellers, 2000.

ISSN. 1368-499X

It might not always be possible to trace the copyright holders of all the material I will quote, and I would be pleased to hearfrom any such persons to whom this applies.

The picture on the front cover is of recruits at Crystal Palace. From "With The Royal Naval Division On Board HMS.Crystal Palace & Elsewhere." Souvenir No 2. Published by W.H. Smith & Son (Arden Press). I would like to thank Bill Hinchcliffeof Suffolk for making this reproduction possible.

The R.N.D. is produced and designed at Honeysuckle House, 17a Bellhouse Road, Eastwood, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex. SS9 5NL. (Telephone 01 702 521550)

E. Mail:- [email protected] AT THE DUMP

Lines to the N.C. 0. in charge

By Lieutenant A.P. Herbert. Hawke Battalion.

Now is the hour of dusk and mist and midges, Now the tired planes drone homeward Through the haze, And Distant wood-fireswink behind the ridges, And the firstflare some timorous Hun Betrays; Now no shell circulates, but all men brood Over their evening food; The bats flit warily, and owl and rat With muffled cries their shadowy loves pursue, And pleasant, Corporal, it is to chat In this hushed moment with a man like you.

How strange a spectacle of human passions Is yours all day beside the Arras road, What mournfulmen concerned about their rations When here at eve the limbers leave their load; What twilight blasphemy, what horses' feet Entangled with the meat, What sudden hush when the machine-gun sweeps, And - flat as possible for men so round - The Quartermasters may be seen in heaps, While you sit still and chuckle, I'll be bound!

1141. Here all men halt awhile and tell their rumours; Here the young runners come to cull your tales, How Generals talked with you, in splendid humours, And how the Worcestershires have gone to Wales; Up yonder trench each lineward regiment swings, saying some shocking things; And here at dark sad diggers stand in hordes Waiting the late elusive Engineer, While glowing pipes illume yon notice-boards That say, ''No LIGHTS. You MUSTNOT LOITER HERE.

And you sit ruminant and take no action, But daylong watch the aeroplanes at play, Or comptemplate with secret satisfaction Your fellow-manproceeding towards the fray. Your sole solicitude when men report There is a shovel short, Or, numbering jealously your rusty store, Some mouldering rocket, some wet bomb you miss That was reserved forsome ensuing war, But on no groundsto be employed in this.

For Colonels cringe to you, most firmof warders, For sandbagssuppliant, and do no good, And high StaffOfficers and priests in orders In vain beleaguer you forbits of wood, While I, who have no signature nor chit, But badly want a bit, I only talk to you of these high themes, Nor stoop to join the sycophantic choir, Seeing (I trust) my wicked batman, Jeames, Has meanwhile pinched enough to light my fire. Lieutenant A.P. Herbert.

Published in 'The Bomber Gipsy.' By Methuen & Co. Ltd of London, in 1919. I would like to thank A.P. Watt on behalf of Crystal Gale & Jocelyn Herbert for permission to reproduce this poem.

1142. (�il1Ll�C)Ll.

CASUALTIES OF THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION WITH NO KNOWN GRAVES.

Names appear on the Relles Memorial.

From the Database of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

Farmer, Stoker 1st Class, Richard Samual, 291577. (RFR/CH/B/2687) Howe Bn. Died 4th June 1915. Panel l and 2.

Farmer, Private,Samual CI-J/11l( S) Chatham Bn. R,M,L.I. Died 4th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Farrier, Corporal, James, CH/16711,Deal Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 26th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Fawcett, Leading Seaman, John, Tyneside Zll91 l. CollingwoodBn. RN.V.R Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Fenwick, Leading Seaman, AlfredBry an, KP/805. Anson Bn. RN.V.R Died4 th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Ferguson, Able Seaman, Charles, Clyde Z/1967. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4tl, June 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Mrs ElizabethF. Graham, of 449, Govan Road, Govan, Glasgow. Panel 8 to 15.

Ferguson, Able Seaman, James, Clyde Zl4401. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 9th November 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Ferguson, Lieutenant, John White, HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 25 years. Son of John Furguson, of 1, Gloucester Gate, Regent's Park, London. Panel 8 to 15.

Ferguson, Lance Corporal, Peter, PO/477(S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Ferguson, Able Seaman, William, Tyneside Zl2245. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 15th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Ferguson-Davie, Second Lieutenant,Herbert George, Portsmouth Bn. Royal Marines.Died 9th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Fern, Able Seaman, Hugh,Clyde Zl2513. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Fernihough, Stoker 151 Class, Charles Percy, 280652. (RFR/CH/B/4346) HoodBn. Died4 th June 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

Ferrar, Able Seaman, Victor, ZX/24. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 17th July 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Mary Auchterlonie Swanson Farrar, of the Wattles, 413, Blackness Rd., Dundee, and thelate William Ferrar,Panel 8 to 15. 1143. Finn, Private, Martin, PLY/361 (S) Plymouth Bu. R.M.L.I. Died 26tl1 April 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

th Fisackerly, Private, Thomas Winship, PO/510(S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13 July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

th Fisher, Private, Francis William, Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 4 September 1915. Age 19. Son of the late James William and Ellen Fisher,of TheGrove, Waterloo, Liverpool. Panel 2 to 7.

rd Fisher, Private, Harold, PLY/225(S) Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3 May 1915. Panel2 to 7.

th Fisher, Private, John Walter, CH/18663.Chatham Bu. R.M.L.l. Died 6 June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

rd Fleming, Petty Officer,Evan, Clyde 4/1545. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 3 May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Fleming, Able Seaman, John, KX/149,Howe Bu. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 22 years. Son of William and Mary Fleming, of 12, Gladstone Terrace, Windy Nook, Gateshead-on-Tyne. Panel 8 to 15.

th Fletcher, Private, GeorgeGranville, PLY/17506. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13 July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Fletcher, Private Jesse, PLY/461(S). Plymouth Bu. R.M.L.l. Died 10th May 1915. Age 24 years. Son of Mary Fletcher,of 430, Manchester Rd., East, Little Hulton, Bolton, and thelate James Fletcher, Panel 2 to 7.

th Fleury, Able Seaman, Robert Leopold,Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6 May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Flood, Sub Lieutenant, Cecil Ernest Cloar, Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 10 June 1915. Age 21 years. Son of Engr.Cap t. F.I. Flood (RN.) and Eleanor M. Flood, of 161, Half Moon Lane, HerneHill, London. Panel8 to 15.

th Flory, Private, Herbert, CH/218(S). Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 7 June 1915. Age 23 years. Son of Mrs Sarah Flory, of 43, FitzroySt., Ipswich. Panel 2 to 7.

th Forbes, Able Seaman, Charles, Clyde Z/2035. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Charles and ElizabethForbes, of 142, Watt St., Glasgow. Panel 8 to 15.

th Forbes, Leading Seaman, Robert Broadbent, Clyde ZJ2738. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 20 years. Sonof Robert Hay Forbes and Louisa Cave Broadbent Forbes, of 324, Leith Walk, Leith, Edinburgh. Panel 8 to 15.

th Ford, Private, Frederick George, PLY/16287, Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 9 May 1915. Panel2 to 7.

th Ford, Able Seaman, Robert, CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 25 years. Son of William and Sarah Ann Ford, of 49, BeatriceSt., Ashington, Northumberland. Panel 8 to 15.

th Ford, Private, Thomas, PO/725(S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 24 June 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Mrs S.A. Ford, of 53, Briar Close, Evesham.Panel 2 to 7.

th Forrest, Able Seaman, Herbert, Clyde 3/2200. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June1915. Age 20 years. Son of Herbert and Sarah ElizabethForrest, of 8, Campbell St., Greenock. Panel 8 to 15.

th Forster, Private, Thomas, PO/260(S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6 May 1915. Age 20 years. Son of AlfredCrathorne Forster, of 16, Lime St., South Moor, Stanley, Co. Durham. Panel2 to 7.

th Freer, Able Seaman, George Ernest, KP/418. Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

1144. ABLE SEAMAN THOMAS MACMILLAN.

BRIGADE CLERK to 189th BRIGADE.

Part 6. Puisieux and River Trenches:­ February 1917 & Gavrelle :- April 1917.

PUISIEUX & RIVER TRENCHES :- The object ofthe operation to which we were committed was to gain possession ofPuisieux and River trenches which were perched on the crest of the Beaucourt ridge and dominated our position. Zero hour was fixed for midnight th rd 314 February, 1917. Close to 10 pm on the night of the 3 , the Brigade Major with Cooke, the Brigade Intelligence Officer,and myselfleft forAdvanced Brigade Headquarters. The Major led, I followedand Cooke brought up the rear. As we made our way along a mule track, which was known to the enemy, his artillery let go some searching salvos that passed low over our heads. Cooke had fallen behind and I did not miss him until the Major stopped fora breather. On observing that Cooke was missing, the Major anxiously enquired where he was, and as I could give him no satisfaction he rushed back to see what had happened. When he came on Cooke he was greatly relieved to findhim sufferingonly froma jarred ankle due to the hard going. Major Barnett'sconcern forhis intelligence officersurprised me at first, but later I also feltthe impress of his charming personality, for Cooke proved himself to be one of the most perfectlittle gentlemen it was my privilege to meet on the field ofbattle.

On arrival at Advanced Headquarters,I found the stage well set for the Major. As instructed, all units had sent their runners, who were squatting on the dugout steps which led to two separate entrances. The Brigade signallers were present in forcewith "Jimmie," their officer, in charge.

I had come laden with envelopes, big and small, pencils ofall kinds duly sharpened, lots of writing material and sketches showing the position ofour troops at zero hour and at each stage of the fight. The sketches had beenprepared for me from a copy of the Operation Order by a capable lance-corporal ofthe Engineers. After placing the sketches on the wall before the Major all watches were checked in order to ascertain if they had been synchronised. Unfortunately the preliminaries did not occupy all the time at our disposal. Through being too well prepared we had to pay the penalty of marking time for a considerable period before zero hour. How trying the hang-on was to those in possession ofa fullknowledge of what would happen when the hour to strike did arrive, can well be imagined.

1145. At length it crune: our artillerybarrage opened as the hands of my watch overlapped at the hour of midnight, and the German artillery replied with vigour. Their Intelligence Service divined that our operation would be directed fromone of their old dug-outs, and their artillery plastered us so liberally with shells of every calibre that our shelter rocked while the entrances were reduced to the proportions of a man-hole.

Despite the heavy shelling, messages were corningthrough nicely - thanksto the efficiency of our signallers and the gallantry of the runners. We learned that a bitter struggle was being waged with forceswhich had been under-estimated. Under cover of darkness the enemy depleted their garrisons confronting the 188th Brigade and, bringing them across the river, threw them against our men, who were thus considerably outnumbered.

Through some misunderstanding, an awkward gap existed between the Hawke and Nelson Battalions, and but for the gallantry of Lieutenant Commander Asquith and the alertness and bravery of Major Barnett a serious situation would have developed. No man was more surprised than Barnett when he learned that Asquith was in the thick of it. Turning sharply to me he asked: "Where the hell did he spring from?"I had the sense not to attempt a reply, for I was as perplexedas the Major. The favouredones in London who did not reckon my life as precious as that of Arthur Melland Asquith, were as far out when they thought that by transferring him to the Corps they might sleep at nights without dreading his being killed. Asquith had secured and conspired the job of Observation Officerto the Corps heavy artillery which supported us. Being on the spot he could see how the fight was progressing and, observing the situation getting out of hand, he assumed the role of Battalion Commander. His personality and indomitable courage gave new lifeto all around him and, although badly wounded, he carried on until victory was assured. Looking as white as a winding sheet from loss of blood, he hobbled to the rear without assistance to give a lucid and most helpfulreport to Brigade beforebeing evacuated to hospital.

The part played by Major Barnett was no less commendable. He had lost touch with the Hawke and Nelson Battalions by 1.45 am and at 2.0 runhe announced his intention of going forward.

In order to isolate our men, the Germans laid down a heavy barrageon the rear of our lines, and I observed that the Battalion runners who now succeeded in getting through to us were badly shakenup. Barnett, thereforehad very dangerous ground to clear, and fearingthat he might go under, the officerof signals implored him to delay a little longer in the hope of the enemy fire abating. He laughed at "Jimmie" and, smiling contemptuously, remarked: "There's no shortage of staffofficers." Finding his way into the branch, he brought the Hawke and Nelson Battalions together and led them to victory.

Before midday on the 4th I was hauled out of our dug-out through a hole which another direct hit could have closed forall time. I had a companion, a brigade orderly, who had instructions that, in the event of my becoming a casualty, all the documents relating to the fight, and which I carried, had to be taken to the rear without delay.

1146. On our way back, despite the need forexpedition, we had to pause to look at the gruesome effects of the enemy's heavy gun fire. The ground in the rear had been churned up afresh by their shells, and the unearthed dead were lying, kneeling and standing all around us. With scenes like these I was now all too familiar,but my companion was so innocently curious that he lagged behind and narrowly missed the contents of a heavy shell. This had the desired effectof speeding him up, and soon I was the centre of an eager and enthusiastic company at Rear Brigade Headquarters.

The General was ever so happy at the excellent results which had been achieved,and was relieved beyond measure when the Brigade Major strode in dog-tired but smiling. I was asked to read my shorthand diary of the fight, in the course of which I referred to the messages received fromRear Brigade Headquarters. "Rear Brigade Headquarters" exclaimed the General with a frown. "Yes, Sir," I replied with the pertness of a tired man. "Rear Brigade Headquarters," he muttered. It was dawning on me that I had got under the skin and I waited his furthercomment. To my delight he calmed down and asked me to proceed without deigning to suggest a more suitable appellation forhis abode.

Congratulations were now showering in. The Commander-in-Chief wired his praise and thanks, and the Corps Commander followedwith a lengthy message to all ranks extolling their bravery and devotion to duty. Lieutenant Commander Asquith was awarded the D.S.O. while Major Barnetreceived a bar to his Military Cross. I feltsorry forthem both, believing that much more substantial recognition would have been forthcoming had there been someone on the spot to witness and appraise the valour and understanding which they displayed. When the awards were announced, the Major smiled significantly. He made me think; and the conclusion I came to was that the General had been none too lavish in his praise lest Barnett's worth might be recognised too soon and the Brigade might thereforelose his services. I am sure the Major held this opinion too, forhe showed less respect for the General ever afterwards.

PYS & MIRAMONT :-The sequel to our fight was very heartening. The 188th Brigade exploited our gains and ended by capturing the important villages of Pys and Miramont. This series of successes opened the way to Bapaume and heralded the great German retreat on the Somme.

Many sleepless nights leftall in need of rest, and we were withdrawn to the neighbourhood of Ouvillers where accommodation was found in huts and under canvas. Unfortunately, Ouvillers and district had few charms to offer to tired men. The Major now began to show some concernon my account, and asked me to find time forthe perusal of a book by an officer who has since becomea celebrity. I startedto read but his theme sickened me; it was all about loose living in Egypt. After reading a few pages I returnedthe book with the observation that Egypt could do with another plague. The Major looked at me with a knowing smile on his faceand remarked : "What about London ?" "I know little about London," I replied. "Perhaps I know too much" he rejoined with a look of disgust. "Well," he continued, "if you won't read you must take the afternoon offand findsome diversion in Albert; I have delegated a petty officer to go with you. The midday meal was no sooner over than the petty officer appeared. 1147. We set out together andsoon reached Albert, which had the appearance of a town stricken by an earthquake. The streets were thronged with soldiers, but civilians were conspicuous by their absence: the only shops open were estaminetswhich were doing a roaring business. I was proceeding leisurely along the main street in the direction of a stately church which had been battered to bits, when the Brigade Bombing Officer appeared with a big grin on his face. He expressed his pleasure at seeing me out of harness adding that in view of my condition he could returnto Brigade with an easy mind. I smilingly asked what he meant, and he told me that the petty officer had been given instructions to dissuade me from entering any of the bucket shops, while he had been instructed to see that the Major's orders were carried out. I had the laugh of my lifeand so had the good Fernie when I confessed that since my arrival in France I hadnever been inside an estaminet. Divining what was at the back of the Major's mind I related all that had happened to me on Christmas Day, and asked him to allow the Major to harbour the opinion that I possessed the failing which is so foolishlythought to be common to my fellow countrymen.

Having sampled a little liberty and havingfound it ever so sweet, I decided to spend the afternoon of the following day with my Battalion. The Major raised no objection, but on this visit I was allowed to proceed without an escort, since my Battalion was billeted in what might be described by non-tipplers as a "Dry Area." My firstcall was at the medical hut, where I foundmy old friendHerbert Blagg, the medical orderly, treating boils, big and smali and exulting when his hot fomentationssucceeded in coaxing an entire core from its cosy bed in a neck, back or a bottom. Herbertwas so pleased to see me, but on the fieldreal joy was seldom without its background of sorrow. Afterwe had gone the round of reminiscence he told me in a broken voice that Robbie my other friend of Gallipoli days, had been killed in the last fight while tending the wounded. Robbie and Herbert had been inseparable friends;no bond of blood could have drawn them closer. Herbert'ssorrow was, therefore,very real, and as he turned to his work for relief! leftthe hut with a promise to visit him againwhenever an opportunity came my way. Unfortunately, no such occasion presented itself, and I know not whether this courageous and faithfulservant of his country was spared or whether he shared Robbie's fate.

On nearing Battalion Headquarters a footballrolled to my feetand as I whacked it back into play, I observed the smiling Beak, who was now adjutant of the Battalion,approaching. Beak was so free fromtaint or guile thathe would have seemed odd without his smile. He received me as he would an old friend, and learning the nature of my visit, gladly took me round the hutments. As the greater partof the Battalion was on a working partyI came across no one I knew save Ginger Morton who, to my dismay, was peering through the bars of an elephant shelter which served as a guard-room. Afterrecovering fromthe shock of finding Morton under arrest, I asked my guide what the trouble had been and was informed that Morton would be tried fordesertion, but, recognising his worth as a soldier, his Company Commander had been instructed to appear at the trial as Prisoner's Friend. On expressing a desire to talk with my hot-headed chum, Beak leftme.

1148. Ginger's spirits rose as I drew near, but realising the serious nature of the charge preferred against him he greeted me with the words: "I'm forthe high jump this time, Tommy." He had broken bounds and gone to Albert, and, aftergetting mortally drunk, had taken the wrong turning and was absent fromthe Battalion for the best part of a week. On parting I promised to do all I could forhim on my returnto headquarters. When Ginger faced his trial no mention was made of his previous conviction on Gallipoli. His excellent qualities as a soldier were strongly emphasised by his Company Commander, and a lenient courtsentenced him to forty­ two days crucifixion.

ROAD & RAIL CONSTRUCTION : - The British FifthArmy was now pressing hard on the retreating Germans, and our division was employed forsome weeks under the direction of the Canadian Railway Corps on the construction of roads and light railways in order to expedite the transit of supplies forward.The urgent nature of the work was explained to our men and they rose to the occasion. It was the practice of the officer commanding the Canadians to send a programme of work each morning to our headquarters in the custody of a responsible non-commissioned officer. This N.C.O. was a man of considerable experience and, like most colonials, was candid to a fault. On my enquiring one day if our men were giving satisfaction,he replied that it was the general opinion at Canadian Headquarters that they never had finer labour battalions doing duty with them. When I informedhim that the troops performing the work were units of a division which had engaged in foursuccessful major operations during the previous three months, he was astonished beyond all measure. On March 1 lth 1917 came official recognition, when the Division received the followingmessage of congratulation fromthe Corps Commander :-

"The Corps Commander desires to thankthe Royal Naval Division forthe fine soldierly spirit displayed by all ranks. Roads and railways have been constrnctedenabling guns and ammunition to be moved forward. The Division has thereby materially contributed to the success of today's operations, which have resulted in the capture oflrles and the whole of our objective."

WITH THE 1st ARMY:- We carried on with "the good work" till about the middle of March 1917, when we proceeded on footto join the Xll lth Corps of the First Army, which was then the Army of Rest. The weather hadimproved, but the roads were mud-clogged and the going was unpleasant. All ranks, however, had seen all they wanted to see of the Somme area. In anticipation of a spell of rest and recreation, they marched gaily fromvillage to village until a resting place was foundin the pleasant countryside which lies between Busnes and Bethune. Here we were received rather formally by the villagers, but with much sympathy and affection by the numerous refugees who had foundtemporary asylum in a district as yet unmarred by the ravages of war. Once settled in billets I was kept busy preparing training and recreational programmes. A month's respite was promised, but on March31 st 1917 all General StaffOfficers accompanied by Battalion Commanders left for a tour of inspection of the line in the vicinity of Arras.

1149. th By April g 1917 we were again on the move. Snow fell heavily, transformingthe roads and intermediate halting places into veritable quagmires. The change in the weather had a most adverse effect on the health ofthe troops. Many suffered from influenza, and when the sun came out again on the 14th April - the date on which we moved forwardto take our place in the line - the change fromfoul to fair weather created a state offeverishness in the ranks with symptoms similar to those produced by trench fever.

From Intelligence reports I gathered that an offensive on a grand scale had been launched on our left and h.ad resulted in the capture of many points of strategical importance, including the famousVimy Ridge. I also learned that the Higher Command had decided on a major operation before Douai and Cambrai. Gavrelle was selected as the pivot on which our Third Army were to swing in their sweep forward,and the important task oftaking Gavrelle was to be entrusted to the Naval Division.

Brigade Headquarters were established in a railway cutting on the Arras-Douai line close to the village ofGavrelle. Here I laboured fromearly morning till late at night on orders for working parties and on other general work ofimportance. I had founda new friend- or rather he found me. O'Kelly was his name and as the name implied, he was an Irishman. O'Kelly's heart was full ofthe joy ofliving andthe spirit ofhelpfulness and, as steward in the officers' mess, was held in high esteem by all officers fromthe General downwards. He seemed a wee bit sorry to findme always slaving, andafter the officers had dinner it was his invariable practice to bring along some nice meat sandwiches, fit fora navvy, and at least one glass of the General's port. His stays were short at first,but as our friendshipdeveloped I had him as companion until I retired to rest. When he found me engrossed in my work he would sit as quiet as pussy, and only on signal would he let go his wealth ofcherry chatter.

In the course ofour talks I learned about Nora his girl. He never ceased to bemoan the fact that he could not write like her. "Will you," he asked one day, "Write me a little note for Nora?" "With pleasure," I replied. Nora's latest love letter was produced and O'Kelly's joy knew no bounds when he read my reply which told of his unfaltering love and of his faithful observance ofthe practices and principles of his church. This letter brought an early reply, and soon I foundmy ingenuity to keep pace with his adoring girl. On the occasions when he thought I looked tired he would tiptoe in and roguishly hold a glass of port beforemy nose. "Drink that " he would say in a whisper and as I put the glass to my mouth., he would double out and returnwith sandwiches andanother glass of port to wash them down. With admirable patience he watched me polishing offthe sandwiches and the refreshment and then dangling Nora's latest masterpiece beforemy eyes would say: "And now will you write a little note to Nora?" I became so accustomed to this cute little stratagem that after swallowing the sandwiches and scoffingoff the port I would forestall him by repeating with an effortat his brogue, ••And now will you write a little note to Nora?" The firsttime he heard me at it, his laughter shook the rafters, and until we parted nothing gave him greater pleasure than to hear me repeat the performance.

1150. GAVRELLE :- For a week beforethe impending battle, Brigade Headquarters were all astir. The Major was busy on the Operation Order, and to guard against distraction he selected a small cornerat the bottom of the dug-out. I changed my quarters to a communicating dug-out which faceda largercompartment where the General held his councils of war. All three compartmentswere lit by candles, and mine was living with lice. Soon the vermin were all over me, and it was always well on in the night beforeI had the opportunity of despatching the whoppers which had mustered in the course of the day.

The Major's manuscript was nearing completion when, during a consultation he was having with the General, his candle overturned. Before the mishap was discovered by a passing orderly almost all his work had been destroyed. He was seriously perturbed but, realising how precious time was, he applied himself to his task with great determination and was able to hand me a complete Order in good time. On receipt of the manuscript I worked well into the night familiarising myself with its contents andschooling an intelligent orderly whom I had selected as reader. Next morningearl y I proceeded to "cut" the stencils, with my reader on my right and another orderly holding a candle in position so that I might see what I was doing. I worked in my shirt sleeves, halting only formeals, which were brought to me. It took me more than the round of the clock to finish the job. The followingday was entirely devoted to duplicating and despatching the Order.

The village of Gavrelle had to be captured, and the General wisely decided that Freyberg and his "Hoods" were the right men for the job. It was common knowledge that where Freyberg went the "Hoods" would go, and that they would take some stopping.

The Operation Order had no sooner been delivered than instructions were received from Division to despatch Freyberg to the 173rd Brigade as its Brigadier. This was a bombshell ! The gallant Egerton who was acting second-in-command was nursing a wound and was not available. There was, therefore, no other course open but to approach Commander Asquith. BeforeAsquith had quite recovered fromthe wounds he had received in the fightfor Puisieux andRiver trenches, he had reported back to the "Hood" Battalion and had again been ordered to return to Corps. Immediately on receipt of the wire requesting his services, he wired his willingness to take over the command, to the great relief of the General and the Major. He arrived on the morning of April 21s1, and in the late afternoonwe were in possession of a copy of his Orders to the Hood Battalion.

The Major had chosen forAdvanced Brigade Headquarters an excellent old German dug-out possessing a number of compartments which were strongly propped with wood and connected by a gallery about seven feet in height. As on previous occasions, the snag was that the Germans had the dug-out taped to the yard, and during our occupancy it looked heavy odds on their artilleryclaiming us as victims.

At 2.45 am. on the morningof the 23rd April 1917 I opened my.War Diary, when notification of the completion of assembly of all units in their battle positions had been received.

1151. 23rd APRIL 1917 :- At 4.45 am. The fight began. Six brigades of artillery, together with the Army and Corps heavy guns, opened fire on the German lines, and, according to plan, the Drake and Nelson Battalions launched their attack on the flanks.

An eleventh hour reconnaissance by Asquith revealed the fact that our artillery had leftthe German wire untouched. If our infantrywere to make the fullestuse ofthe protective barrage it was essential that the wire should not hold them up, as the barrage was to remain on the German front line for eight minutes only and then pass over to the next objective. Fortunately Stemdale Bennet, who was now in command of the Drakes and Colonel Lewis, who commanded the Nelsons had the situation well in hand. With gallantry and skill both Battalions were piloted through the wire and, afterreforming, succeeded in closing in on the barrage.

It was feared that the Nelson Battalion would lose time in clearing the wire and would have to face the fullblast ofthe enemy's artillery. The advance by the Hood Battalion was therefore timed for 5-5 am in the hope that they might get ahead of the German fireofretaliation. This arrangement caused Commander Asquith considerable uneasiness. He reasoned that should the Nelson Battalion get clear away, the enemy fire ofretaliation might fall on his Battalion and that he would be able to make ground only at great sacrifice. He, therefore,took the wise precaution to send an officer forward with the Nelsons with instructions to return when they had reached their first objective; but unfortunately, the officer did not return. As both the Nelson and Drake Battalions were now enveloped in a cloud of smoke and dust the German artillery firewas increasing. Asquith resolved to launch his attack without further delay and set offat 4-55 am. - ten minutes beforeschedule time. On reaching the wire he slackened pace, and as if on column ofroute he cleared the obstacle and kept his men in this formation until the frrst objective was reached. Here he reorganised and beganto fighthis way through the village.

The three Battalions were now in line, and the fightingwas ofthe fiercest description. Nelsons and Hoods made contact in the streets of the village, andwere engaged in deadly hand-to-hand fightingwith the enemy. Under Asquith's direction the fightingdeveloped more systematically and the Germans were chased fromhouse to house and mown down. On the right the Drakes had fought their way through all opposition and had established themselves in a trench approximately 200 yardssouth of Gavrelle cemetery.

Our reserve brigade, which was now composed ofarmy units, had made slow progress. Only the BedfordshireBattalion had made any appreciable headway and they had lost direction. Asquith took charge ofthe Bedfords who foundtheir way into the village, and sent them forwardwith a party ofNelsons to hold commanding ground north ofthe Arras-Fresnes road thus protecting the leftflank of the brigade. This achieved, the Hoods and Nelsons pushed on but were held up by our own guns which were firingshort. Working round the village from the right, Commander Asquith was againblocke d, this time by machine gun frre from a trench close to the Mayor's house. Observing that the Mayor's house was the key to the position, he took the house by assault, and captured the garrison. In the upper storeys he posted snipers and a Lewis gun, and placed Brigade Intelligence Officer Cooke in charge with instructions to harass the enemy. 1152. Later in the morning the brave Cooke pushed forwardinto the open with his Lewis gun and crew, with the object of subduing what remained of the German garrison holding the trench, but all were killed save Leading Seaman Charlton. Charlton seized the gun and, working his way into a favourable position, lay out alone forfive hours and did not withdraw until he had disposed of what remained of the garrison.

The enemy had been completely cleared from the village, but freshtroops could be seen mustering in all directions for a counter-attack, which our battalion commanders prepared to meet.

Almostall telegraph lines between Advanced Brigade Headquarters and the battalions had been cut by the German artillery firewhile the astute Boche had blocked our wireless sets and rendered them useless. Visual signalling was an impossibility on account of gun smoke, so that all communications to and fromthe scene of the fighting had to pass over the fewartillery lines which remained intact, or be conveyed by runners. As the intervening ground was swept by fire, the brave runners who managed to worm their way through were oftentimesdelayed so long as to render their orders useless.

From Zero hour the Brigade Major had done everything in his power to ensure smooth working, but the destruction of the signal lines had upset his plans considerably. By 6.30 pm. It was impossible to determine the exact positions of the battalions, whereupon he ordered a contact aeroplane to flyover the ground andreport. The plane flew low and in response to its klaxon hornseven flares were lit. These were plotted with wonderfulprecision by the observer, and the plane made offat top speed to its station. Within an hour fromthe plane setting off, the exact location of the flares had been wired to Advanced Brigade Headquarters. The Major plotted the particulars on three copies of a Gavrelle village map and sent them by special runners to battalion commanders foridentification. Commander SterndaleBennett identified the tree flares on the right, Commander Asquith the two centre flares and Colonel Lewis the two on the left. By connecting the plottings Major Barnett determined the approximate Jine held by the Brigade and wired the information to Divisional Headquarters, from whence it was transmitted to the headquarters of the First Army. Following on this came news of the failure ofthe 111 th Brigade on our right, and a wire was received direct from Army Headquarters ordering us to hold onto Gavrelle the key to Arras at all costs.

The right flankof the Drake Battalion was now in the air through the failureof the 111111 Brigade, and we were in danger of being forced to yield the ground we had so gallantly fought forand won. All reserve machine guns were thereforerushed forwardand a defensive flank was formedin time to meet the German counter-attacking troops.

A hostile plane flewover our front and signalled to the German artillery, who concentrated on the village with all the venom they possessed. When the firecleared the counter-attacking troops came on, but were caught in the open and decimated by our artillery and machine gun fire.

1153. The hard fighting began to tell on the Hoods and in response to an appeal forrelief, the Howe h Battalion of the 1881 Brigade was brought forwardto replace them.

24th April 1917 :- At dawn our positions were bombarded relentlessly while throughout the day the bombardments were repeated with such frequencythat it seemed as if the enemy intended to blast us out of the village. When the firelifted to our back areas, however, wave afterwave of German infantry pressed forwardand counter-attack succeeded counter-attack. Our artillery were now functioning as never before.No sooner was each attack launched than they placed a heavy barrage behind the advancing columns which crept towardsour lines and met a protective barrage in frontof our positions. Through this inferno our men poured rifle and machine gun fire.In all, seven organisedattacks were met in this manner. When at last the guns were stilled and the air was clear again, out in the open fields lay the mangled remains of thousands of our adversaries, while here and there a solitary figure was seen to stagger, andfall to rise no more. Gavrelle was ours.

Towards midnight on the evening of the 241h April, the 188th Brigade relieved the victors of Gavrelle and during the early hours of the 251h our skeleton battalions wended their weary way down the Arras Road to an area of rest beyond the town.

I closed my diary at midnight on the 24th, andafter arranging all communications in time order, I flopped into a bunk to rest. For three days and three nights I had been on my feet continually, and had subsisted during that time on bread, cheese, water, cigarettes andan occasional sip of rum. I had not lain down many minutes when I discovered that my bunk was alive with lice, and on opening my tunic to search I found a considerable number of greybacks and bluebacks browsing. The time was not opportunefor getting a bit of my own back; and I waited with patience until I reached my hut. My way to the rear lay down the Arras Road, which had been badly battered by the enemy artillery. They knew that our main supplies would come that way and judging by the large number of dead horses and mules which lay on each side of the road it must have been a veritable hell. What happened to the drivers I was leftto conjecture, but I could not look on at the havoc wrought on their dumb mates without reflecting on the nature of the wounds which had despatched, or perhaps maimedfor life, the gallant fellowswho had held the reins. As I sauntered down the road I passed group after group of men who had not enough strength left to carry on with their battalions on the line of march, andnow andagain I came across a "kent" face. All were tired to the bone and recognised me either with a faintsmile or by a lifted hand.

On nearing my billet I came across a group lying on the ground and laughing heartily. Their laugh was infectious and with the first smile on my face forlong enough, I approached and asked the cause of their hilarity. Laughter burst out afreshas one of them told me the tale. It appeared that a loud explosion had occurred close to a batteryof heavy artillery stationed behind them. A little Army Service Corps chap wearing a South AfricanWar Ribbonwas passing at the time and so also was a hefty artillerymen. "That was a big shell" exclaimed the old soldier rather knowingly. Taking the hump offhis back the artillerymen glowered at the wee chap and replied sarcastically in a loud gruffvoice: "That was no shell." "It was a shell"

1154. persisted the wee chap, "I know what I am talking about; I was through the South African War." "The South African what-did-ye-call-it" was the reply. "Look here matey" continued the artillerymen "There never was a bloody war before this one," and that finishedthe argument.

The rejoicing over our victory was confined to Army, Corps and Divisional Headquarters,for the men who accomplished the job were so overcome by fatigue and so depressed at the loss of old comrades that they could not enthuse. The Corps and Divisional Commanders visited each battalion in turnto thank them fortheir great work, but when it came to the tangible recognition of the many acts of gallantry which were reported to the bestowers of awards, the honours conferred were disappointing in the extreme. Stemdale Bennett deserved the Victoria Cross, forwhich he was recommended, but what shall I say of Commander Asquith? Viewed fromany angle he was the outstanding personality in the fight,the one man who, more than anyother, carried our anm; to victory, and yet he was recommended only for a bar to his D.S.O. No Victoria Crosses came our way. Bennett and Asquith had to be content with bars to their medals and Barnett was passed over. Barnettwas paying a heavy penalty forhis independence, gallantryand ability. I was told that the laundry officerat Divisional Headquarters had the same decorations as he, and so also had the Assistant Provost Marshall !

After washing and removing a week's growth frommy face I transcribedmy diary and handed a copy to the Major forthe preparation of his report to Divisional Headquarters. The Army Commander seemed to beimpatient for particulars forLondon's next dose of dope. I was, therefore,instructed to send a special message to battalions for informationregarding war material captured. The first report to arrive was fromCommander Asquith who sent a slip of paper on which these words were written: "The half of Gavrelle village." This was construed as contempt, and the General was so upset that he sent forAsquith. The Commander duly arrived, but as the Brigade officedid not offer sufficient privacy he was taken outside for his telling-off. I dropped my work and observed both men closely. The General was laying down the law as he paced backwards and forwards,while Asquith followedat his heals looking pale but unrepentant. How the matter ended I cannot say, but neither seemed at all pleased on parting.

My sympathies were with Asquith, and yet I could not be angrywith the General, for had he forwarded the particulars as received, he in turn would have been reproved by the mightier ones in the rear. They were to blame fornot keeping the story-tellers under proper control by inculcating a sane conception of the onerous work which devolved on the battalion commander who survived the battle. But perhaps the loftyones themselves knew no better.

Asquith was not the only one fedup with nonsense fromabove. Barnett emerged fromthe room in which he was closeted and handed me his report, which I immediately proceeded to read over. I soon observed that in disgust he had rattled offa careless piece of work, and feeling annoyed I went to him. He still had his head down, and I waited his convenience. Observing me with the tail of his eye and without raising his head he asked: "Aren't you

1155. getting on with the typing?" ''NoSir" I replied, "I should like to have a report worthy of the occasion." "Isn't it good enough?" was his next question. "Not nearly," was my reply. "Well then, make whatever alterations you think fit" said he, "Division is not getting another damned scrap from me." I did not sparethe blue pencil and when I presented the report with my corrections, he smiled approvingly and asked me to proceed with the typing.

1h During this time the l88 Brigade had been engaging the enemy, and on their withdrawal fromthe line the Division was to move further to the rear. On April 30 1917 relief was completed, and our sorely tried troops proceeded by bus and route march1h to Maroeuil, where gunfirewas heard only in the stillness of the night. We had just settled down nicely when an order was received ordering us to prepare to move forward at thirty minutes' notice. Even the most hardened soldier expostulated on the unreasonableness of pushing the Division into another fightso soon, for, asa result of the preceding months of relentless warfare, our personnel had been sadly depleted and the sick list washeavy. From the time we left the line at Gavrelle I had to wire the following information to Divisional Headquarters by 9.0 am each morrung:

(a) Battalions fit for offensiveaction. (b) Battalions fit to hold the line only. (c) Battalions exhausted and unfit foreither (a) or (b).

For days in succession I reported one of our battalions as fitto hold the line only since its fightingstrength was shown as approximately 400. In my innocence I had hoped by this means to keep the Brigade out of any more scraps for some time to come. One morningthe phone bell rang and aftera conversation with Division the Major instructed me to report this battalion as fit foroffensive action. I asked,"When is a battalion fitfor offensiveaction ?" I asked, "When Division say it is fit," replied the Major in disgust. All battalions were th thereafter returned fit for offensive action and on May 4 1917 we "embussed" and were hurried to the village ofRoclincourt, or to all that remained of it, forscarely a stone was left standing.

ROCLINCOURT :- The Germans had so far taken leave of themselves as to dig a maze of trenches in the civilian cemetery, thus exposing the dead to wind and weather. Fortunately for our lads the enemy ceased to threaten and all hands were employed in the preparation of a new defensivetrench system which was calculated to make Arras impregnable. Gavrelle lay ahead, but it was no longer the scene ofstrife. A pronounced calm had followedthe storm and the sector was now considered quiet. We took over the line with no other concern than to make No Man's Land ourright-of-way, andto hold at all costs the Windmill position - strategical point of great importance.

Divisional baths had been installed at Roclincourt and creosote dips were the speciality. I decided to test the efficacy of creosote in despatching lice, and with this object in view I set out for the baths. On arriving at the establishment I leisurely divested myself of my clothing and was on the point of taking the treatment when two heftyCanadians hurried in and undressed with such celerity that I marvelled at their haste. Both set to hunt at once. One of

1156. them kept chattering to himself as he turned his shirt outside in, and feverishlysearched every stitch and seam. "That's funny, that's funny," he muttered, as he switched his eyes fromthe seams to the broad unstitched portions of the garment, "nothing doing." Just as he was on the point of abandoning the hunt a thumping greyback dawdled into the open. "You can go back" yelped the hunter, "I car1 findyou any time; it's your battalion I'm after," and to my amazement he left a potential mother of thousandsto carry on.

When I foundtime to reflect, I wondered why Sub-Lieutenant Cooke, our late Brigade Intelligence officer, had taken an active part in the fightingat Gavrelle and my enquiries were pursued until I solved the mystery. I learned that on Cooke being appointed to Brigade, one of hisold colleagues had remarked that "cold feet" had inspired the move. This came to Cooke's ears, and he pleaded with the Major to be allowed to fight with his old battalion. As I have related, Cooke was killed, but the fellowwho cast the aspersion and who, as one would expect,was no star performer,came out of the engagement unhurt. Cook's widowed mother had written to Barnett asking how her son met his death, and requesting informationregarding his place of burial. The Major had been told that the body lay in Gavrelle cemetery but this did not satisfyhim. At the risk of being sniped he crawled out to the spot where Cooke was said to lie, and with an entrenching tool removed the covering earth. Thus assured the Major returnedto Headquarters and despatched his reply giving the fullest particulars.

Up to this time I had been tempted to think that Barnett was devoid of feeling, but this incident together with the concernhe began to show forthe unburied dead, raised him above suspicion. When his trench inspection was finished, he would proceed to the rear over the open andcarefully would plot on a map the positions where the dead were lying. Immediately on his return to the office, he would despatch the particularsto the battalion commanders, in whose areas the dead lay, with instructions that they be brought to a little cemetery which had been snugly established undercover of the railway embankment and which only a freakshell could violate.

Our peacefuloccupation of the line continued from week to week, but Barnettdid not relax his strict supervision in view of the imp01tance of the positions we held. In particular he never failedto pay a daily visit to the Windmill position which, during our term in the line, was garrisonedalways by the Hood Battalion. Asquith had been given special instructions on the precautions to be taken for the defenceof this position but, being on the spot, and being much better informedthan his advisers, he had not complied with his orders to the letter. This was considered a grievous fault and correction was conveyed by private communication. I only became aware of the friction when the correspondence entire was handed to me with instructions to guard it carefully and allow no curious eye to look upon it. There was a covert hint that the matter need not concernme overmuch. As I foldedthe correspondence before stowing it away on my person, my eye caught the last communication, which was from Asquith. It was characteristically brief and bold, the purport being that he was preparedto defendhis action before any court the General cared to convene. This troubled me, and the opinion I previously held that there was a "set" against Asquith, grew stronger.

1157. Not many days afterwardsWinston Churchill arrived at Divisional Headquarters. Asquith sent a polite note asking to be relieved fortwo days in order that he might proceed to Division to meet him. This was agreed to without demur; but beforehe returned to his battalion I was instructed to hand back the correspondence entrusted to me as the matter was now considered closed.

A little bit ofgood fortune came my way about this time. The enemy were showing no disposition to fight. On the contrary they were reportedto be strengthening their positions and wiring heavily. Jerry was allowed to continue his good work without hindrance until it was well-neigh complete, when, by late runner, I received a communication fromDivision to the effect that at stand-to-arms the following morning anartillery bombardment ofthe "hurricane" variety would be laid down on the German lines. The instructions to be conveyed to the battalion holding the sector involved were elaborate. Among the precautions to be taken, I observed that during the bombardment the men in the firing line were to be withdrawn to the reserve trench as a special wire cutting "Bangalore" shell would be used and dangerous "blow-backs" would be frequent.

This order had been despatched fromDivision after dinner and I have no doubt they believed Barnett would be resting. As it turnedout he had been in the trenches all day and had not returned forhis evening meal. I placed the order on the top ofthe Divisional mail and anxiously awai(ed the Major's return.It would be near midnight when he arrived all mud­ bespattered and so far spent that he called for a glass ofport - a most unusual thing for him to do. He removed his trench boots and put on slacks, and, before dining, proceeded to peruse the correspondence which had accumulated in his absence. I observed him go pale as he read the order and, after calling for some sandwiches, he wrote his instructions to the battalion affected.Next he took me to task fornot showing the Divisional mail to the General but when I explained that I had been kept ignorant ofhis movements and had expected him any minute, he cooled down and made straight for the Brigade signallers.

"Jimmie" had retired for the night, but as his N.C.O's were efficient and conscientious there was no need to disturb his slumbers. The Major explained to the N.C.O. in charge that his instructions must be phoned "in clear" (without using a code) over the Fuller phone and he stood by as the corporal proceeded to execute the order. The Fuller phone refused to function. When I saw the Major's colour rising I asked himto leave me to see the business through and to go to sleep although I myself, had not seen the light ofday for almost a week and felt very tired indeed. Happily he fell forthe suggestion. Tryas he might, the corporal ofsignals could not get the Fuller phone to operate. Time was wearing on, and in desperation I asked him ifhe had a runner who knew the way over the open. He told me there was one- a young Scot from Blairgowrie. "Rouse him," I said "and instruct him to conduct me over the open to Colonel Lewis of the Nelson Battalion." "Jock" appeared, looking quite fresh.He was a mere boy and possessed that sang-froid common to youths reared far from the madding crowds.

I took the Major's message and we set off. The front was restive. The Germans had sensed there was something doing. Their artillery had been roused and were searching the ground

1158. which lay between our headquarters and the trench system with their fire. Shells were bursting uncomfortablylow and "duds" sputtered on the ground we traversed; but consumed by the desire to get there, "Jock" and I trudged on. I looked to the east for the rising sun, but as yet there was no sign of his clear light. "I shall arrive in time, I shall arrive in time," I solemnly assured the enquiring spirit within me, and I did. The guide took me right into the presence of Colonel Lewis. The Colonel and I were old friends. As senior commanding officer he had acted a Brigadier while our General was on leave. He was a small wiry man, close to sixty years of age, rather slow in the intake, but indefatigableand totally devoid of fear. As a disciplinarian he was unsurpassed, and seemed to have all his officers in the hollow of his hand.

He was in a perverse mood when I entered and was laying down the law to his company commanders. At the sight of me he gaped in astonishment. "What's brought you here?" he enquired. Solemnly and with deliberation I related the facts to him. "And how did you arrive ?" he asked. "Over the open" I replied "Well, you won't returnover the open until this job is over" he said with a smile. I read the order slowly, for that was the only way to take the Colonel, while he in his own fashion took a copy of it which, when complete, he handed to the company officer holding the fire trench and despatched him in haste to remove hismen to reserve.

The stuffiness of the Colonel's dugout was making me feelheavy, and I moved into the reserve trench just as our fireopened. While they lasted "Hurricane" bombardments were the fiercestand most hatefulof all fireoperations. This bombardment proved no exception to the rule. Molten metal from "blow-backs" came hissing into the reserve trench and it was well for the garrison that they kept close to the parapet. When the fireeased off, the German fire of retaliation opened and continued fora considerable time. Their fire was severe and when it tapered offI learnedthat eight of the Nelsons had been killed and a number wounded.

I was now impatient to return, and, thoroughly tired out, I retraced my steps over the open to Brigade Headquarters. It would be 5.0 am when I got back and at 8.0 amI was handling a :freshmail fromDivision. An hour later the Major called me. "Have you that acknowledgement fromColonel Lewis?" he asked. "Yes Sir," I replied, producing the original message with Colonel Lewis's signature and the time of receipt shown thereon. "What does this mean ?" he enquired, and I had to tell him all. In an instant he was on his feet, and afterventing his fury on "Jimmie" he called forthe "dammed" N.C.O. of signals. The poor fellow had to take what he got fornot having his Fuller phone in order. He was to be reduced to the ranks, but I intervened and lauded his expedition in findingme the right orderly. This was the last word and the matter passed off. Later in the day the Major came to my table and addressing me familiarlyhe remarked that I looked tired. "You must go home for a short leave" he said. I will make all arrangements after relief" I soon felt a fitter man with the prospect of home leave. This was the only way in which he could recoup me since, in the circumstances, he could not report the incident to Division. We were relieved early, and afterdinner the Major handed me a note instructing me to proceedto Arras next morning.He also gave me permission to use the bus

1159. which conveyed officerson leave fromArras to a railhead on the outskirts of the town. I followedthe directions given and soon found myself in a "Blighty" train.

To be continued.

References:-

This account is from'The War To End War.'1914 -1918 by Thomas Macmillan. Dated 11th November 1935, Glasgow. Housed in the Department of Documents, Imperial War Museum, London.

I would like to thank Thomas Macmillan's son Ian Macmillan for permission to publish this work.

Some Sepulchred Gavrelle. Some Shattered Homesin their own dust concealed.

From 'The Mudhock' of January 1918 No 3. This etching of Gavrelle was given away with this number. I thank Tony Henwood for forwardingthis to me.

1160. SOLO SAGA.

An unpublished account in 3 parts, of his experiences in the R.N.D. Divisional Engineers - Signals.

By Reginald Gale. 1284 R.N.D.E.

PART ONE.

RECRUIT:- On March 1 st 1915 I went to London and enlisted in the Royal Naval Division, Divisional Engineers. In my anxiety to be in time I got to the R.N. & R.M. Recruiting Office offWhitehall before it opened. To pass the time away I sauntered down Whitehall. As I reached the entrance to the War Office a man in plain clothes raised an arm and barred my passage. Then a motor-car drew up at the kerb and Lord Kitchener, then Secretary of State for War, got out and passed through the doorway. That was the only time I ever saw the great man.

Back at the recruiting officer I soon found myself in a large room with at least a hundred other men bent on the same errand. There was no one I knew of course, but I caught the eye of a bespectacled youngster on the opposite side of the room and we nodded. I knew at once that we were both forthe Signals. Our names and particulars were registered and we were escorted in batches over to be medically examined. Rather to my relief I managed to pass this and we all found ourselves back where we had started. We were now to be sworn in. Bibles were handed out and we all repeated the oath under dictation. By now we had sorted or been sorted into groups for various units and I found that there were five ofus forthe Engineers. We were all Post Office men and were bound forthe R.N.D.E. The other members ofthe quintet were HarryBeman, Alf Orton, Arthur Taggeshall and Frank Digby. Taggeshall was the one I had recognised earlyas a Post Office type. We received our firstdays' pay, I think it was one and fivepence. We were told to report back at the office at fouro'clock.

Dropping into service ways at once we went out to find somewhere to spend our money! We went into the nearestLyons teashop and spent the l/5d. and a bit more too. We exchanged

1161. Reginald Gale taken at Blandford Camp in 1916.

From his collection at the Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library, University of Leeds.

I would like to express my appreciation to C D W Sheppard. Head of Special Collections and R D Davis also of the Special Collections fortheir help and advice regarding the photographs of Gale that appear in this series.

1162. names and were on Christian name terms at once. Thus I met four of the bestpals any men could wish for. Our ages were Digby 29, Beman 26, Taggeshall 25, myself20 and Orton 19. The Order ofseniority is correct although I cannot now be certain of the precise ages except of my own. We exchanged also our backgrounds our hopes and our fears.

WALMER:- At 5.30 we left Victoria forWalmer in Kent and arrived about nine o'clock. There was a guide to meet us and we were taken to one of the billets. At that time the unit was housed in various empty houses scattered here and there and this one, which was the nearest to the station was used as a reception centre. We had a good meal ofbacon and tomatoes with lashings of tea served in large basins. We were to learn that the service wasstrong on making tea ! From somewhere we were issued with a pair of blankets each and escorted just round the comer to our pemianent billet, a three storyhouse named Castlemount.

That firstnight was memorable ! The blankets were new and perfectly clean, also they were of excellent quality. None ofus had ever slept on bare boards before. The hardness of these combined with the novelty and the excitement destroyed any possibility of sleep quickly for at least one of the five. By one in the morningno one had even dozed and Digby cheered us aB by walking up and down the room on his hands. But eventually we all fell into an uneasy sleep from which we rose inthe morning with something like gratitude.Frank

Aftera good breakfast we went out on parade and saw some of our comrades forthe first time. About fifty were still in civilian clothes and we found that these were the intake of about a week. Being dismissed forthe morning we fivemade our way down to Deal where we sat on the beach and yarned until the time cruneto make our way back fordinner --- no nonsense about calling it "lunch". At the parade at two o'clock we were issued with some items of kit such as knife, fork,spoon and mug as well as other things, but not with clothing.

rd I suppose it is right to say that 3 March 1915 was the day when our soldering commenced, at least that is the day on which we began to take on the outward appearance. It started with a rather objectless parade at seven in the morning! But thataft ernoonthose ofus who had no uniforms were marched down to the Royal Marine Barracks at Deal and fittedout. My diary records that it wa<;a hard marchback to Walmer. And no wonder! We were carrying two suits ofkhaki, one suit of duck canvas, shirtsand underclothes in duplicate, There were incidentals too, body-belt, puttees, housewife and a pair of the heaviest boots I bad ever possessed, the whole lot was carried a large canvas kit-bag. From memory took quite a long time to get into our new clothes. I was entirely at sea with them but we were helped by Frank Digby and Harry Beman who hadin both served in the territorials, the Postit OfficeRifles I Then we packed up our civilian clothes and I sent my watch and chain home too. All this took up most of the rest of the day. think. At a guess I would say that there were about200 men inthe depot at this time and I beganto see what a greatleveller the uniformis. In our civilian clothes we rangedfrom the opulent to the disreputable. In uniform, the smartestman was not the one who had sported a gold watch­ chain, the reverse was oftenthe rule. But we assisted one another with our dress detail such as puttees and I suppose that we five were a respectable average.

1163. The next day I met another side of service lifeas I was the "House Orderly". I had to sweep through the house and get it in such a condition that it would pass the Orderly Officerwho incidentally, did not come round. Afterthat I had to report to the cook. I was given the usual job of cleaning and peeling potatoes. In those days we had our spuds with the skins off! There were about forty men to becatered for and so far as I can remember, there was not time for me to do any other kitchen chores until I had to take on the job of washing up. The kitchen was in the basement, the mess room was on the first floorand the foodwas brought up in a service lift.

Slowly I began to get the hang of things. A few days prior to the day we arrived three companies had been sent out with the Royal Naval Division for the Dardanelles. Of course we did not the know where the companies had gone except that from their tropical kit any Sherlock Holmes could deduce that their destination was east of Gibraltar. The departed companies were Nos 1 & 2 Field and the Signal company. We Post Officemen were told that had we enlistedabout a couple of weeks earlier we should have been included.

As it was, there were plenty of empty houses in the town which had been vacated and these had to be scrubbed down fromtop to bottom. It was hardly soldiering perhaps, but I was quite happy. No longer did my conscience nag me. I had been uncomfortable for a long time because my colleagues had enlisted and I was left. I had applied forpermission to join up on the first of January and because I thought that my application was being held up I got an enlisted friend, Jim Secker, No.705, to speak to his commanding officerabout me. I had a pleasant letter signed by Lieutenant Paterson saying that the RNDE would be pleased to have me. I was glad to have that letter forI began to fearthat there would be no vacancies unless I got away soon ! Armed with this letter I went and saw my immediate superior and kept worrying until permission was given.

This was a pleasant time forus. We soon found ourown social circles. Harry, Alf and I usually went around together because we were teetotallers and Frank and Tagg were not. Perhaps I ought to amend that a bit and say that I was teetotal while the other two did not drink. There is a subtle difference.Anyhow we favouredthe Soldiers' Club at the local Wesleyan Chapel run by some very nice ladies, for our benefit.

Our days began to assume a certain routine and this included very little training.True, we did a little rifle and footdrill but of signal training I cannot remember any. Normal days were spent on fatigueand in the evening we strolled into Deal and had a fishand chip supper or we went along to the club at the Wesleyan Church, had a sing-song and a supper of cakes and cocoa. Sunday was the most enjoyable day so far as I was concerned.After Church Parade we were free.My pride knew no bounds as I went to my firstChurch Parade on 7th March. We polished up and took trouble to look our best. We had a band of sorts and we knew how to form fours. The girls watched us fallin and march off. As I look back I realise that we must have appeared as what we were, a lot of dressed up civilians but I felt as if we were the smartest troops in the country.

1164. The second week ofmy service was not quite so pleasant. The weather got colder and colder and eventually we had the snow. Meanwhile the fatigues continued. On the Wednesday, i.e. 1 Oth March we had our first pay parade. For the firsttime I found out how many men there were at the depot. Many of them I had never seen beforeand indeed, I never saw again except on pay parades.

I have no idea how it came about but on the 11 lh March we obtained permission to visit Dover. In fact I do not know whether we even had permission at all. But we went in as a party, there must have been ten ofus. That was the day when I really got a thrill frombeing in the Royal Marines. We approached the station exit at Dover and a pair of Military Police stepped forward, presumably to look at our passes. Then one said "Marines" and they both stood back and we swaggered past. That incident had remained with me throughout the years ashas the thrill I got fromit. But Dover itself,was something of a disappointment. Apartfrom Army Officers, the town was stiff with Naval Officers. We seemed to be on the salute all the time. Alf Orton and Harry Beman and myself were together and I remember that on one occasion we met a Naval Officer and as we swung our arms up to the salute, my fingers caught Harry's swagger cane and sent it spinning! Harry was not amused. I believe we went into a variety show to get away from it all. Anyway, we caught the 4.30 train back to Deal and then went and had hot baths. But I was learning and the next day I applied fora week-end pass.

th On 13 March, after a hard morningon fatigue, I got my pass and arrivedhome about four o'clock. Naturally it was grand to be at home again. I cannot understand youngsters nowadays getting into civilian clothes at every possible opportunity. I was only too proud of my uniform and was happy to be out and about in it. I loved to see small boys look at the rather uncommon cap badge and then crane to see the shoulder letters, incidentally we had none of these later. I went up to the officeand spent quite a long time there. On the Sunday night I went back to Walmer and got into the billet about half past eleven.

Slowly we were learning. Every day brought some new knowledge, however slight. Harry Beman who was a bit more experienced was able to help Alf and I quite a bit. Looking back on this period of my service I cansee there was little discipline and next to no training. Most officersand trained NCOs had gone out with the companies and we were a scratch crowd in many ways. A new experience befell me on l 5th March when I was put on a gun-carriage crew for a funeral. One of the men in the depot died and sixteen men ofabout the same height were detailed as crew. We followedthe band fromthe Royal Marine depot at the slow march. We could only just keep in step when we were marching at ordinary pace and the slow march is much more difficult. The sergeant in charge ofus was Sergeant Bevan and he was an old hand fromthe Marines with years ofservice and experience. All the time he kept telling us to "keep in step with the band and watch the drum". We were next behind the band and it was easy to follow that advice. In the fouryears of my experience the same thing never came again. I attended scores offunerals in this country, in Turkey, in France and once, at sea but I never again took an active part in one, except that I was once in the firing party.

1165. Gradually things began to takeon a more service aspect. Fatigues lessened and we began to have more foot and rifle drill. Those who were obviously in the signals began to take some flag drill. Turns for the depot guard began to loom up. I say ''turns" but actually I think the system was just haphazard. I do not think that any rota was kept. However, it was late in March before I was detailed for the duty, and to tell the truth I was rather thrilled at the prospect. The full spell was for twelve twelve hours --- 8 pm to 8 am. We had two hours on and four off.My particular turns were from midnight to 2 am and again 6 am to 8 am. The guard room was a smallish wooden hut and by now I was used to sleeping on boards and I was able to have a nap beforeI was called at midnight. With a fixed bayonet I spent two hours in a fieldand if the truth is told I felta bit of a fool. At the same time I feltvery responsible for the safetyof a small wooden erection nearby which we were told contained ammunition. Two hours alone in the middle of a fieldin darkness seemed a very long time and the various sounds of trees and grass sounded very loud. There were some sheep in a neighbouring field and when one of them coughed it had a very human sound. The riflewas not loaded and I had no ammunition and I'm sure that had any emergency arisen I would not have been a very effectivedefender of whatever I was guarding. But the time passed without the need of either bullet or bayonet and I survived to do other guard duties.

I must not omit to mention inoculation. We who had not so far been done were treatedon 18t11 March. It was far from enjoyable. The operation was in the leftbreast and it seemed to paralyse the whole of the shoulder. But we were allowed 48 hours freeof duty and by that time we had, at any rate partly, recovered. Later on we had the second dose and it hardly affectedus, in fact it was a bit of a holiday.

Another experience wasfiring. We were marched down to the Marines range under the cliffs, I believe it was near St. Margaret's Bay, and memory suggests that we each firedten rounds. Ratherto my surprise I did well enough to escape blame. It was deliberate firing and I feel sure that rapid or snap firing would have found me wanting. I have memories of my surprise at the "kick" on my shoulder as I pulled the trigger the first time asif someone had kicked me. Next day I had an aching shoulder!

In those days almost any new experience was accepted as welcome and a part of army life. In tum we had bridge-building ( on land), knotting and splicing, footdrill. Even fatigueat the railway station wasa change but when it came to peeling potatoes and scrubbing floorsI hated it.

Passes to leave Deal on Saturdays were given freely. One could be away all night with this type of pass but at that time I had relatives at Ramsgate and several times I was able to slip over there and have a fewhours with them. It made an agreeable break. But I was already beginning to look on the unit as the place where I really belonged and I findthat I referred to it as "home' in my diary at this time.

We were a friendlycrowd andfriendships were already strong and we were slowly knitting into a Signal Company altho" we had not formedup officially. There are many referencesto "Harry, Alf and I" as going here and there. Some of the men who were outside my immediate

1166. circle of friendsremain firmlyin my memories ofDeal. There was Joe Rudham, a queer character ifever we had one. He was popular, partly because he was such a good pianist and was always willing to oblige with a tune. He was absent-minded and good-tempered. Ifhe was laughed at he never got cross. Ofhis absence ofmind it is illustrated by the story, libellous perhaps, that ifanyone put down his glass of beer near to Joe when he was playing, he would drain it under the impression that it was his own ! Joe was the only man I knew who could wash, shave and clean his buttons afterhe had donned his tunic. But in spite of his short-comings we were always glad to see Joe Rudham in the Club at the Wesleyan Chapel forhis musical abilities. There was one occasion when Joe distinguished himself by appearing on parade wearing his duck jacket under his khaki tunic. When an almost petrifiedSergeant asked him what the idea was, Joe replied that "he thought that the weather was cold enough forit". And it was always remarked that Joe was never seen on fatigue with the rest ofus.

Another well-known character ofa differentsort was Vic Castelli. A sardonic brilliant conversationalist Vic could always be relied on to keep a gathering amused. I have travelled from London to Templecombe in a carriage with him and he had kept the whole compartment delighted with his stories and conversation generally. Later on when we were overseas I have seen him surroundedby a crowd of French Army men or French Sailors and having them laughing in the same way. Vic had a brother in the Italian Signals and Vic always said that when he would be able to tell his brother how the Signals were otl:iceredin the British Army his brother would laugh as if at a funnystory.

One day several ofus were returning to "Castlemount" forthe midday meal, when we met a recruit who had just got into uniform. At that time we were old soldiers of at least three weeks service and we looked at the recruit with wondering eyes. Afterhe had passed we rolled with laughter, his puttees were rolled up to well above his knees! We learned afterwardsthat the recruit had enquired how high up the leg the puttees were supposed to go. He was told to roll them up as far as he could. Furthermore, the leg-puller congratulated the victim on getting a "long" pair ofputtees, most ofthe regiment having to get along with short ones! On the way fromthe depot to "Castlemounf' daily we passed a notice in a window which never failed to give us pleasure. It read "Washing Done here for Naval Men".

I notice that Pay Parades are mentioned regularly each week and there was always a heavy muster ofmen. I invariablydrew 15/- and this covered my modest expenditure. Beer I never drank and cigarettes were two and halfpence per packet often. There wasnot a lot I needed to buy except supper which cost only a fewcoppers. I also have a note that on the last day of March I lost 10/-.

A great pleasure to me always were route marches out into the country or merely down to the town in a column. Youth, health, good companionship and a bright day: one can swing along and fatigue is slow in overtaking one. Happy exchanges, jokes and songs and the road goes sliding by. Among other advantages which I had was a pair ofgood feetwhich never failed to carry me without complaint as long as my legs could propel them. There was pride

1167. when we were in public too. I was of the Royal Marines andalready had an intense pride in the Corps. We had a rudimentary band and they could play only about two tunes but even with nothing but a drum beat my pride was not lessened. I liked to see the folk stand and watch us pass; woman at their cottage doors; faces at upstairs windows; children trotting alongside; girls waving; all these things went towards making up my new life.

March 1915 was mixed as regards weather. I findthat snow and sleet are mentioned several times. On one occasion I express relief that I am on guard duty because the weather is so rough. I suppose that the rest of the men were out marchingor on fatigue in the open. At least I was in the dry.

My health was excellent, but forthe first time in my life I became aware that I had an inside. Before enlistment I had simply eaten my food and thought no more aboutit. But the present foodwas coarse and we had a lot of meat which I had never caredfor and which I was not used to. And so I discovered the word "constipation". I don't think I ever knew it beforebut my education was proceeding! I have no note of the following butI remember it quite clearly. AfterI had got into uniformthe muscles in the front of my shins began to ache until they were keeping me awake at night. Unused to aches of any sort this really had me worried. The trouble persisted fora week or ten days and then died down. It never returnedand I cannot remember when I realised that the ache was only due to wearing army footwear. I was used only to light shoes as the muscles got accustomed to the greater weight the ache cured itself

And so March passed into April. The firstflush of enthusiasm was wearing offand I finda note in my diary that I am "fedup." But that was a passing mood as perhaps the weather was rough, feeling unwell or I had fallenfoul of an NCO. But on the whole I was taking to the life quite naturally and the congenial company helped.

There were one or two old soldiers in the billet, these were able to give raw youngsters a lot of help and advice. We specially appreciated their help when on April 81 we were issued with a fullset of webbing equipment. I presume that up to that date we had hadh no equipment. It was issued in separate pieces contained in the valise as the largest container. I do not know how many bits there were, memory suggests twenty-seven but that may easily be wrong. I do remember, however, that we all spread the selection out on the banks of a fieldin which our stores were kept. Most of the webbing fragmentswere of a shape I had never seen before and I had very little knowledge as to what to do with the various straps, but in this I was not alone. Those who knew what to do were soon surrounded by the novices; I took my lesson from Frank Digby. First (said Frank) takethe belt. This was unmistakable! Next put the bayonet frogon at the left.Bayonet frog, that sounded easy too ! I searched the mass of straps etc which belonged to me in vain. I had no such piece, naturally enough it would have to be me that was short. As far as I ever heard there was no other set of webbing lacking, just my luck. The Quartermaster seemed to think it was my fault, it took quite an argument to get the omission supplied. Anyhow, someway or other we managed to get the sets together and went back to "Castlemount". After that, forfour years I was never freeof at least some part of such equipment. In time I became familiar with the straps and the "quick-release" buckles.

1168. JOURNEY TO BLANDFORD CAMP : - For some weeks there had been persistent rumours that our depot was to be transferredto Blandford in Dorsetshire. The rumour was based on factbecause our fatigueshad included the loading ofstores onto trucks at Walmer Station. In actual fact we were told to be ready to entrain on 9th April but this was cancelled at the last moment. The next two days, Saturday and Sunday, we worked all day loading up trucks forthe journey on the followingMonday. I have a note and can remember that by the evening of Sunday we were all tired and fed up. It had been my first experience of Sunday work in the service, but not, I might mention, the last by a long chalk.

th The next morning, Monday 12 April 1915 reveille was at 3.30 am.I was not unused to early rising but hardly as earlyat that! Fortunately, in those days I could go several days without a shave and was up and packed in good time. My first turnout in fullkit, and what a load it was. By 5.15 am we were on parade and entrained at Walmer Station. At half past six we were off and I have never returned although I have oftenthought that it would be interesting to do so.

In 1915, at the age of twenty, I was very m1travelled, as were most ofus and I was quite prepared to enjoy the trip to our new surroundings. We were eight men to each compartment which was enough forcomfort. In addition we had eight kitbags, eight fullsets of webbing equipment, with bulging valises and haversacks and protruding bayonets. Our compartment included all ofour "group" and one more recently enlisted man, Ralph Carradine. As time went on I was to get to know "Carrie" better. We had an interesting trip through what was to me, new country. I can only remember one stop although we may have, and probably did make others. The stop was at Southampton and here an amusing incident happened. As soon as the train stopped everyone got out and the lavatories and the refreshment room were soon full. In our compartment we had the sense to leave one man behind as a marker because every compartment would, of course look exactly like any other. Our precaution was justified because the train moved up some distance during our stay and the men who had marked their place by a fixed mark were in trouble. We could affordto laugh and we did.

About 4 o'clock that afternoonwe drew into the station at Blandford. The camp lies out on the Downs about three miles fromthe town and the journey is mostly uphill. But we did not make hard going ofanything in those days and the change ofsurroundings was in itself, something to be enjoyed. We fellin out in the road andwere proud to swing along through the town in column. We plugged up the hill to the Naval Camp and when we reached the entrance we were ordered to march to attention. Now the main thing about "marching to attention" is that the rifle must be carried at the "slope". There is no difficulty about this but for a long spell it is very tiring. I cannot hazard a guess as to the distance fromthe Camp entrance to our lines, but it was a considerable distance. We were on very rough ground and had a heavy load. I believe we had leftour kit bags at the station to followby transport. I remember, that years afterwardsI wa'>in London forthe Armistice parade and was on my way to the Guards Barracks forparade, when I met a party of the Guards marching at the "slope". As they reached me the Officer gave an order and the Party changed shoulders with their rifles.The order was "change arms on the march". We never learned anything like that and I am sure it would have looked horrible had we ever tried it !

1169. BLANDFORD CAMP:- Eventually, we arrived at our camp, findingI suppose there were 50 or so men to a hut. Every man had three boards on little low trestles which raised the bed about three inches from the floor. We were issued with large canvas bags andtold to go over to the stables and fill them with straw for use as mattresses. When we settled in we found it was more comfortable than the bare floors we had had at Walmer.

The layout of the Naval Camp provided for about ten thousand men. The "lines" were A, B and C. These were in tum numbered Al, A2 and so on. Each number had its own line of huts forsleeping, messing etc and each had its ownparade ground. We called our own by that name although the Infantry knew theirs as "quarterdeck". Behind the parade ground were smaller huts which were the officer's quarters, pay office and furtherover were the stables. At one end of the parade ground was the guard hut and cells. Facing were the quartermaster's stores and the orderly room.

Our own officerswore conventional armydress and our NCOs wore the stripes with the engineer grenade. The infantry officersand Ors, however, wore a mixture of naval and army rig. Officerswore khaki with a blue cap bearing a naval badge. The petty officersand CPOs corresponding to NCOs, wore tunics something like the ones wornby commissioned ranks of the army. The men wore regulation khaki but the round hats of the navy with the tallybands reading "Royal Naval Division". About the time we reached the Camp, however, these tallys were being replaced by name bands forthe various battalions, Hood, Howe, Nelson, Collingwood, etc. Rank badges of the officerswere rings as in the Navy and not stars as in the Army. Altogether we were a very hybrid crowd.

So my address was now "The Naval Camp, Blandford"and I wasproud of even that slight linkwith the Royal Navy. This was real camp lifeas distinct fromthe rather homely and free and easy billet lifewe had hitherto. We had a lot of men in our hut whom I had never met before. I suppose that they had been at Walmer but not in our house. There were many Post Officemen and at the time I compared them unfavourably with "our" crowd. This was silly of me and later on when I got to know some of them I foundthe same high standardof friendshipand loyalty as among my own intimate friends. One who comes to mind at this stage is Rupert Waddington. He had come to us fromsome north country Yeomanry regiment and ifl ever knew exactly why, I have now forgotten. There was "Mark" Anthony, rather older and more sedate than the majority, the Scott brothers, Bob and Jack, and the Waldie brothers whose christian names I forget. There were others too.

The food in the camp wasnot as good as we had had at our billets. With only about thirty to cook for the serve, the service had been more or less personal. Now our cooks were catering forseveral hundred and I don't suppose they were really trained forthe job. For example, when the tea arrived in the messroom, it came in buckets and we had to hold mugs for filling. The very first day there was almost a riot when the potatoes were served up in their skins. I forgethow that incipient mutiny was quelled, probably by asking formen who would volunteer to peel a fewsacks of spuds the next day !

1170. The top photograph :- Blandford Camp is from the Royal Signals Museum, Blandford, Dorset.

Below :- From 'On Board Crystal Palace & Elsewhere' Souvenir No 1.

1171. On our firstmorning in camp we paraded and were inspected. Then the flag was hoisted and we marched offand spent the morning at drill. I did not dislike this and made a real effortto get at the meaning of the movements. At first some of the movements made no sense at all, but I gradually came to understand and understanding made it easier. On the parade in the afternoonI had a surprise. Company Sergeant Major Milward told me to report to the Camp Post Office forduty. Why he should have picked on me I never knew. But I reported as told and found myself working a telegraph key to Bournemouth until eight o'clock when we closed. This was not at all what I had enlisted for and my diary records that I was "fed up". Next morning I reported to the office again and worked from 8am to 8pm with a break of four hours in the afternoon.

The Camp Post Officewas in charge of one of the clerks fromBlandford, I seem to remember his name as Parry. He was quite a nice chap and we got on well. The building was a wooden hut and all classes of business were transacted. At one end was the counter. The posted correspondence was date stamped, tied in bundles and sent to Blandfordfor sorting. Most of the counter work came when the troops were free about five o'clock. For a day or two I accepted this job as a change but gradually I felt less and less affection forit. The hours were long and of course, I was not receiving extra pay of any sort. One day ---- it was Friday 16th. April--- a battalion which was due to go on leave had it cancelled at the last minute. Naturally everyone sent a telegram home to explain and I have a note in my diary showing that I sent 350 telegrams offthat day. I remember that when we closed at 8 pm, Bournemouth asked me how many I had on hand and I replied "200". That night I worked until 10.30 pm.

The followingday I went on leave. I was glad to be home and with my people once more. Also I wanted to go to my place of work and see the girls and any remaining colleagues. Among other activities I went and had a studio photograph taken and I obtained a pair of glasses to serve as a spare in case of accidents. I returned to camp on 21st April. Next day I had the fed up feeling which always attacked me for a few days afterleave. Incidentally I believe we all suffered in the same way. I wanted to be away froman exclusively male company: I wanted quiet: my own bedroom: fooddaintily served: absence of bad language: no discipline and all other things which service life lacks so conspicuously. In addition to this nostalgia I was still kept at the Camp Post Office daily. I had plenty of time to cogitate on my affairs and I began to feel that I was becoming divorced fromthe life of the service as it was being lived by my friends. They were marching, drilling, shooting, scouting and learning to be soldiers. When so I rejoin them, I thought, my training will be far behind theirs and they will have had experiences in which I have had no part,therefore the sooner I rejoin them the better. I had not enlisted to carry on with my peacetime job even ifl was in uniform. The very next morning afterthese thoughts had come to me I went and interviewed the Sergeant Major and asked him to relieve me of the office duty. Within a day or two I found he had taken me at my word and I was relieved, never to return. It is worth noting that the Sapper who relieved me there was still doing the job when I returned to Camp after active service.

1172. Both BlandfordCamp :- I would like to thank the Royal Signals Museum, Blandford for permission to reproduce three of their photographs.

1173. About this time a case of measles was diagnosed in our hut and we were isolated. We enjoyed ourselves fora fewdays, there were no parades or other duties. We had baths in the middle of the day when we could be sure of hot water! We walked over the Downs! We visited all the surrounding villages! We had time for reading and writing letters ! The card players were able to run their school all day ! But all this was too good to last and within a week we were back on the square.

I must not omit to record that in addition to drill and musketry we were having a certain amount of signalling training. Semaphore classes began. Flag drill was commenced. As we were practically all Post Office telegraphists there was no need to teach us the Morse Code. What we did have to learn, however, was the service signal language. Thus the letter "A" is named "Ack" and for a few days we had a lot offun out ofthe curious language we had to use. In a short time we got used to it and had to agree that it was practical foruse in the open air or under abnormal conditions. We also had some training with the heliograph. For myself! liked the helio and my regret was that opportunities forpractical work were so rare our climate being what it is.

For some reason I escaped camp guard during my stay at the Camp. If memory is correct the Signal Section was exempt. There were about sixty ofus and I can suggest no reason forthis favour.As a result ofthe guard exemption we were always free in the evenings. Sometimes we kicked a football about. Usually we went into the Y.M.C.A. forcakes and tea for our supper. The Church Army hut was over on the otherside of the camp but there was a nice homely atmosphere where one could write letters or read a book. Whatever my shortcomings as a soldier, at least I was a correspondent who could always write a letter!

About twice a week Harry, Alf and I walked down to Blandford.It was a walk ofabout 2 to 3 miles from our lines and downhill all the way. The natural occupation ofthe RNDwhen in Blandford was feeding.There were plenty ofplaces devoted to the provision ofsuppers. All sorts oflittle back parlours were available. It was nice to order and get what we liked instead of the service fare. A tablecloth and china plates etc were luxuries and we enjoyed our fish and chips, or bacon and eggs. Then we would set out to walk back to camp. These were happy days and our own little gang was never late back.

Sometimes we dropped in forthe camp fatigues. Every day so many men were detailed forthe cook-house. This meant washing potatoes and washing dishes and I hated it. Much later when I became one ofthe regular kitchen staffhowever, I did not dislike it. There were compensations. Another duty which I have recorded in my diary at this time was "trench digging". I have no recollection ofexactly what we did but when I got back to the camp later I founda complete trench system, so I presume we started that.

th The morning ofMay 5 I was detailed forfatigue at the Church Army hut. Two men went over there each morning but this was my first experience. It was a popular fatigue, the work was light and clean and when it was done we could spend the rest ofour time

1174. as we pleased, as long as we stopped at the hut. I forgetwho my companion was that day but it was not one of my usual companions. While I was there that day important events were taking place in the Engineers' lines. When released we went back to our own hut for lunch and found it buzzing like a wasp's nest. A draft had been listed foroverseas and my name was included. By this time I never trusted rumours so I went up to the Orderly Room to see for myself. It was true ! About half the men in our hut were on the draftand all my friends were included.This was to beexpected, becauseas I wrote earlier, the Signal Company had leftfor overseas only a fowdays beforewe enlisted and we were thereforeamong the seniors. And now we were set forsome hectic days.

The same afternoonwe had a pay parade. Then we received pith helmets and with these we had pugarees. These latter were 12 yard strips of muslin which had to be wound aroundthe helmet as a protection against the sun. Folding the pugaree in the proper way is a difficult operation and once again the old soldiers were in demand. Somehow or other we managed to get them on.

AH nextday there was a continual shout of "fall in the Draft",or someone was coming round to warnus to parade somewhere. We must have been mustered a dozen times. For Active Service paybooks. First Aid kits which had to be carried inside the flapof the tunic. Medical inspection. Ammunition. Personal details. These were some of the parades.

We managed to findtime and opportunity to have a group photograph taken. Above our hut door was the sign "Ye Olde Morse Cottage." Be1ow that is the demand "We Want Leave." The group consisted of Rich, Watling, Digby, Taggersall, Anthony, Thomas. Sergeant Quinn, Castelli, Orton, Sergeant Barty, Calder, Carradine, Sergeant Dunn. Capron, Scott, Beman, h Gale and Waldie. All of these were Post Officemen and the picture was taken 51 May 1915.

Naturally enough the question of leave came to the fore.We staged a voluntary parade under the command of the oldest soldier and I remember the event clearly. The Commanding Officer, Major Chivers, said that he had no authority to grant leave but he would give us 48 hours on his own responsibility. He added that every man was on his honour to return to time. We agreed. So on May 6th we went off and I got home about l O pm. I spent the time going round and saying my farewells to friends. Looking backI think perhaps it would have been kinder not to have gone home under the circumstances.

I got back to Waterloo station in good time and our little circle gradually assembled. Then as we stood waiting we heard our Battalion song welling up from somewhere in the distance. It was only some doggerel sung to one of the fewtunes our scratch band could play. It started "We're here. \Ve're here. Here come the Engineers" and so on largely repeated. And apparently complete we entrained. We left London in high spirits and quite a lot happened before I was to see it again. The word "morale" denotes anindescribable state of mind. At that time I had heard it but it conveyed nothing to me. To say that the "morale" of our section was high thereforeis to state something which we would not have understood. We were just keen

1175. and I doubt if any one ofus regarded foreignservice as something to be avoided. We who formedthe draftwere all those who were originally picked. The men leftbehind were envious and there would have been volunteers for any vacancy. We had all enlisted and we looked forward to this trip as to a great adventure. It did not occur to me that I might become a casualty. I am sure that none ofthe draftconsidered defaultingquite apart fromthe fact that we had been put on our honour to return.

Thus afterwe reached camp we tumbled out joyfully to the shout of"Fall in the draft"at seven pm that night. The roll was called and one man was missing. It was MacSomebody, the old soldier who had acted as our spokesman! Even as we stood there a taxidrew up and Mac tumbled out ! His train had arrived late in London and he had had to travel via Bournemouth. Discipline be blowed ! We gave him a cheer!

The next day was Sunday 9th May and we were on and offparade all day. A concert had been arranged in our honour in the mess during the evening. We had a hot meal about 8 o'clock andafter the tables were cleared we settled down to the music. I can remember only one item. An Officer sang "My Old Shako", my firsthearing of it but not the last. The draftwas given freebeer and quite a few got drunk and most were merry. It may be imagined that the singing was more enthusiastic than harmonious. Our final fall-in was at 11.15 that night and we had to be in fullkit forthe move off.

It was very dark and added to that we were loaded with gear and some ofus were drunk I fear that the last parade was not a very orderly affair. But at last everyone had been accounted for and the Sergeant Major had reported to the O.C. Major Chivers gave us a short address of which the general sense was:-

"Men of the first reinforcement draftof the Royal Naval Divisional Engineers, you are starting tonight on your trip to assist the British Army and your own Division in particularat the Dardanelles. I know a little more than you do about what our Division has done out there and I will tell you that, fighting with the pick of the Army, they have earned a name forsteadiness and I may say that the Engineers have been mentioned as workers ofrare efficiency. I am proud to have my name linked with such a Battalion. Goodbye. Good Luck."

Then we marched offinto the darkness.I was very much exited and perhaps that is why the march is still vivid. My equipment was riding badly and when we halted about half-way to the station I had it offand with the assistance ofHarry Beman managed to get it right. My arm had been through one of the cross-over straps which hold the valise into position!

In due course we got to Blandford and to our surprise - to mine away - all the town seemed to have turned out to see us off. The pavements were lined with people. It than dawned on me that our modest draft of perhaps 200 men was not the only body on the move. There was a whole battalion, the Collingwood, as well as other smaller reinforcement groups. At the

1176. Station approach we were stood at ease untilwe could move in and I felt a bit heroic. Woman and girls were inclined to tears and they were calling out "Good Luck, Jack!". In a fewcases girls were embracing one special man. Someone was giving out cigarettes but I don't think that anyof our section got any.

But we only stood fora few minutes before we marched into the station where our train stood waiting. Eight men were put into each carriage and ours included Alf , Harry and Carradine. We stacked our kit as closely as possible and replaced our pith helmets with cap-comforters. These are woollen scarveswhich, when folded make a warm and comfortable cap. In the Service we were so used to delays that we had a bit of a shock when the train moved out within a few minutes. I suppose it is the case, as Kipling wrote, "A special train for Atkins, when the troopers on the tide".

Beforeleaving Blandfordand good-bye to my recruit days, I wantto record one or two things which are appropriate to this period. It was on the march down to the station that night that I first heard the soldier song which I heard innumerable times afterwards. I think that this is explained because it came to us via the Infantry which marched down with us that night. It went like this:-

"Round the comer, under the tree, The Sergeant Majorsaid unto me, "What's your tally my lad, I want to know, Answer your name every time You hearDefaulters blow'.

Another song which memory alleges was new to us that night was sung to a famoushymn tune.

"We are Fred Karno's army. We arethe RND, We cannot fight, we cannot shoot, What earthly use are we ? But when we get to Berlin, the Kaiser he will say, 'Hoch, Hoch, Mein Gott, Vot a bloody fine lot, Are the boys of the R.N.D."

Our band marched us down andit helped us along with our heavy loads. Inside the station the bandsmen crowded round the draft, shaking hands and wishing us "Good Luck". I can remember an Irishman deeply moved by affection( and probably beer too) seizing my hand saying "I wanted to come wid yez, but they said the band could not be spared at all. But I'm t'rowingme sticks in tomorrow and sure, I'll catch up wid yez. I forgethis name And I never saw him again to learn whether he did really resign his drum sticks.

1177. At that time only the bare and officialannouncements of the Dardanelles landings had appeared in the newspapers and the despatches of Ashmead Bartlett were not published until we were aboard the troopship.

AFLOAT :- It was a strange experience to move offin a trainin darkness with no idea of one's destination. Our port of embarkation had not been rumoured although we knew well that our journey was to the Dardanelles. But we were too keen to be greatly concerned about a sailing port. We were going somewhere and that was about all we thought about. And so we stowed our gear into as small a compass as possible and settled down to try and sleep. We had a fewhours uneasy rest and I remember that I came to the surfaceand looked out of the window. I saw the sun rising and the hills and trees and a valley with a little river wandering along. For some season I had had Liverpool in my mind as a destination but fromthe direction of the sun we knew that our direction was westward. Our collective wisdom therefore switched over to Plymouth. In the early morning, it must have been between 4.0 and 5.0 o'clock, we drew into Exeter and stopped. We tumbled out fora breath of air and to our delight found the Canteen open. Our mugs and mess-tins were filled with hot tea and every man was given a paper bag containing bread and cheese, cake, an orange, an apple and two packets of Woodbines. In the bags were cards saying that the contents were with the compliments of the Lady Mayoress of Exeter and her ladies' committee. I have seldom been so gratefulfor a present of foodand I offer belatedthanks to those ladies. Afterten minutes or so we moved out and continued our journeythrough the lovely west country.

It would be about half-past six or so when the train drew into the Dockyard at Devonport and our ship lay only a few paces away. She was the "Jvernia" of 14,000 tons or so. (We found out the tonnage later and this figuremay not be accurate.) The officer in charge of the Signal Section was Lieutenant Wright and we were marched aboard as the first troops. We stood at ease on deck and the officer went below. When he returned we were led to second class cabins on the hurricane deck. We learned in time that when Lieutenant Wright saw the quarters which were allotted to us he refusedto have them and insisted on cabins. I did not appreciate our luxury travelling until later when for some rea-;onI was downbelow in the quarters where the infantry were quartered. They were down in the hold with row upon row of bunks crowded closely together and their equipment hung at the footof each bunk. When we were taken to our cabins there was a shuffle of places to enable pals to get together.

Our cabin was an outside one and it contained Harry and I and two other men who we knew slightly, Rupert Waddington, a north country man who had transferredto us from a mounted unit and a Lance Corporalnamed Bill Kennedy. Our passage of four cabins, each of fourmen was a comfortable little crowd. We were all friends and on christian name terms. We dumped our gearon the bunks and fellin on deck. First we went and recovered our kit-bags fromthe dock and then set to loading stores onto the ship. It was hard work, bundles of blankets, cases of bully-beef, ammunition and other things, most packed in half hundredweight cases. At later dates and in different circles I heard grousing and have grumbled myself, at an hours fatigue. But in those days we rather took hard work as a matter of course. We had had about four

1178. hours untroubled sleep in a train and we worked from 7.30 am to around 4.0 pm without food or a break of any sol1. Our loads had to be carried up a steep gangway and down into the ship but I don't think any man evaded his share. When at last we did break offfor a meal it consisted of hot stew and tea served in tin mugs. Hungry as we were, it was not appetising. In the scramble of work I had not seen Harry all day and when we did meet I heardthat he had been caught as Mess Orderly. He had been getting the food forour mess. He was very fed up, but to me at that moment it seemed that he had had the easier job. When my turn came to be Mess Orderly I revised my opinion.

There were about 3000 men on board. One complete Battalion, the Collingwood, perhaps 120 Engineers and draftsfor other battalions. The Senior Military Officeron board was Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Y.C.M. Spearman. Actually this Officer was a Commander of the Royal Navy but we always referred to him by the military rank. He was 52 years of age. The troops were organised in separatemesses and each mess numbered about two dozen men. Two were detailed every day as orderlies.

1h So this was my firstday on active service, Monday 10 May 1915. I wrote a few lines home and gave it to a policeman to post. We were not allowed to leave the ship and each gangway was guarded. That copper must have made a good thing out of posting letters because scores of men did as I did and gave him something over and above the cost of the stamp. The day passed. The weather was grand and we were tired but thrilled. About half past six that night, a liner fullof troops put to sea fromthe next belih. As she drew out a bugler appeared and sounded the call for Officers' Mess. Hearing that call in the years ahead, I always thought of that evening. It is strange how little events linger in the memory.

Rupert Waddington leaned over the rail and talked about life in general and I can remember him saying," I can hardly realise that I amgoing on active service. To kill and be killed. A fewmonths ago it would have been unimaginable to me." For my own pal1, I wondered how long we should be away. But the main feeling was pride that I would always be able to boast that in the Great War I served with the Naval Brigade at the Dardanelles.

Next day the weather had changed and it was cold and wet. I was a mess orderly and found out what a horrible job it was. Washing up greasy plates in lukewarm water is not inspiring and everything had to be really clean because of an inspection. Towards evening I began to feelunwell. We were not at sea but the ship had a certain motion and it was beginningto affectme apparently ! I am hazy about the followingday. I do know that I could not eat and believe that I spent the whole day in my bunk and the following day was much the same too. Not actually sick but a pain behind the eyes and inability to stand unsupported. Towards evening I began to feelbetter and about eleven o'clock I went on deck to get some air. It was very dark but a fine night. Orders were beingshouted, bells were ringing and we were moving off. I returnedto my bunk and had a wonderful night's sleep. In the morningEngland was a faintline on the horizon.

1179. Thursday morning I felt fairly normal but could not facebreakfast but thought I could manage lunch. But the sight of foodcaused the table to revolve and things began to cloud over. As I stumbled toward the hatchway, one of the section, "Mark" Anthony, helped me up and I soon recovered in the air. "Mark" was one of those people who one usually findsin any gathering of men, kind and utterly dependable. Afterwe landed on the Peninsula I lost sight of him and only saw him occasionally later, but I always think of him with affection. As memory roves over the years I can remember many such kindnesses and instances of men who were willing to help. "Mark" walked me up and down until I was all right andindoing so I amafraid he sacrificed his own dinner.

By the time we were in the Bay of Biscay I was practically normal and in a position to pity those whose sickness had developed later than my own. The ship had a long roll and it is a queer feeling. The ship goes up and one feelsthat it must bealmost out of the sea. Then it slowly sinks until one expects to see the water pour over the rail.

Friday 14th May. was the firstday I really enjoyed. My hangover was slight and the weather was fine. We had handed our white fatigue dress in beforewe leftBlandford and we were now issued with freshones. By the very nature of things there was very little work to be done. A part of the deck had been assigned to us for a parade ground and we fellin there each morning at seven o'clock. The deck was never dirty but afterparade we cleaned it down with holystones and leftit spotless. Hoses were rigged and we worked in barefeet wearing shirt andtrousers only. Whenwe got into warmerweather this was good fun, even a drench with the hose was all part of the game.

At this point I might mention a point which I cannot remember encountering in print. On land, when a group of men is dismissed and assuming that an Officeris on parade, one turns to the right and salutes. On board ship, however one always turns toward the stem because that is where the flagis flying.We only made this mistake once. Our parade groundwas on the starboard side or the point would not have arisen.

Next day we had a vaccination parade. No doubt the Medical Officer had some reason, but it was criminal nevertheless as I will try to show later on. Our section who were mostly Civil Servants had of course been done at sometime or another and it had only a limited effect.I had prominent marks on both arms and was able to get away without it but Harry was forit. Its effect on him was only slight. Alf Orton was next to me ina long queue of half naked men and was overcome by the smell of blood and other things. He faintedand we had to carryhim back to his bunk. At the time we wondered (audibly) how he would stand up to conditions in the trenches. Now here is a strange fact. Weeks later I ran against him in the trenches when a battle was on and things were hectic and wounded were everywhere. In reply to my query he assured me that he was well ''Never better old man. Thanks."

1180. Although, broadly specking, our section were not much affected by vaccination, it was vastly different with the Collingwood and other infantrymen. These men were strong and mostly not very tall, but were splendid specimens and quite a lot were miners. I Imagine that very few of them had ever been vaccinated previously and the results in most cases were tragic. I saw some terrible arms, swollen, black, blue and horrible. With us getting into a warmer climate these men really suffered and continues to do so up to the time we landed on the Peninsula.

Sunday 16th May was a landmark in more ways than one. About nine o'clock in the morning we sighted the coast and it slowly became clear. Out came binoculars and we who had none envied those who had. Steadily we went on our way and entered the Straits of Gibraltar and we could see Spain on one hand and Africaon the other. Then everyone crowed forwardand we had our firstsight of the Rock. To my amazement, it looked exactly as I expected from pictures. It is majestic and a bit overwhelming. And I remember having the thought that after a long sea voyage we had come to a place which was as British as the land we had left. I remembered too, that Gibraltar was captured by the Royal Marines and the name appeared on my cap-badge. At 12.30 we dropped anchor and we all gathered at the rails to stare. Was it possible to go ashore ? Could we post our letters ? We were soon told that there was to be no shore leave but we cheered up when sacks to take our mail were hung up. If they were actually sent ashore at GibraltarI doubt. Our stay at the Rock was brief and at 5pm we sailed on into the Mediterranean. I should imagine that every man on board watched Gibraltar fade out of sight.

We were now in the Mediterranean. The sun was getting more power daily, skies were really blue and the sea had that blue which is only rarely seen in this country and which I had always supposed belongedonly to the picture postcards of the area. We saw land on several days and always there was some know-all who said it was Sardinia or Sicily and we gazed at the smudge with respect. I realised that there were serious holes in my geographical education andresolved to travel with an atlas when next I came that way ! But just after we sailed from Gibraltarwe got fairlyclose to the Africancoast and were able to see moving figureson the hills. Someone said that it was a French penal settlement but that was perhaps not so.

As the days got hotter so the nights got warmer andit seemed to me that the nights got darker too, but that may have been imagination. It was a moonless period and the darknessin the Mediterranean has a heavy warmness which made me liken it in my dairy to black plush. Naturally we were showing no lights and this order was strictly enforced. A guard visited every cabin at sunset and tested the deadlights. No smoking on deck aftersunset and all electric light was cut off. Cabins became intolerably stuffy and sleep was not very restful. Waddington produced some candles or we should have been in total darkness. And so I learned a lesson, never be caught without at least an inch of candle. Only once in the following years did I let myself down in this respect.

During those evenings we had happy times and why not? Harry andI would lie in our bunks watching the card-players at their everlasting "solo". Or we would go on deck and lean over the rails and yarn and talkabout our hopes and fears. Or even just lounge in silence as we

1181. watched the wash of the ship slide past gleaming with phosphorescence. It is strange to look back and to remember how very little I knew about Harry Beman. He was unmarried and I am unsure if he had a girl. About the only facts I knew were that he lived with his parents and had one brother. He was six years older than me and I could not have had a better pal. He was a man who could never do a low action and he was generous. I hardly ever saw him other than cheerful, he was kind and utterly dependable. Later on when I was unwell he nursed and took on my turns of duty in addition to his own.

I remember particularly one evening of this period of the voyage. A concert was held on deck in the absolute darkness and it was almost uncanny to be surrounded by men and to be unable to catch even a glimpse of one. For some reason Harry and I were not together that night. I sat next to one ofthe Collingwoods and as soldiers will we talked ofthis and that. It was so dark that I could not see if he wasshort or tall. His name I do not know and so far as I know we never met again.

One of the items ofthe concerts lives with me still. A Petty Officersang a solo, "Somewhere a Voice is Calling," it was popular around that time. He had a lovely voice and his audience of silent men sat spellbound. This is another ofthe tunes which inevitably brings up an association. Whenever I hear "Somewhere a Voice is Calling" I feel the throb of an engine and smell the sea: there is the softblackness ofnight and a crowd of ghosts.

That night the song gave me an ache inside. I wasnot very experienced and was further from home than I had been beforeand every minute I was getting further away. I voiced these thoughts to no one but I feel sure that most of the men were thinking on those lines, wishing the job was over and that we were on the way home. As I proceed with these jottings I daresay that other tunes will be mentioned which have the power to evoke ghosts.

During the time I had been stationed I had always sent dirty linen home to be washed. That was now out ofthe question ofcourse and if there was washing to be done it would have to be done by myself. Our lifeaboard provided some paradoxes. Drinking water was never cold and it took a long time to filla mug. On the other handone could have a hot bath at any time of the day or night. So far as I can remember the water in the bath was always too hot. It was, of course, sea-water. This was the background of my first experience of washing clothes. Soap had no effect in salt water so I just soaked the clothing and thumped it well and then took it up into the sun to dry. It did not takelong.

The washing day was 17th May and later in the day we were told that we might be going ashore at Malta and therefore all kit was to be packed so that we could move offquickly if ordered to do so. We took this very seriously and were ready forthe shore long before Malta came in sight. Looking back I can see now, what the more suspicious ones said at the time, that an order of that description was given out merely to give us something to do. Anyway, it was useful practice and it helped some ofus to make up our minds as to what we would carry in our pack and what we would leave in our kit-bags when the time came to make the decision.

1182. I have already mentioned that each mess detailed two men daily to act as orderlies. When I had my firsttaste of that job my education was enlargedconsiderably. I and my partner took our mess-ins or "fannies" ( as the Navy calls them) and joined the queue of orderlies about an hour beforemealtime. Slowly, very slowly we filed our way along the crowded stuffymess­ decks. It was here that I saw a world which was new to me. The men of the firstsitting would be at their meal as we of the second sitting were lining up for ours. These Tynesiders spoke a language which was absolutely incomprehensible to me and that is not an overstatement. When in conversation with one of them I could understand him with a little difficulty but when two or three began an argument it was as if the language was not the one I myself spoke. But when twenty or more were seated at mess and an argument was going on at the tops of their voices, I could recognise nothing except an occasional oath. I was simply fascinated! In one of these queues I had a strange experience. The deck where we lined up was lit by electric light and seeing the name on the bulb "Ediswan", I remarked conversationally to my partnerthat I lived near that factory.The men next in the queue turned round and said "So do I." Comparing notes we found that we lived quite near one another although I did not know him. But we found we had some mutual friends. Now this encounter had a sequel. In due course I made reference to this contact in a letter home and gave the name and address of my contact. It was repeated to a postman friendwho passed it on to the parents of the man I had met. Until that was done his parents had no idea where their son was or indeed, that he was out of the country.

One small item which I have always remembered . In a letter home, I asked fora map of the Dardanelles. In due course my Father replied that the map was being posted and he added, "The word 'Dardanelles' in your letter was crossed out but I made out what it was you were asking for.'

On l 9 May the Ivernia reached Malta and we cameto rest in the Grand Harbour at Valetta. That morning1h we had been paid and so that added to our interest of our stay. Hardly had the anchor gone down than we were surrounded by scores of bum-boats These were trying to sell all sorts of merchandise. There were view postcards, cigarettes, sweets, linen goods of all sorts and fruitboth freshand dried. Some of the cigarette flavourswere horrible but others were excellent. I cannot remember that I bought anything except some picture postcards and some figs. Harry bought fifty lovely Turkish cigarettes fora shilling and for weeks we saved them as specials. Aftera good meal or even afterthe arrival of letters, Harry would say "I think this is an occasion, Old Man." Then out would come the special cigarettes. We had a fifty-fiftybasis on most things and it never failed.Money and goods were exchanged by means of a basket and line. I gave the Censor rather a busy time while we were at Malta, I sent over fifty cards !

The following day we took on coal. What a lot is indicated in these fewwords ! Much has to be left to the imagination because description is hardly possible. Coaling once experienced is never to be forgotten. Barges loaded with coal come alongside and planks leading up to the

1183. Mudros harbour situated on the island of Lemnos. From the Royal Marine's Museum Southsea, Hampshire. I am grateful to the archivist Matthew Little for his help.

1184. side ofthe ship were lashed into position. Skips were filled with coal, carried up the planks and tipped into the bunkers. The barges seemed to crowded with men but fewof them seemed to work, most of them seemed to just yell at the workers. There was fighting and every now and then one of the crowd went overboard. They appeared to take this as a matter of course, the victim climbed back on the barge and the yelling continued. Most of the labourers had small bundles, presumably offood and these lay among the coal. We had been cautioned to keep a watch on our gear but most of the messes lost plates and mugs. I seem to remember that we mounted a guard on our corridor because the Malteseswarmed all over the ship.

We took on board some men who had been lightly wounded and were returningto the Peninsula. Compared with the RND these were veterans and every one ofthem was sure of an eager audience at any time. For the first time we began to learn ofthe conditions we might expect to findahead ofus.

At seven o'clock our anchor came up and we left the Grand Harbour. Just as we reached the entrance, a figureappeared on the highest point ofthe fortand gave the "calling up" signal on a flag.He went on to signal "Good Luck to You". One of us jumped on a bulwark and gave him the acknowledge but I do not suppose he was able to distinguish it. The message rather saddened me because not all ofus could have the luck. I was not apprehensive formyself, it was not till later on in the war that I began to have a personal anxiety. That was probably my lack ofima gination.

The last two days ofthe voyage remain in mind chiefly because of the blue of the sea and the sky. Forty-eight hours after sailing fromMalta we entered the harbour at Lemnos. The name ofthis harbour is Mudros. When web learned where we were there was a discussion as to whether it was best to try to convey that information home. No one had ever heard ofLemnos beforebut we were soon told that the place must not be mentioned, so that was settled forus. Mudros is one ofthe finest natural harbours in the world. It has a deep and narrow entrance which can be entered 24 hours a day because there are no tides. Near to the Iverniawas the old Mauretania, a French battleship, the Kleiber and a Russian battleship with fivefunnels standing up like a row ofWoodbine cigarettes. There were lots ofother ships but so spacious is the anchorage that every ship seemed to have plenty of room.

The next day was a Sunday and after one formal parade we had nothing to do all day except lounge about, and in my case write some letters. In the evening a bum-boat came alongside and I bought a fewfigs etc.

All that week we lived aboard. Parties went ashore and I was lucky enough to go the first day. Perhaps the great treat was to have a swim. The beach was sandy and clean and the water was quite warm. After the fug of life aboard it was marvellous. In the village the shops were making hay. I bought some picture postcards, views ofAthens. After that trip letter writing was easier. I should say here that we had not received any mail since we sailed and this is not a grumble. On the Tuesday I stayed aboard and was on fatigue. The cases, crates andbundles which we had landed at Devonport had to be brought up and put ready forre-loading. It was

1185. hardwork ! We collected a load low down in the bowels of the ship and struggled up ladders and round corners across gangways to the deck. It was on this day that somebody had a brainwave. A raftwas lowered alongside and permission was given to use it for swimming. I went from ourcabin in duck trousers only, climbed down the rope ladder and dived fromthe raft. My limited swimming powers stood me in good stead, I was able to have fifteen minutes in deep water which would have been impossible to a non-swimmer.

Next day, Harry and I shared the duty of mess orderly and as we were now in the near tropics, the job was hotter and more repulsive than ever. In my diaryfor today, I have a note that Frank Digby went to hospital. He was one of our original fiveand the first casualty. I have no knowledge of his later movements although I do know that he survived the war because I met him at several post-war re-unions. I was fit and well and the life seemed to agree with me. We all found lifeon board monotonous and were looking forwardto the next move.

Thursday was quite a day forour section. We and most of the other engineers went ashore on fatigue. We had a long breakin the middle of the day, went swimming and had a ration meal of bully. By the way, in that climate bully beef, when opened was lean meat and a fatty liquid. Our work was moving foodstores andthat was something we could really cope with! Since we sailed our foodhad been strew, bread and tea and we did not miss the opportunityto acquire something to make a change in the diet. When we fell in forreturn we all had a load of loot! I had some tins of jam and everybody had other comestibles. The sergeant who fell us in had his helmet underhis arm because it contained an entire cheese! Back on board we had our first feed fora long time.

In the course of that day we came into contact with our first casualties. Some were walking cases, some were on the stretchers and some stretchers were covered with the Union Flag. In our lunch break we walked up to the village where there were a fewshops. The population was mixed. In my diary I recorded Greek civilians, Turkish prisoners in a wire compound, French soldiers and sailors, Algerians, men of the Foreign Legion, Senegalese and British of both services. The dress of some of the men seemed to be so outlandish that I felt they were actors! I bought a fewpostcards and some very poor chocolate.

While we were up in the village, a sandstorm suddenly blew up. This was my only experience of such and one is enough. In perhaps sixty seconds a light breeze rose to a near gale. The air filledwith sand and everything was blotted out. The sunlight changed to twilight within seconds and one could see nothing. I turned my back to the whirling cloud andburied my face in my handkerchief In a fewminutes the storm had died down and the sun shone once more. Everyone and everything were covered with finesand.

Prices were something we had to take on trust. Coins were international.Naturally I had nothing but British money and I tendered half a crown, in change I was handed coins in four currencies. Australian, French, Indian and British. This gives an idea of the cosmopolitan population.

1186. That evening events began to happen on the Ivernia. The Hawke Battalion leftfor the Peninsula. We saw them offwith a cheer and knew that our turnwould not be long delayed. With less men on board the messing arrangements became easier.

On the 28th we were warned to be packed up and ready to move that night. We had been through this several times but this was the real thing and anxious discussions took place as to what should be leftbehind. For example, were boot brushes essential? This momentous question was settled by Vic Castelli who pointed out that he, for one, was not going to walk down High Street, Constantinople with dirty boots ! Our kit was as follows, the underclothing issued was wool with long pants. I always abbreviated mine with a knife, but this was not suggested to me by the authorities. A square-necked sailor shirt of flannel. Serge trousers, tunic, woollen cardigan, puttees, boots, pith helmet and we carried a cap-comforter, most of us had left our fieldservice caps in England. The riflewith fiftyrounds. A full set of webbing equipment including a bayonet. A spare set of underclothes and boots. Mess tin and water bottle which we always carried as full as possible. Later on everyman was to be given a spare water bottle. Soap, towel and shaving gear. The Greatcoat was folded flat and secured to the pack round which a blanket was rolled in a waterproof sheet. Personal kit, such as tobacco and writing paper. Iron rations consisted of biscuits and a tin of bully beef. Over and above this we had signal gear. However, we were not to have these when we landed but later on we had such things as flags, telephones, lamps and dmms of wire .

Just before sunset the Collingwood Battalion left us. For some reason that moved me more than the departure of the Hawke. I remember looking down at the packed trawlers as they moved off. The men sang "Tipperary", not the 1914 song but the later one, "It's a long, long way to Tipperary, but we're not downhearted yet." My sadness is not an afterthought. My dairy entry, made at the time, reads, '"Tonight at 7.0 the Collingwoods left. Boys all cheering, but it makes me feel sad." Within a week 720 were killed or wounded.

The next day was Trinity Sunday and we were again told that we were offthat night. All surplus kit was put in kitbags which were to be given up. In the end I think most men took all the kit they could pack in their valise. I even carried a spare pair of boots. From six o'clock we loaded our stores on the SS' Immingham and then went on board ourselves. Even this was not easy. Loaded with kit which now included a blanket we had to go down a steep gangway with one hand clutching a rifle. The gangway, too, was on the move. The Immingham was actually a small steamer and we were very crowded but we settled down to try and get some rest, but about midnight we were roused to transfer to a smaller craft. I am hazy as to where we changed ships, it may have been Imbros. As soon as we got under way it was obvious that we were getting into the battle area. We could see Verey Lights and hear artillery fire;as time went on the rattle of small arms firecommenced. Our craft was going dead slow and the darkness was complete except forthe stars. A seaman in the bows called out the soundings, the only time I have ever heardthis done. Gradually we approached a dark mass which became a ship; we grated alongside and were told to climb carefully over the bulwarks onto the platform.

1187. We lay alongside the famous River Clyde and our path to the shore lay across pontoons roughly planked over. These were holed here and there and were in constant movement. At last we were lined up on the beach and counted. We had reached the Peninsula and were on the famous'V' Beach.

To Be Continued:- Part 2 will appear in the next issue of the R.N.D.

References:- Solo Saga by Reginald Gale was dedicated to Jenny. It is inthe custody of the Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London. A 2021. Ca 3376.

Reginald Gale died on the 15th March 1983 at Brighton. Death CertificateQDX 191937.

Appreciation :- I would like to thank Jenny Wraight, the Admiralty Librarian, forher help in making the reproduction of this history of the Royal Naval Division's Signals possible.

Also, Mrs Angela McGonnell of Brentwood, Essex, who was a family friendof Reginald Gale, forher help and advice.

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1188. GRONINGEN.

ABLE SEAMAN JOHN. HENRY. BENTHAM

R.N.V.R. Lon 1/3348. BENBOW BATTALION.

INTERNMENT IN HOLLAND.

At length, at about midday on Sunday 11 October just a week after leaving Walmer, we arrived at Groningen. What a week ofcrowded th adventure ! Vast crowds witnessed our arrival and it seemed a mixed reception as being only a fewmiles fromthe German border, their sympathies lay with Germany. We were marched direct to the Kazerne which was the military barracks. They were not inviting having been occupied by the Landsturn. The sleeping accommodation was comprised oflarge rooms with iron bedsteads and to economise in space were placed one on top of the other. These beds were all jammed together and the rooms were terribly overcrowded and the atmosphere at night was dreadful. We were all mixed up and those ofus who had come fromdecent homes were rather appalled by the conditions that we were to live under and forhow long! We were then allowed to write one postcard each.

A dirty unshaven crowd we were and everyone had a week's growth on his face, Very few had any money and theirs was quickly expended on sardines etc, which we could purchase from a little Jewish man who came into the barrackswith a barrow, and built up a good business with gingerbread.

We were paraded next morning and learnt that our officershad been placed on parole and were living in hotels in the town and we were directly under the control of the Dutch Commandant and our own ChiefPetty Officers. The latter had never had so much authority before and were all ex regular naval ratings, and had little or no time for the R.N.V.R. This was very noticeable. We were detailed forodd jobs in cleaning up the place etc in the morning and the rest ofthe day we had nothing to do except talk and discuss our adventurous week over and over again.

Breakfast consisted ofone small loaf which had to last all day and which was made mostly frompotato peelings and bran, a small pat of margarine and coffeewithout milk or sugar. Porridge was introduced later. Our midday meal consisted ofeither boiled pork fat and potatoes or boiled pig trotters and black horse beans with dripping poured over them. Tea was an issue oftea and a piece ofDutch cheese. No variety was ever attempted and we all got heartily sick of this monotonous diet. Walking round and round the barracks was all the

1189. 1190. Photographs on the opposite page are all from Bentham's 'A Young Officer's Diary'.

Top:- Kazeine, Groningen -Our first internment barracks.

On the rear of the photograph appears the following:-

Dear Father & Mater, 30/11/14 Parcel containing sugar, earcaps, shinguards, apples etc received yesterday. Very many thanks, these parcels only take a few days apparently. I am running short of money again so have written you for5/-. This is a photo of these barracks. You can see the sentry box and soldiers who guard us. iv'e had a scarf fromMiss Kelly and heaps of letters. What do you think the enclosed programme of the cinema. What a fine example of English. You have not told me about my letter to you being in the Harrow Gazette and you haven't sent me a copy. Mars Harris told me about it.

Middle:- The day following our arrival, many wearing Dutch Naval Vests.

On the rear of the photograph appears :-

Dear Father & Mater, Thought you be interested to see this. Lucky you cannot see my beard although side whiskers.show. Southin is seen just near me without a hat. Take care of this for me. Was taken while standing round the piano with Dutch soldier. Don't look very miserable do we ?

Bottom:- States-A Bird'seye view of Timber Town. This does not include all.

exercise we could get, until later when we were taken for a route march round evil-smelling canals. The firsttime that we went out, we soon had the poor old Landsturnguards puffing and panting as we set a sharp pace and afterthat they accompanied us either mounted on horses or bicycles.

Some of the sentries were open to bribes and at night they would let a lady of easy virtue in the gate and into the sentry box with a sailor for a few guilders, or would smuggle schnapps (a raw spirit) in. The older hands soon found out that if they had toothache, they had to go to the town dentist and many were the men who invented toothache, were taken to the dentist by a soldier where they had a perfectly good tooth extracted and then accompanied by the guard visited cafe aftercafe and ended up by coming back to the camp arm in arm, both guard and sailor drunk as fiddlers. Schnapps was used to incite the Stornawayfishermen to fighting, and many a head was split open, whilst I crawled well out of the way until all was quiet again.

1191 1192. Photographs on the opposite page are all from Bentham's 'A Young Officer's Dairy'.

Top:- Key to Christmas dinner photograph.

Middle:- Christmas dinner 1914 at Kazerne, Groningen. Included are R.N.V.R. (London) R.N.R. (Stornaway fishermen) who spoke in Gaelic.

Bottom:- The Harrier's Club running in snow.

Months slipped by and just before Christmas our officerswho had been having a good time and made much fussofby the girls, received an order fromthe Admiralty to give up their parole and attempt to escape. Fifteentried to escape in one day and the confusion that prevailed among the Dutchmen was too funnyfor words. Germany was kept well informed of this and immediately accused Holland ofaiding and abetting as she was anxious to drag Holland into the war just then. However, nearly all ofthe officerswere caught and brought back to our barracks andlocked in a large room on the firstfloor. The poor old Commandant was worried out of his lifeand could visualise being called upon to resign. Sentries were posted all round the building. During the evening the officersstuffed a uniformwith pillows etc. and lowered the dummy to the ground, giving a low whistle at the time. Immediately sentries rushed fromall sides and grabbed the dummy, whist all the officersleaned out ofthe windows, roaring with laughter. Shortly afterthis, the officerswere taken away and sent to the Island ofUrk and once again we were at the tender mercies ofthe ChiefPetty Officers who revelled in lording it over us.

About this time I had failedto salute a Dutch officerand stated that he seemed the same as a postman or tram driver and I could not tell the difference. This was regarded as a direct insult and I was punished by having to clean lavatories fora fortnightfor the Dutch guards as well as for the men. It was freezing cold and I could hardly hold the scrubbing brush. Never have I had such a detestable job forthe Dutch soldiers had no idea of hygiene.

On 16111 January we were moved fromthe barracksinto some wooden huts which were named Timbertown as it was a large place. It was situated behind the County Prison and bounded by canals on three sides with a wood on the other. It was bitterly cold and thick snow lay on the ground. Three large huts comprised our sleeping quarters, each hut holding 500 men and double decker wooden bunks were ranged down each side, leaving the centre clear forfeeding etc.

The Dutch Commandant now tried the experiment ofputting us on our word of honour as Englishmen that we would not try to escape, in return fortwo hours leave in the afternoon once a fortnight. This however did not last long because two stokers got away and returned to England. But the Admiralty returned them once they had heard all the facts and these two men received a warm welcome as can be imagined.

1193. 1194. Photographs on the opposite page are all from Bentham's 'A Young Officer's Diary,.

Top:- Workshop.

Middle:- "This is how we go forroute marches."

Bottom:- Group of a mixed Rugger Team

Left to right :- Groom, Hawke Bn. Chessun, Benbow Bn. Glassborough, Benbow Bn. Curtis, Collingwood Bn. Bennet, Collingwood Bn. King, Benbow Bn. Brown, Benbow Bn. Lewis, Benbow Bn. Reid, Benbow Bn, Cowley, Benbow Bn, Ward, Benbow Bn, Stevens, Collingwood Bn, Wilks, Benbow Bn, Adams, Hawke Bn and Keating, Benbow Bn.

We quickly settled down in our new home, which was surround by three rows of barbed wire, between which the guard patrolled, and they could often be seen sitting down and on occasions having a nap but that was later in the warmer months. The timber, being new, warped badly and through the cracks the snow would find it's way and smother our beds which of course were two tiered.

An English Padre, the Rev Waldergrave, came out to us and organised our lives. He was an excellent man and was of course very popular. He got games going football, rugby and in the summer tennis and cricket, in facthe stated athletics and persuaded the Dutch authorities to let us go for Route marches accompanied by guards on bicycles.

Shops were opened, Stornaway fishermen making hammocks and nets, which were sent to the English market. Bootmakers, tailors, fancy woodworkers including trinket cases, photograph frames, and really nice work was turned out and bought by Selfridges, who displayed them and sent all proceeds to us to buy comforts. I took part in this for it took one's mind offthe dreadfulthoughts ofbeing cooped up. Fred Penley, son ofCharles Penley ofCharlie's Aunt fame, organised a concert party and very good it was. Band instruments were sent out from England, and we soon had men blowing their heads off and practising hard. I joined the Operatic Society mainly because some Dutch girls were allowed to come into the camp and assist us. Time startedto slip by and with the finerand warmer weather we began to think about escaping, and it was not long before one or two got away back to dear old England. A Dutch girl whose acquaintance I had made through talking through the barbed wire, got her Father to apply for me to go to his house forthree hours as guarantee himself. Leave started in earnest afterthis and we were allowed to go to the cinema, but the stokers usually went to the cafe, drinking beer as fastas they could swallow it. One day a crowd of German Bargees came in and a fight ensued with the result that beer pump handles were wrenched out and the fight ended with the police breaking in and marching our men back to camp where they were locked up.

1195. 1196. Photographs on the opposite page are an from Bentham 's 'A Young Officer's Diary'.

Top:- One tired sentry.

Bottom:- The Dutch Wa.rMinister in soft hat shaking hands with Commandant when he came to inspect us.

At this time I changed my religion to the Dutch ReformedChurch., so that I could go to Groningen every Sunday and sit next to my girl friend. Ofcourse we were always escorted by guards, who waited outside.

About twenty men had by now managed to get back to England, where they were given commissions and this made a lot ofus startplanning. I allied myself to a great friendwho had joined about the same time as myself, had been in my mess, and platoon.

I TRY TO ESCAPE.

I discussed with my particular friend our chances of getting away and many differentways and means were gone into. One thing stood out clearly and that was one ofus must learn the language thoroughly and as I had picked up quite a lot already, I agreed to go ahead and learn all I could and commenced by haunting the Guard Room and talking to the Dutchmen.

Aboutthe middle of May, we thought that we were all prepared. We had got civilian suits sent over fromEngland in very small parcels like one sleeve or half a jacket at a time as large parcels likely to contain civilian clothing were opened by the Dutch authorities and confiscated. Gradually all these pieces were received and sown together by the camp tailor who kept quiet about it all and the suits were stuffed in our straw palliasses.

Every Sunday afternoon, Timbertown was like a Zoo and thrown open forthe Dutch inhabitants to walk round and see how we lived. This was a very popular pastime forthe Dutchmen and their wives and families.The hours were from2.00 - 4.00 p.m. and here we thought was an excellent way ofgetting out of camp.

One day an organised search for civilian suits took place and of course many were found.I pleaded sickness andstayed all day in my bunk, but Alec my friend got nervy and dropped his in the piano inthe Recreation Hut and I heard afterwardshow scared he was when the Dutch guard stood by the piano taking about the search. Luckily, no-one looked inside it or attempted to play it just then. Money was the next problem - we were paid one guilder (1/8d) every ten days which was the Dutch army rate of pay, the balance was credited to our account at the Admiralty. I wrote to my bank who very kindly arranged with their agents at the Hague to visit me and pay me so much each month, which I carefully saved. There were many snap checks forcivilian clothes but somehow we generally got wind ofit and were prepared.

1197. After I got back to England I heard that the Dutchmen issued orders forevery man to parade with his kit bag as Holland was at war and all men were going back to England. Excitement was intense and when every man fellin with all his goods and chattels, a squad of Dutch soldiers marched in and took possession of the kitbags which were all emptied on the parade ground and found160 civilian suits - then the men were told that Holland was not at war and that it was only a ruse. There was nearly a serious mutiny over this.

However, one finesunny Alex and I decided to make our attempt. Afterdressing in difficulty in a lavatory we came out and mingled with the crowd just as the warning bell rang for visitors to depart. We joined in the tail of the queue and tried to get out in the crowd. We were just through the wicket gate when the Sergeant of the Guard asked me my name so I replied gruffly "Herr Stophasse", that being the name of my girl. The sergeant then said something that I did not understand so I replied with a non-committal "Ja!" and was almost through when I saw him beckon two of the guards. Realising the game was up, I whispered to Alex to get back and hide. Turningabout, we fairlybarged into the streamof people emerging through the gate, pushing and scrambling and hearing shouts in our rear. Back into the camp, we dashed through lavatories, bath huts, workshops, finally diving into our hut through the window and whipped offmy clothes and had my uniformmore or less on beforethe guard searched our hut. It was a narrow squeak andproved to me that my Dutch was certainly not good enough and that I must improve it beforewe had another go.

I then got my girl to visit me nearly every day and held conversation with her through the wire on the wood side. One day I was talking to her when a new Dutch Officer, a Lieutenant Von Horst, late of the Groenen Jagers (Green Hunters) who wasI think a German and hated us like poison, came along and ordered me away. I disliked being treated like a dog especially in frontof my girl, and so moved very slowly talking to her as I did so. Von Hurst snatched a rifle fromthe sentry, rammed home a cartridge and pointing the weapon at me, stated that ifl did not move beforehe counted three he would shoot. He was lived with temper and so was I because it was so unjust. However, I wasn't going to be yellow in front of my girl so I called out goodbye to her and stood there. Before anything else could happen Major Van Baerle came along and he was very popular. He dismissed me to my hut and went off with Von Hurst. Naturally I was punished and my leave stopped. One dark night Von Horst was set on by a gang of our lads and given such a hiding that he never showed his faceagain and was transferred fromthe camp. A splendid little Dutch officer, a Malay or Jap took his place and he was to become also very well liked.

I got my leave privileges back again in due course and my going out to dinner made others very jealous and bribes were offered to civilians outside to write in to the Commander, but very few were successful. One evening I got a bit of a shock when Grietje's brother asked me when I was going to give his sister a ring. Although I was fondof the girl I had no intention of marrying her, so this acted as a spur forme to escape as I could see that I should have to get engaged or something and that wasn't my idea. Grietje was madly in love with me and I feared she would turnon me ifl didn't respond. Several of our men had marriedDutch girls and the first one to do so was allowed to sleep with his wife once or twice a week, but a guard had to be in the same house which rather spoiled romance.

1198. Able Seaman John. Henry. Bentham from 'A Young Officer'sDiary' The Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library, Leeds University.

1199. The camp football team was going strong and we were allowed to enter the Dutch Football League and we won every match. We finally ended up by playing two teams in one afternoon. The Utrecht Forwards and Rotterdam Be Quicks, these we both won and got the League cup which is to this day at the Admiralty.

Several attempts were made to escape but fewgot through. Those who were caught were sent th to the County Jail and put on a bread and water diet fora period. On Sunday g June two brothers tried and having laid their plans well, got through the wire and were swimming across the canel when unfortunatelyone ofthe camp dogs saw them and started barking. This roused the guards to feverish action and they rushed to the canal bank and started firing. One ofthe lads was hit and the other tried to keep him up. The little Dutch officerwhom we all liked jumped in and saved them both. You can imagine how we cheered. We were all excited and crowded round the wire and the Guards were frightenedthat we were going to mutiny and losing their nerve, started firing at or over us, which dispersed us in all directions. One ofthe brothers died and this put an end to any ideas we had foradopting this method of getting away.

OUR MAIN ATTEMPT.

However, during the followingweek we planned all the details and on the following Sunday 15 June we were strung up to concert pitch. We carefully dressed, having civilian suits under our1h sailors uniformand I was glad ofthe full trousers etc. as our caps, collars and tie we were able to stuffinto our socks. Then as the Church party went down the driveout ofcamp, we ran up to the gate and asked ifwe could catch up with them. We were told to run, but once through the gate we stopped to do up our shoe laces and by the time this was finishedthe Church party were just going round the comer. Quick as lightning we slipped round out of sight and into the wood, having made certain there were no shouts or alarms. We plunged into the thickest part and were thereforeclear until the Church party returned and we were found to be missing.

Off came our uniforms which we pushed under a bush, put on collars and ties and caps well pulled down over our eyes, then we slouched into Groningen. We even picked some bluebells and stuck them into our buttonholes. We must have looked like a couple ofhobos or unemployed as my suit came froma friendunbeknown to my people and just fittedwhere it touched. Naturally we both feltvery self-conscious. We then started to walk to Assen, 25 miles away, and by midday we were well on our way. I walked well ahead ofAlex and each policeman that we passed I imagined eyed us with suspicion. In fact one mounted policeman going in the direction of Groningen, kept turning round in his saddle and looking at us.

At length, very footsore, weary and hungry we arrived in a decent village where we entered a cafe and I ordered, in my best guttural Dutch, two glasses ofbeer. Everything seemed fine, no questions were asked but just as I was about to take a long drink, Alex in his excitement knocked his glass over. He tried to mop it up with his cap, but the waiter saw what had happened and came towardsour table. Not knowing how to explain the mishap in Dutch, I hastily drank my beer and decided to leave quickly. I said "Good Day" and we walked out. Once clear of the village, I proceeded to tell Alec just what I thought of him. 1200. At about 5.30 p.m. we ani.ved in Assen and I had huge blisters on my heels and knew we must seek shelter forthe night. Choosing a quiet hotel offthe main road, we walked in and again I used my best Dutch and asked for rooms and something to eat. Afterlooking at us for what seemed an age, the proprietor led the way upstairs muttering to himself. In the Billiard Room I noticed four policemen which did not help to put my anxious mind to rest. Our host showed us into a room asking us whether we liked beefsteak etc. and then he leftus. Our nerves were at such a pitch that we thought we heard the proprietor talking about Groningen. Anyway, we had a good wash and then sat on the bed waiting for him to return. Aftera long time he returnedand took us downstairs to a small room and there on the table were delicious veal steaks and friedpotatoes and mugs ofbeer. He then went out and we heard the key tum in the door. So the game was up ! All our worrying and trouble fornothing. Poor Alec had tears in his eyes. We were so hungry however, that we sat down and cleared the table of everything - come what may, we had lined our insides !

Waiting forthe inevitable seemed an age, but at length the key turnedand instead of the police we expected to see, the proprietor came in alone. Coming straight up to us, he said, "You are escaped sailors fromGroningen", then elaborated on what his duty was etc. and that the police offered 18 guilders for our capture. I cared nothing forattempts to blackmail but stated that we hadn't much money and that we would give him 50 guilders ifhe would keep quiet. He greedily accepted and took 25 guilders on account, then he took us upstairs again bringing up a bottle ofschnapps and told us that we were safe until morning when he would arouse us at 5.30 a.m. Out he went and locked the door to protect us, he said. Would he now double-cross us and go to the police to claim 36 guilders ? Apparently his word was his bond like so many Dutchmen.

As nothing happened, we made plans for the followingday andeventually dropped offto sleep. We were awakened early next morning, had a jolly good breakfast ofham and boiled eggs and the proprietor then gave us detailed instructions ofthe railway service and directions to the station. The main feature ofhis instructions was that we were not to change but to go straight through to Rotterdam.

Walking boldly into the Booking Hall at the station, I asked for "Twee Kartjsnaar Rotterdam (Two tickets forRotterdam)", the booking clerk said something and I said Ja! As a result of this, I was handed returntickets which swallowed up another tidy sum. I dared not try to rectifythe error, besides which I thought it would help to put them offthe track.

We bought two German newspapers and walked on to the platform.Here it seemed as though the Station master looked at us forlonger than was necessary and we were both pleased when the train came in, or rather a train came in. No matter where it was going, we knew that it was heading south, so we jumped in. It is the custom when entering a carriage to say "Good-day", so greeting all my fellowtravellers with "Dag!" I sat down, Alex, however, accidentally kicked a man's footand said "Sorry", so hastily muttering that we were in a non-smoker, I bundled him out and tried again in a coach lower down. I impressed on Alex to keep his mouth sealed no matter what happened and we settled ourselves in cornerseats and opened up our papers. All went well until some idiot started conversation and knowing that a remark

1201. would be addressed to us sooner or later, I feigned sleep and Alex followedsuit. Lucky that we did so because almost immediately an old lady asked Alec a question about the train but seeing us with our eyes closed, turned to someone else.

The train stopped at Utrecht and nearly everyone got out ofthe train. We dare not ask anything but sat tight and looking out of our window saw several policemen on the platform. No doubt they were looking forus, but we were taking no chances and stuck where we were, no matter where the train went.

The train fmally reached Amsterdam, where the ticket collector took our tickets without question and told us to get out. Either that hotel proprietor had made a mistake or else we had blundered - we did not know or care. We were well on our road to England, so a fewmore miles either way didn't matter.

As we passed through the barrier, I noticed two mounted policemen who looked at us intently, but we boldly stepped out into the street and made for the Docks. Happening to turnround, I found that we were being followedso we separatedand ran forit, agreeing to meet outside the station in one hour's time. Shouts at our rear indicated that ourpresence was required but this only lent wings to our feet. Diving through dirty backstreets, I found myself in a disreputable neighbourhood but my clothes fitted alright and there was no sign of the police.

After much worryand anxiety I met Alec again and we started to walk along the street. Suddenly I noticed a sign in big letters over a shop - "Bells Asbestos Co." That looked good to me so we went in and asked to see Mr. Bell. I realised later how foolishwe were as Bells Asbestos Co. is a vast English concernwith branches throughout the world. However, the manager with a smile on his facesaid "I am Mr. Pearson, can I assist you in any way ?" I nearly shouted with joy to hearEnglish spoken again and nearly threw my arms around his neck. I asked ifwe might have a word with him and he took us into his private room. There I explained who we were andhe appeared to be more than a little worried. Mr Pearson explained that ifhe were caught helping us, he would be expelled fromthe country,but at the same time he was very keen to assist us to get home. Locking up his officer, he went out and came back presently with two straw hats whereupon he helped to make ourselves a little more presentable andthen he took us to the British Consul.

When we arrived there, our reception was just the reverse - the Consul was very agitated and said that we were to get out at once or he would call the police and give us up. I told him what I thought of him, a low skunk I think I called him, and out we went. MrPearson stuck to us andtold us to cheer up, he then took us to one of the smartest cafesin Amsterdam. Seated only a fewtables away Mr. Pearson pointed out one ofthe ChiefOfficers in the Police. We were very much more cheerfulwhen we had eaten our meal with the orchestra playing and returned to Mr. Pearson's office.He then informedus that there were no boatsleaving Amsterdam and that we must proceed to Rotterdam. He told us to follow him at about fiveor six paces whilst he walked to the railway station and he would stand alongside the train going to Rotterdam. We were not to take any furthernotice of him especially ifwe were arrested.

1202. Nothing could be fairerthan that. However, I bought two single tickets this time and got into the train without any trouble and we watched Mr. Pearson leave the platform. Ihad previously promised him to call on his sister in Golders Green ifwe got back safely, so that she could write and say that she had two sailor boys to tea and he would understand, as all letters were censored.

By 6.00 p.m. we were in Rotterdam and with our strawhats on, we pushed through the crowd and caught the frrsttram passing as our main concern was to get away fromthe police hanging around the station. As luck would have it, the tram went to the docks but we jumped offbefore we got there and walked the rest of the way. We foundout where the Great Eastern Railway boats went fromand on arrival saw three policemen and a sergeant at the entrance to the Quay. How to get past them was a real worry as we knew they were looking forus, when all ofa sudden I saw a solitary Dutchman pushing a huge barrow loaded with fruit baskets towardsthe boat we were anxious to board. Snatching offout straw hats and putting on our caps, we bent down and put our shoulders to the cart, much to the old man's astonishment and delight and he thanked us profusely.He little knew! Straight past the police and right under their noses and alongside the S.S. Cromer. Before you could say 'Jack Robinson', we were up the gangway and dived down below. The skipper wasn't aboard but the crew gave us a wonderfulwelcome and to celebrate it, I gave nearly all the loose money I had to one of the stokers who went offand returned with bottles ofbeer and gin. When the skipper arrived, he too was very pleased as he received £5 from the Admiralty forevery man to took across.

He decided to rig us up as stokers and stripping offour clothes, we went about in vest and trousers, hair ruffled and fairlydirty and I tied a bit ofcotton waste around my neck. At midnight, the police boardedthe vessel and searched the ship prior to sailing. As they came into the stokehold, the skipper said that he wasn't going to miss the tide and was going to leave and that the Dutchmen could come downthe stream with him. However the police did not tarry and went up on deck and gave the skipper his clearance.

What a joyous sound it was to us in the stokehold shovelling coal like mad, when we heard the engine bells ring and the ship starting to move. At last we were safeand our troubles over, or at least we thought so. But at dawn we went on deck and at about 9.00 a.m. there was a shout that a German submarine was on our port bow but a good way off. Captain Barton turnedthe ship around and started to head back to the Hook full steam ahead. Fortunately afterabout two hours hard steaming and what seemed like anage to us, we shook offthe submarine and again headed forEngland. At 2.00 p.m. we sighted British destroyers out of Harwich and our skipper signalled information about the submarine. At 3.00 p.m. we entered Harwich feelingterribly excited.

A signal was sent to HMS. Maidstone lying there to the effectthat there were two escaped sailors fromHolland on board. A picket boat was sent over forus and afterbidding Captain Barton and the crew goodbye, we foundourselves under armed escort and conveyed to the Maidstone fortechnically we were deserters from the time of leaving Groningen until we arrived in England.

1203. We stepped on deck of the Maidstone, two unkempt and scruffy-lookingindividuals and the Master of Arms marched us to the Quarterdeck and to the Captain's cabin. After waiting a few moments, the Captain came out and shook us warmly and took us into his cabin where he gave us a whisky and soda. After brieflyrelating our adventures, we were given a railway warrant to London and instructed to report to the Crystal Palace the next day.

How glorious to be in England again afterall those months and how I pictured the surprise and shock when I should arrive home and knock at the door.

In the railway carriage was an old lady who seemed annoyed by our exuberant spirits and laughter and turningto Alec she said "Why are you not in khakiyoung man". We were doubled up with laughter and to save having to relate all our adventures over again, we refrained from enlightening her.

Arriving at Liverpool Street at 8.00 p.m. we made our way across London to Euston were we parted after many drinks and arranged to meet the followingmorning.

When I did arrive home, I found the house shut up and a neighbour informedme that my people were away on holiday. I forced the catch of a window and broke in just as I had been taught by one of the sailors in Holland who had done a bit ofburgl ary in his time and had been in prison. Next morningI sent offa wire to my people and reported to Crystal Palace where we were granted 14 days leave. It happened to be pay day and we lined up with the rest but instead of receiving a fewshillings, we had ten sovereigns put on our hat on account, the remainder of our back pay we would get when we reported again. The look ofastonishment on the recruit's facesto see us paid such a sum and one could imagine them thinking this is the crush to bein. When I got home, my people were back and not too pleased to see me as Father said that I had been safe in Holland and now I should soon be in the thick ofit again. I must mention that Alec and I had promoted ourselves to Leading Seaman and Crystal Palace had no record ofthis but accepted our word, knowing that we would be given commissions eventually.

I AM COMMISSIONED.

Our fourteendays went very quickly and we were made a fuss0£ I even had to recountmy adventures for the local paper who made quite a lot of it in their next issue.

On reporting back to the Crystal Palace, we decided that we must now apply forcommissions. Alec agreed to accept an infantry commission and leftvery shortly afterwardsto take up a commission in the East Surrey Regt., and that was the last I ever saw of him. He later obtained the M.C. in Salonika and was transferredto the R.F.C. in 1917 and was killed whilst instructing at Grantham.

Afternumerous interviews, I was transferredto the ChiefMilitary Instructors Course with several new officers who had obtained their commissions on direct entry. I was promoted to Petty Officer so as to get a little extra comfort in the Petty Officer'sMess. I quickly passed

1204. out in my exams but the last one of all I thought I had muffed. I was placed in frontof a company and told to march them offin a certain direction. I was then told to shout and bring them back with No. 1 Platoon leading. It ended by No.I Platoon going in one direction and the other three continuing to march on. A staffofficer examiner galloped across on his horse and asked me what the devil I was doing. I shouted Halt ! and without making a mess ofit, I reassembled them and brought them to a halt in frontof me. All I got was "Good ! If you make a mess ofit, it is farmore credit to you ifyou can get out ofit. Well Done!" and that was how I came to be gazetted on 3 August 1915 and sent to Blandford for training. It certainly seemed stnmge taking salutesrd although very few people seemed to know what I was. The uniform was like an infantry officer's but round the sleeve one had an executive ring and curl. The cap was a naval officer'scap and badge with a khaki cap cover. It was a very smart outfit.

The Colonel in command at Blandfordas an old retired Marine and helped me in many ways to learn what was expected ofme as an officer. He presided over us at dinner andcertainly kept us in order. One day when we were digging trenches on the Downs we cut into a Tumuli and we unearthed a colossal number ofbones and skulls. The dear old Colonel fetchedthe Padre up and made us bury them whilst the Padre quoted a prayer for the dead.

Reference:- This account and the photographs are fromBentham' s 'A Young Officer's Diary'. At the Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library, Leeds University.

OFFICERS SERVICE.

John HenryBentham was born 81h November 1891. Home address 2, Florence Villas, Talbot Road, Wembley, London. Next of Kin :- J. E. Bentham. Formerly London 1/3348. (AB London 1/3348) Served at Antwerp. Temporary Sub Lieutenant R.N.V.R. at Blandford 30/09/1915. M.E.F. with Hood Battalion 05/12/1915. B.E.F. 22/05/1916. Wounded 13/11/1916 with a gun shot wound to left leg, severe. To England 18/11/1916 to Hospital 21/11/1916. Blandford 19/01/1917. Terminated with RND 21/04/1917 to R.N.A.S. 1914 Star/Ribbon to Naval Air Station, Newlyn,Cornwall 26/02/1918.

Above detail fromthe record book R.N.D. 'Record of Officer's Service' ROS 182. Vol l. Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London.

1205. (�il1111>C) 11.

nd 2 Field Ambulance, Royal Naval Division at Suvla Bay August 1915.

th th Attached to the ll Division, 9 Army Corps.

Note:- The maps referred to are Galliopli ( 1" 20000 ANAFARTA SAGHIR & ( 1" 20000 KURIJA DERE.

th th The advance at Suvla Bay was to take place on the night of 6 17 August 1915. The task of the primary landing force was left to the inexperienced troops of the n•h (Northern) Division. This third Gallipoli frontwas to be ruined by the slow pace of the new troops, th resulting in failure to take the high ground, early. So that, by the 9 August it was already too late. When one views the scene today, one is left confounded, that the need to take the heights was not the number one objective, of the commanders on the ground, particularly after the lessons of Helles & Anzac. It had been so in the early planning stage and Sir Ian Hamilton was fully aware of the implications of failure, in not pressing on. However, his instructions were watered down, due to lack of drive and uncertainty by Lieutenant General Sir Frederick Stopfordand his Staff. Some blame must fall on Hamilton's shoulders, in not making sure that his ordersand intentions were not being disregarded and changed. The 2°d Field Ambulance of the Royal Naval Division was to see service almost from the start of the Suvla campaign, having been detached from the R.N.D. forthe task. They were the only Royal Naval Divisional unit to see service at Suvla, apart fromthe Anson Battalion whose service was recorded in issue 6 of the R.N.D. (September 1998.)

t August 4 h 1915. On the evening of this date I received a communication. Owing to the late hour of arrival of this message I was unable to take further steps until the followingmorning.

t August 5 h 1915. In the morning in accordance with your instructions I visited Surgeon General Birrell D.M.S. from whom I received orders to get further instructions fromMajor h Sparkes acting A.D.M.S. of the 11 t Division. I was informed that my Field Ambulance was to be attached to the 1 lth Division in place of the 34th Field Ambulance R.A.M.C. who were without stores. I was also given some general indication as to the nature of the operations but this was to vague to form any plan of action. The stores formy Field Ambulance sent by you arrived during the course of the day under the charge of Surgeon Bostock, 3rd Field Ambulance.

1206. th August 6 1915. This morning I again visited Major Sparkes who gave me embarkation orders and also pointed out on the map, my position of landing. You will notice from attached embarkation orders that my Bearer and Tent Sub-divisions embarked on differentships, and were thus separated, the bearers having to disembark on "B" Beach and the Tent sub-divisions on "C" Beach. This was the extent of the orders I received and no other instructions were given to me as to my duties or position on landing. I next went to the 34th Field Ambulance where I received official maps of the operation area. On my returnto camp I detailed Surgeon Foxell to take charge of all Bearer sub-divisions whilst we were separated. I left camp with all Tent Sub-divisions and stores at 2.30 p.m. Carrying out orders I embarked all stores on K8 Motor lighter, but this order being countennanded I Disembarked stores and reembarked them and all personnel on K7 Motor lighter, in which we were taken to HMS. Endymion arriving on board at 3.30 p.m. HMS. Endymion left Imbros at 7.45 pm. I should Like to record the kindness and hospitality extended to Officers and men by the Captain, Officers and ship's company of this ship.

th August 7 1915. The ship arrived off"C"Beach about 12-0 midnight but my Field Ambulance being the last to disembark, I did not embark in a lighter until 1.45 a.m. The lighter by mistake took us firstto "B" Beach where we began the disembarkation of stores. On the mistake being discovered the stores were re-embarked and the lighter proceeded to "C" Beach where we finally disembarked men and stores at 2.30 a.m. It being very dark and having received no further orders, I took my Tent sub-divisions under shelter of a hill in the neighbourhood where they were also protected from Shrapnel fire.

Having received no message fromSurgeon Foxell as to the position of the bearers, Surgeon Burdett, and I proceeded towards "B" Beach to search forthem. Not finding them in the expected position I returned again to our main body, having a narrow escape froma bomb that dropped close to us by a hostile aeroplane. My position then being heavily shelled as troops were disembarking fromlighters, I moved my men furtherup the hill to get better cover. I waited there until there was a lull in the fightingand then sent men out to try and get in touch with my bearers. Having got in touch with my bearers who were beyond "B" Beach in the sand, I and Surgeon Burdett went down to see the positions and findingthe 33rd Brigade to whom I was attached were in this region, I also noticed that the country was comparatively flatand easy for stretcher bearers.

I decided to formmy dressing station at this point, the approximate position being 104-V-5. I then proceeded to arrange with the O.C. 14th Casualty Clearing Station "C" Beach for water transport. Thus my camp became a dressing station and clearing hospital. My stores and remaining personnel were ordered to join me at this place, my bearer Officers had got in touch with the M.O's of the following battalions forming the 33rd Infantry Brigade; - South Staffords, Sherwood Foresters, Borderers and Lincolns. These regiments were disposed in the followingmann er;-

The Lincolns and Borderers were attached to Divisional Reserve, being held in readiness on "A" Beach and thus being out of my fieldof action.

1207. ==Nibrmre --- 010

=o Scale of Miles. l=:::;;=::;:;::===:::::t:::::=::=====:.:.:. Heights in Metres

Map of the Suvla Bay Area, from 'The Times History of the War'.

1208. The South Staffords were in the firing line at the frontof CHOCOLATE HILL (YILGHIN BURNU, MAST AN TEPE) about one and half miles frommy station.

The ShenvoodForesters were in the reserve trenches about 100 yards in advance of me.

There was no serious fightingor movements amongst the troops in this area during the day hence few casualties ( and these mostly occurred during the landing) were brought in. Those brought in were at once evacuated directly to a Hospital Ship. Under the circumstances it was unnecessary to form an advanced bearer post, bearers being sent out as required. I informed the A.D.M.S. 11 th Division of my position and the arrangements I had made. Attached is Surgeon Foxall's report on the landing of the bearers.

To StaffSurgeon Stanford.R.N. August 14111 1915. nd O.C. 2 Field Ambulance. R.N.D.

Sir,

I have the honour to submit a report on the landing of the early hours of the i11 inst. The Bearer divisions of the 2nct Field Ambulance, R.N.D. was despatched under my command on the afternoonof the 6111 August. We embarked on board HMS. Thesus who treated Officers and men with hospitality.

Leaving her in the early hours of the 7lh., we arrived at "B" Beach about 3 a.m., here we were apparently not expected by the M.L.O. But as I had written orders to do so, we landed, men handling our stores ashore.

The M.L.O. informedme that as faras he knew, no arrangements had been made for the evacuation of wounded fromthe beach, we thereforeat once began to rig up a shelter in the event of having to keep many. Meanwhile I got in touch with the 33rd Brigade, and foundout they had no men in the firing line, two battalions being in reserve, and two being employed forH.Q. duties.

I then ordered the men to dig themselves in as rapidly and as well as possible in the sand and well spread out, more with the idea of hiding them, as the soft sand would provide very inferiorprotection fromshrapnel which it was quite likely the enemy would have fired, had they seen a number of men exposed on an open beach. We had no red cross flag.

We only had a fewwounded to deal with, so that the majority of the bearers managed to get some rest.

1209. I have nothing further to add, except that everyone behaved excellently throughout the landing and subsequently. During the forenoon you, Sir, arrived with the Tent Divisions and took command ofthe camp etc.

I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Humphrey Foxall, Surgeon R.N.

Bearer Sub-division B. Section. 2nd Field Ambulance. R.N.D.

August s•h 1915. During the night the South Staffordsadvanced to the summit of CHOCOLATE HILL (YILGHINBURNU) and entrenched there. The Sherwood Foresters have advanced their reserve trenches about 300 yards and are now about quarter mile in advance ofme. I then formed a bearer post on the reverse ofCHOCOLATE HILL about a quarter mile in rear ofthe Regimental Aid post of the South Staffords (about 105-L-7). Surgeon Sparrow takingduty with "C" bearers during the day and Surgeon Mayne with "A" bearers during the night (8111 to 9th). Received also 22 additional stretchers from O.C. (Captain Benson. R.A.M.C.) 14th Casualty Clearing Station. Sent Surgeon Burdett to investigate the ground in advance with the object of advancing one Tent sub-division and later the remaining Tent sub-divisions ifwagon transportcan be obtained. Informed A.D.M.S. 11111 Division ofmy proposed movements and I am to be informed in the morningwhether wagon transport will be available or not.

Casualties during the day were fewin number and ofthose the majority were slight wounds. During the day and particularly in the evening there was a heavy bombardment by the ships beyond CHOCOLATE HILL and including the village ofANAFARTA SAGHIR. Correspondence relating to this day is attached.

Copy of Si§nal Message. To O.C. 2° Field Ambulance.

Senders No. M.X. 16. August 8th Message received fromD.A.A. & Q.M.G. 11 thDiv. Begins "Please submit names of Officersand other ranks under your command, whose services in the recent operations you wish to bring to notice. A short description of the act or acts on which you submit their names should be sent in at the same time". Please submit to me for transmission.

From A.D.M.S. 11th Division. Time 1615.

1210. Copy of Si!nal Message. To O.C. 28 Field Ambulance.

Sender No. M.X. 18. August 81h Message received from11 thD.H.Q. begins- "Men are to be marched down in formed bodies under an Officer to fill water bottles. The guard has orders not to allow any man to fillhis waterbottle unless under these conditions.

From A.D.M.S. 11th Division. Time 1800.

Copy of Signal Message. 1h. Handed in at 11 Div. August 8 nd Senders No. G 170. To 2 Field Ambulance. R.N.D. "Headquarters 33rd Bde. 500 yards East of LALA BABA". From 11th Division.

Copy of Signal Message. Senders No. M. :X.12. August 8th. Following message received from Genl. Staff11 th Div. Begins G. 166. 8/8/15. "The G.O.C. wishes to express his high appreciation of the gallant conduct of all ranks under his command during a long and trying day of operations. Where all did well he would specially mention the work of the Field Ambulance and Stretcher Bearers by whose devotion to duty many valuable lives have been saved. He considers that the discipline off all troops has been remarkable. h From A.D.M.S. 11' Division.

9th August 1915. Received that attached communication fromA.D.M.S. 11th Division informing me of proposed operations commencing at 5.0 a.m.

Copy of Si�al Message. To O.C. 2° Field Ambulance. Senders No. M.:X.19. August 9lh 15. Informationindicates that enemy is bringing reinforcements towards ANAFARTA SAGIR. AAA.It is important to occupyall the high ground beforethey arrive. AAA. Tenth Division will operate on our left, 11th Division will attack as follows,33 nl Brigade plus 2 Bos. 31st Brigade but less Sherwood Foresters ISMAILOGLU TEPE inclusive, ANAFARTA SAGffi exclusive to KAV AK TEPE inclusive at leastone battalion to occupy this high ground beforedaylight AAA. 31"1 Brigade less 2 battalions in Divisional Reserve at YILGHINBURNU AAA 34lh Brigade detach 2 Bns under lOth Division remainder in Divisional reserve near 118V4 by 6 a.m. AAAArtiller y Naval guns asked to shell roads leading to

1211. ANAFARTA SAGffifrom EGELMER BAY and fromthe east AAA A Battery 59 and the Ross Mountain battery on YILGHINBURNU under orders by O.C. rd 331h Brigade B. Battery 59lh Bde in reserve at LALA BABA AAA. Engineers 671h °d Col" Less one section with the 32 Brigade. 86 Field Coy. With the 33rd Brigade to concentrate. ALI BEY CHESME0600 o'clock and report fororders to YILGHINBURNO AAA. SherwoodForesters and one section R.E. advance to about 105x5 and connect with DAMAKJELIK BAm by 0600 o'clockAAA. Attack by 33nt Bde. Will begin at 0500 o'clock AAA. Reports to LALA BABA 0500 o'clock AAA. Please acknowledge.

From A.D.M.S. 11th Division. H.Q. 11lh Division. Time 0430. D.M.S. Sparkes. Major.

I sent Surgeon Foxell with "B" bearers to evacuate the Stafford'swounded. He took up his position and formedan advanced bearerpost at Sq. 91 - F -1 (KURIJA DERE map) I then sent Surgeon Sparrow with "C" section bearers to assist Surgeon Mayne who was then on duty at bearerpost on CHOCOLATE HILL (YILGHIN BURNU) about 10 a.m. I went to visit the A.D.M.S. at D.H.Q. near LALA BABA and found that the ambulance wagons I asked for could not be obtained hence my proposed plan of sending forwardone tent sub­ division had to be abandoned. Received the attached note fromSurgeon Foxell.

11. 05 a.m. August 91h 1915. As apparently usually happens the messenger lostus. but afteran uncomfortable three quarters of an hour or so I foundthe Staff'sdoctor about 105 V 8 I should think.

I am intending to forman advanced bearer post at once about 91 F -1 in an old trench. There are a very fairnumber of wounded still to be brought in, so the Staff'sdoctor tells me.

Can you possiblyarrange fora relay of bearers to come up to my post ? Cookson will act as guide. I want to clear the Staffsas rapidly as possible as their Reg. Aid post is small and unsafe. Will the relays please bring at least a dozen stretchers ? 6 squads will besufficient.

Humprey Foxell. Surgeon R.N.

In accordance with Surgeon Foxell's request I sent out ''B"Tent sub-division. I also applied to A.D.M.S. formore bearers and stretchers and my letter and reply are attached.

1212. Copy of Signal Message. To A.D.M.S. 11 th Div. Divisional Headquarters. LALA BABA. 9lh Augm,t 1915 Can you please let tne have some more bearers here to assist me. All my bearer Officersand men are out and also some tent men I am using as bearers. Casualties are coming in to me very freely, and it is a long carry from CHOCOLATE lllLL to me. The new men could relieve my men who are at the midway post and I could then send all my bearers straight up to CHOCOLATE HILL. This would work well.

From O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. Place- B Beach. Time-1645.

Copy of Sir!al Message. To O.C. 2° Field Ambulance. R.N.D. August 9tli 1915 Sorry I cannot help you - just carry on. Ask Lieut. Col Kelly to try and obtain some stretchers for you fromHospital ship.

From A.D.M.S. 111h Division.

Surgeon Foxell then informedme that the Sherwood Foresters had retreated and that the bearer post had accordingly been removed to 104-Y-7. In the main dressing station, under extremely adverse circumstances, a large number of cases were dealt with. There was much difficulty in the manner of evacuation of wounded as boats could not be obtained. Attached is a message fromCol. Kelly R.A.M.C. (Beach Controller of transport of wounded) in reply to a letter of mine. Also message fromA.D.M.S. to whieh I replied that I had a bearerpost on CHOCOLATE HILL and that 33rd Infantry Brigade should apply to them.

To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. 9tb Augm;t 1915 Royal Naval Division. Have seen Beach Master, he will give boats when available, at present they are being used for transport of troops to shore. Send all cases able to walk to 14th C. C.S. "C" Beach - and if you have to move let me know and I shall arr-..nge to get all your cases off.

You would want to leave two or three of your personnel with your lying down cases, tmtil they were taken over by us.

J.F'.M. Kelly? Lt. Col. R.A.M.C.

1213. To No. 2 Field Ambulance, Naval Division. "C" Beach. 9/8/15. Message received from33 n1 Infy. Bde, begins - can you send some doctors and stretchers to CHOCOLATE HILL as both are urgently required AAAA. Can you send out ? From A.D.M.S. 11 th Div Place & time LALA BABA 1315.

From Surgeon Sparrow. To StaffSurgeon Stanford. 3 - 5 p.m. 9th August Will you kindly send up all stretchers, also all stretcher bearers of "C" Section who may be down at Main Station also any who are at the midway station. I have only just established connection with S. Staffordswho moved without telling me - also the Boarder Regiment. They have had 5 or 600 casualties between them. The StaffCaptain 33n1Brde. Told me. I have just got a working party of S. Staffordsto help me fromthis officer.

To O.C. 2°d Naval Field Ambulance. "C" Beach. 9th August 1915. Please send stretcher bearers and Medical Officerto SURAKKUY A square 92cas soon as possible. From A.D.M.S. llth Div. Time 1810.

To O.C. 2°d Naval Field Ambulance. "C" Beach. 9th August 1915. Message from A.D.M.S. 9th Corps begins - Under instructions fromG.H.Q. slightly wounded cases arenot to be evacuated further than Main Dressing Station AAA This also applies to slight cases of sickness - ends. From A.D.M.S.

To O.C. 2nd Naval Field Ambulance. "C" Beach. Received 1945 August 9th Message fromA.D.M.S. 9th Corps begins- It is reported many wounded reach Casualty Clearing Stations without water bottles or haversacks AAA. Can you explain - ends. If theseare brought in with wounded pleasesee that they go on to Casualty ClearingStation. From A.D.M.S. 11tb Div H.Q. Time 1840.

1214. To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. 9th August 1915 Yours received AAA. I know bearers are very pressed AAA Please send to Sq. 92 c. as soon as possible.

From A.D.M.S. 11 th Division. Place- H.Q. 11th Division. Time-2035. W.M.B. Sparkes.. Major. A.D.M.S.

On this day I forwardedthe followingreport asking fornames of Officers and men whom I wished to bring forwardfor notice :-

To the A.D.M.S. 11th Division, 9th Army Corps. "B" Beach 9th August 1915. From O.C. 2°

Sir, In reply to your signal of yesterday's date, number of message 182, I have the honour to submit the foBowing names of Officersand men whom I desire to bring to your notice during recent operations.

1. Surgeon J. H. Burdett R.N. This Officer has shown zeal and ability and devotion to duty and has been of great assistance to me in the organisation and work of the Field Ambulance.

2. Surgeon Humprey Foxell. R.N. This Officer was placed in chargeof the bearer sub-divisions of my Field Ambulance and carried out his duties very efficiently.

3. Private. William Hunter. S3369. I have received the attached communication fromLieutenant A.F. Cooper R.A.M.C. I have great pleasure in forwarding this as this man has always been conspicuous forhis good work.

Certificate given to Hunter. Gallipoli 9th August 1915. Private Hunter, R.N. Division Field Ambulance, has been of great use to me today and was wounded while assisting me. Alex. T. Cowper Lieutenant R.A.M.C. Attached 6th Royal Dublin Fusiliers.

1215. 4. Sergeant George McNair. 83275. This N.C.O. was on duty in "B" Tent sub-division continuously from the time oflanding (2.30 a.m. on the 7th Inst until 8 a.m. August gth) He carried out the treatment and evacuation ofthe wounded with marked efficiency under very trying circumstances.

5. Private George H. Harris. 83185. During disembarkation ofstores the work done by this man was conspicuous. I have the honour to be, Sir, Yourobedient servant, C.E. Cortis Stanford. StaffSurgeon R.N. O.C. 2"d Field Ambulance.

August 10•h 1915. My ambulance has now been on duty for24 hours without relief. Cases are still coming in. During the night the firingline was advanced to a small extent and my orders to evacuate wounded fromthe 33rd Brigade still held good, but this is an impossibility as the regiments have got hopefully mixed up hence I am now working my bearers over the same section ofthe front as they were working yesterday. This area is, however, too extended for one Field Ambulance. I am given to understand that the bearers ofthe 34th Field Ambulance are supposed to be evacuating part ofthis area, but up to the present they have not been seen. My camp is comparatively freefrom shells, but the bearers are carrying over open ground which is constantly being shelled. Attached are communications received during the day.

To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. August lOth 1915 Will you please send us some triangular bandages and some compressed wool ? Is there any possibilityof some relief fromthe R.A.M.C. The men are very exhausted. Cyril F. Mayne. Surgeon R.N. ChocolateHill.

To 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. August lOth 1915. Rations will be issued to you immediately transport can be procured. Every available mule has been carrying water and ammunition and no mules are yet available for rations. I am sending you 15 lbs teaherewith, which I hope will be of some comfort to you. Everything possibleis being done with regard to Medical comforts but at present we are unable to issue,

A.H. Davis Lieutenant A.S.C. ------·

1216. To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. "B" Beach. Message - received fromA.D.M.S. 9lh Corps - 9 a c M/18c 161h aaa G. H.Q. reports message begins AAA. Many slight cases of wounds and sickness are being evacuated from the 9lhCorps AAA. These cases are to be retained at your Headquaa-tersof Field Ambulance - message ends AAA Ends. D.H.Q. 10/8/15. 0920 D.M.B. Sparkes, Major A.D.• M.S. 11 lh Division.

To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance R.N.D. August lOth 1915 Is there any chance forany relief formy bearers ? By the 34lh Field Ambce. I mean. I hear A & C sections are also having a heavy time. I understand that the 34lh F.A. were supposed to be working with us, as in theory they ought to drain the 33rd Bdge. They have now beenworking continuously for over 24 hours and are almost done up. I am informedthere are still a large number of stretcher cases to be brought in how many forcertain they don't know.

Humphrey Foxell, Surgeon R.N. "A" Bearer post.

To StaffSurgeon Stanford. 10/8/15. Your note has been sent to Capt. Metcalfwho will undoubtedly send boat as soon as they come in. I could not wire the names of Officers you sent yesterday. This you can do by sending direct to signed station as only cases admitted here must be reported by me.

Wallace Benson, Captain.

To Lieut Murray Q.M. August 10th 1915 Please send up enough rations for"C" sectionand 4 men of"A" section who will remain at CHOCOLATE HILL If you can raise any tea please send it up.

C.F. Mayne, Surgeon R.N.

To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. August 10th 1915 All ammunition should be sent back to the firingline at all times. Riflesto the Ordnance Officeron "C" Beach. Equipment ditto.

W.M.B. Sparkes, Major. A.D.M.S. 11 thDiv.

1217. H.Q. 11 Division. 10/8/15.

I am sorryth I cannot send any assistance to you to-day.All the bearers are hard at it on this side. I will try and look you up to-day. WIM/B.S.

Stores sent to StaffSurgeon Stanford,O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. In charge of Surgeon Bostock. lOth August 1915.

Field Fracture boxes. 2 Reserve Field Medical panniers. 2 pairs Field Medical panniers. 2 pairs Field Surgical panniers. 2 pairs Setsof Liston's splints. 4 pairs Filters 2 pairs Operating tables. 3 G.S. Panniers. 2 sets Medical comfortpanniers. 5 1st Aid haversacks RefillBoxes. 3 Medical OfficersHav. Refdl boxes. 1 Flags (in "H" pannier) Marquees. 2 Stretchers. 40 Antiseptic paste 1 bOL Box of general dressings. Extra bottles of Morphia solution. 6

August llth 1915. The Medical Officer(Major McMullan) ofthe HerefordRegiment, came into reserve immediately in frontof me and as he was doing no work, we arranged together that he should forma halfway bearer post between CHOCOLATE HILL and my dressing station. This was done and greatly relieved my bearers. The Medical stores sent by you under charge of Surgeon Bostock, 3rd Field Ambulance arrived about 10 a.m. These stores arrived just in time as we had already begun taking bandages fromfirst field dressings. Three marquees were sent, not two as stated in the list, but there were poles for only two. These two marquees were erected one as a dressing tent and the other on the beach as a shelter for the wounded. This latter was supplemented by shelters made fromthe green cover ofthe operating tent, and the side flaps ofthe large marquee. These shelters were very necessary as the heat of the sun on the sand was very great, and the nights were cold. The A.D.M.S. ofthe 11 th Division came to see me and suggested advancing my dressing station, but I considered this inadvisable as troops were constantly passing in the area to be selected, therefore this proposal was dropped. There was practically no fightingor movement amongst troops during the day and the only casualties coming in were the remains ofthe previous fighting.

1218. th August 12 1915. Comparatively quiet day and the troops consolidating positions. I have again asked for two ambulance wagons which can now be supplied to me on loan fromthe 33rd Field Ambulance.

To O.C. 2nd Field Ambulance. R.N.D. "B" Beach. Temporary Surgeon Ellis is officiallytransferred from the R.N.D. to H.M.S. Canopus on 19th July 1915. From A.D.M.S. R.N.D. D.H.Q. 1h Time 1800. l2 August 1915.

th August 13 1915. As two ambulances have now been obtained, I sent Surgeon Burdett with "B" tent sub-division to forman advanced dressing station on the reverse of CHOCOLATE HILL (about 115-L-7). As soon as dressing station and dug-outs had been prepared I sent up stores for this sub-division and I informed the A.D.M.S. of this move. The ambulance wagons were now evacuating wounded direct fromthis advanced dressing station to the 14th Casualty ClearingStation on "C" Beach. It was my intention to advance the whole Field Ambulance to this situation as soon as the camp was prepared, but late in the evening I received a message from the A.D.M.S. which altered my sector also my lines of evacuation, cutting out CHOCOLATE HILL.

Copy of signal Message To O.C. 2nd Field Ambulance. "B" Beach. lh 34 InfantryBrigade goes out tonight as follows;- 2 battalions between 105-R-7 and 92-A-7, 2 battalions South East corner of Lake and 91-B-6. Please collect the wounded from this area. Should there be heavy fightingI will send up another Field Ambulance to help. D.H.Q. 13/8/15. W.M.B. Sparkes, M3ior. Time 2005. A.D.M.S. 11 Division.

To Surgeon Foxell R.N. The followingmessage receivedlate last night. (Details of locationgiven). Please collect the wounded from this area. Should there be heavy fightingI will send up another Field Ambulance to help. W.M.B. Sparkes.

1219. Have written to Burdett in inform Mayne and Sparrow.Will you please arrange with them or arrange yourself best means of working this area. Have not yet had time to look up map. Want you to get this as soon as possible. C.E. Stanford. StaffSurgeon.

Reply from Surgeon Foxell.

The Nth. Fus. Are occupying left of line 105-R-7 --- 92-A-7. There is about 100 yards South of 105- Q-7 on track.I have arranged an advanced bearer post on track about 100 yards North of 91-F-1.Also a bearer post on track between 104-X-1 and 4.From here we carry to our Tent Division about 104-V-5.

August 14th 1915. Following the above, I withdrew all bearers and tent sub-division. Major McMullan (M.O. ofHereford Regiment) had to rejoin his regiment, so I placed Surgeon Foxell in continuation ofreserve trench held by 34th Brigade. This brigade had 2 battalions in the firing line and 2 in reserve. There were very few casualties during the day.

Copy of signal message. To O.C. 2nc1 Field Ambulance. R.N.D. "B" Beach. Following message received fromAA & Q.M.G 11lh Div. Is repeated foryour information.Begins - A 122.14 1h Owing to rough weather there is no drinking water available at "C" Beach at present. D.H.Q.14/8/15. W.M.B.Sparkes. Major . lllh Div.

Copy of signal message. To O.C. 2nc1 Field Ambulance. R.N.D. Message received from AA & Q.M.G. 11lh Div. Begins A.192 141h. Units will send a representative to Supply Depot "C" Beach to report to SSO. Each day when they draw rations. This representative will be accompanied by 4 men as loading party and he will act as guide to the convoy. A definiteand easily found rendezvous must be laid down by Bde, Hd. Qtrs.And all incoming convoys should be met at this point by a representative of the unit concerned. Supplies will in future be sent out in small convoys consisting of one unit. Acknowledge. D.H.Q.14/8/15. W.M.B.Sparkes. Major lllh Div.

1220. Copy of signal message. To O.C. 2nd Field Ambulance. R.N.D. "B" Beach. th Message received fromA.A. & Q.M.G. 11 th Division beginsA. 193 14 . Temporary water arrangements Beach. (a) Men. 1. No drinkingwater forwashing under any circumstances. 2. No wasting water. 3. No water except to parties under an Officeror Sgt. Or an order signed by an Officerfor units from trenches, or Headquarters units stating numbers. 4. Water from canvas troughs solely. 5. No water frommule troughs. 6. Woodentanks to be kept forfilling watercarriers. 7. A guard of an N.C.O. and 6 men permanentlyon pier. 8. No man my take water from water carriers, under any circumstances at the base. 9. No water tins or petrol tins marked W or canvas water bags to be taken away from their filling place except on mules or carts. (b) Animals. Transport mules must be watered from4 a.m. to 6 a.m. and 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. Other animals 7 a.m. to 8 a.m. and 3 p.m. to 4 p.m. D.H.Q. 14/8/15. W.M.B. Sparks. Major A.D.M.S. 11th Division.

August 15th 1915. Nothing of note to record today. No fighting involving 34th Brigade took place. A few stray casualties only occurred. Surgeon Allan R.N. was put on sick list.

nd To O.C. 2 Field Ambulance. R.N.D. Message received fromA.D.M.S. 9th Corps begins :- 9a. c/m/6015 th AAA Following message received fromD.M.S. G.H.Q. AAA message begins - Scarlet fever or measles send to Hospital ship, warning ship of arrival. AAA. H any case of Typhus or Cholera occur isolate on shore and report to D.M.S. AAA message ends. D.H.Q. 15/8/15. W.M.R. Sparkes. Major. A.D.. M.S.

nd To O.C. 2 Field Ambulance. R.N.D. The two cases of self-inflicted wounds have been reported but so far no reply has been received. Meantime please detain the two cases. D.H.Q. 15/8/15. W.M.R. Sparkes, Major A.D.M.S.

August 16th 1915. Nothing of note to report to-day.

1221. August 1915. Casualties were few during the day. Hostile aeroplanes dropped bombs, th one17 if which was evidently intended for our camp. A.D.M.S. came in the evening and expressed himself as entirely satisfied with the work, camp etc. of this Field Ambulance.

D.H.Q. 17/8/15. Re postal arrangements. If you censor your lettersand send them here we will send them offfor you. Divisional Post Officehas now been established on "C" Beach.

Copy of signal message. To Surgeon Foxell R.N. 17/08/15 Referenceto attached re foulingground. Please give me approximately locality of wells and dug-outs and returnthis with informationthereon. Re postal arrangements I will send a mail to-morrow, all your men's letters to be censored by9a.m. Return message AAA. C.E.C. Stanford. StaffSurgeon R.N.

To 0.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. 17/8/15 Sir, I have the honour to submit that steps takento deal with the sanitary arrangements. There, at present, appear to be none except that the troops appear to select the neighbourhood of wells to deposit their excreta. This is a fact If a well is not handy they chosethe dug-out or trench of another unit, or else they do it anywhere. I furthersubmit that it is a very real danger and is also a disgrace to the units concerned. I am doing my best to clean up the area around where I am situated which was in a idthy state.

I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Humprey Foxell, Surgeon RN.

Copy of signal message To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. "B" Beach. Referenceyour message re foulingthe ground. Will you kindly let me know the localityof the wells and the vicinity of the dug-outs etc forthe information of Headquarters so that parties can besent out to clean up the ground. W.M.B. Sparkes. Major A.D.M.S. 11tb Division.

1222. Extract fromG. H.Q. (colllfidential) No. Al 792 dated 2/8/15 to G.O.C. 9lh Army Corps. The following procedures suggested :- a) If the Medical Oilkerwho firstdresses the wound is of the opinion that it is self-inflictedbe should retain the man at the Field Ambulance and not let him go down the L. of C. He should send in a report to the unit concerned and a Court of Enquiry should be held as soon as possible. b) It the unit reports a wound as self-inflictedthe man should be sent under escort to be dressed and the Medical Officerin charge told to retain him at the Field Ambulance until a Court ofEll

nd O.C. z Field Amlmhmcc.R.N.D. "B" Beach.

Above extract foryomr information and necessary action. W.M.B. Sparkes. Major A.D.M.S. 11lh Division.

August 18th 1915. Nothing of note to report. Surgeon Allan was discharged to the 14 Casualty Clearing Station. 1h

August 19th 1915. Action took place on right sector but without success. Reserves were immediately sent up under heavy shrapnel fire. Over 200 casualties were brought in during the day and there were a remarkablenumber of serious wounds compared with-slight wounds. They were mostly gun shot wounds produced by ( ? ) reversed or explosive bullets. There was much difficulty of evacuation of wounded fromthe dressing station owing to the shortage of boats. So that I had about 100 left on the beach to look after during the night.

th To O.C. 14 C.C.S. 19/8/15. I have a great number of stretchercases in now and I have sent all the walking cases down to you. Army Ambulance wagons are to be ta.kenaway from me now so I must wait for boats. Do you think that there is any possibilityof getting a trawler sent down here ? I could then take the w01mded out to it in the boat I have here. That would save time and the cases are very numerous. Perhaps you could send a message through. C.E.C. Stanford. StaffSurgeon R.N. ------

To O.C. 2"d Field Ambulance. I am trying to send you 4 boats as soonas this lot is shipped. They ought to be with you in an hour or so. W. Benson. Capt. R.A.M.C. o.c. 14th c.c.s.

1223. From M.O. 8th N. F. To O.C. F.A. Aug 19th 1915. Sir, The battalion is engaged. As the report of HILL 51 casualties are very heavy I have more that I can cope with. Please send stretchers.

H. Wilson. Lieut R.A.M.C. ------To O.C. 2"d Field Ambulance. R.N.D. Please send up some more bearers say half section to relieve immediate congestion. C. Sparrow.

2oth August 1915. Casualties are again decreasing in number but are more severe, being the remains ofthe last action. An armistice was arranged to-day forcol lecting wounded and burying dead. The A.D.M.S. and O.C. 14th Casualty ClearingStation came to see me in the afternoonto arrange about the bestmeans of evacuation ofwounded during a big action that was to take place to-morrow, Commencing at 3. 0 p.m. The sector evacuated by me is from base ofCHOCOLATE HILL to 92 - C- 7. My advanced bearer postis at 91 F. 1. Immediately offthe track and my bearer post with medical officer and relay bearers is at 104 X (1 & 4) at end oftrack.

21s t August 1915. In the morningwe had a quiet time - only a fewcases ofsickness coming in. Two bearers sub-divisions with Medical Officers fromthe 34th Field Ambulance arrived at 10. 0 a.m. andwere put at my disposal. Two ambulance wagons had arrived andit was arranged for them to drain the casualties fromthe bearer post and evacuate them direct to the 14th Casualty Clearing Station, "C" Beach. I had previously marked out a road for them with small red cross flags. My arrangements for this action were as follows; - 2 officers with their bearer sub-divisions were stationed at the bearer post 104 X 4) and they had an advanced post at 91 - F - 1) forcollecting wounded, I utilised one bearer sub-division, ofthe 34th Field Ambulance in this work; thus the bearer sub-divisions were working 4 hours on duty and 4 hours off. Tent Sub-divisions. Two tent sub-divisions only were used, namely "B" and "C" - 2 section Medical Officers with each. These sections also worked 4 hours on and 4 hours off. Evacuation "A" Tent sub-division (Surg. Allan beingsick) were utilised forthis duty being reinforcedby the 2°d bearer sub-division of the 34th Field Ambulance, half this evacuation party working from the main dressing station, towing boats to the 14th Casualty Clearing Station, the other halfworking with the wagons between the bearer post and the Clearing Station. The action commenced at 2.30 p.m. with a heavy bombardment by the ships and all the shore batteries. The advance then commenced at 3.0 p.m. the supports and reserves coming up immediately in front ofus, were heavily shelled. The first cases arrived at 3. 30 p.m. and fromthen onwards a continual stream came in. The work was extremely heavy, the bearers having

1224. to carry mostly over loose sand. The tent sub-divisions had to work by candle light only, as no other means of lighting had been landed. The wounds were largely the result of shell and the injuries were consequently severe. A large amount ofanti-tetanus serum had to be given and several emergency operations were necessary. I myself gave all anaesthetics required. Evacuation was carried out effectively.

August 22"d 1915. Cases came in continually during the night and I got a certain amount of clearance by 1.30 a.m. However, owing to slower work due to want of light at night, there was some congestion again during the early hours of the morning.By 10. 0 a.m. I was clear again and during the rest ofthe day, although a continual stream ofcases arrived, I was able to evacuate them as fast as they came in. A message was received that I was to move my advanced dressing stations 300 yards fromthe track. This would have rendered them useless, and in view of the fact that the 11t h Division were going into Corps reserve, I withdrew my bearers entirely. Message received from29 th Division via A.D.M.S. the casualties referredto should have been collected by the R.A.M.C. ambulances, being out ofmy sector. However, I sent out stretcher bearers under an Officerat 10.0 p.m. and collected 15 wounded fromthe area, including one Medical Officersuffering from nervous breakdown. Surgeon Foxell was slightly wounded during the afternoon.

Copy of signal message. To O.C. 2°d Field Ambulance. "B" Beach. Aug 22nd. Message received fromll th Div. Begins A. 415 22nd. The Division is placed in Corps reserve and will be withdrawn to the vicinity of LALA BABA. W.M.B. Sparkes. A.D.M.S. 11 th Div. Time 1755.

Copy of Signal Message. To 11th Division. August 22°d. Please send 12 stretchers and 24 bearers to Dressing Station 6 York and Lancaster Regt. As soonas possible. The Dressing Station is about 200 yards north of the hut which is in middle of trench now held by the Division. From 32°d Brigade. Time 1850

To O.C. No. 2 Field Ambulance. "C" Beach. The following message has just come in. These wounded are now being collected by the Regimental stretcher bearersand are being brought to the York and Lancaster Regt. Aid post. Will you please send out 2 MedicalOfficers and 2 Bearer sub-divisions to bring them in. I hear there are other wounded nearby, male for CHOCOLATEIIlLL and then bear to the right. The 32°d Brigade are sending guides to meet you and direct. 22/8/15. W.M.B. Sparkes. Major. ------

1225. Copy of Signal Message. To 11th Division. 22/8/15. Officer32 °d Brigade reports that there are many wounded both Officersand men in frontof 11thAI Div. AAA. These men will die if not brought in to-night AAA. We can do nothing as our only brigade here is being relieved and has to take over another line to-night and therefore cannot be delayed. th From 29 Division. Time 2100.

Copy of Signal Message. °d To A.D.M.S. 11 th Div. Aug 22 1915. Two of your Advanced Dressing Stations square 104 X and 91 F are on a road and as troopspass along the road are liable to be shelled. They must be moved to a distance of at leased 300 yards offthe road. From A.D.M.S. 9 11t Corps. Time 2115.

August 23rd 1915. All cases now collected and evacuated, a few isolated ones only coming in. The 34th Field Ambulance Officersand bearers returnedto their own camp. Reinforcements arrived during the evening. Nothing further of note to report.

August 24th 1915. Situation continues quiet, nothing of note to report.

August 25th 1915. As conditions still remain quiet on this and the next day, I gave second inoculations against cholera, and first doses to the recently arrived reinforcements. The A.D.M.S. visited me and expressed himself very pleased with the work done by my Field Ambulance.

August 26th 1915. At 1. 0 a. m. a corporal and 6 men :fromthe 3rd Field Ambulance brought me stores and stationary. In the evening I received a message :from the A.D.M.S. telling me to hold myself in readiness to move my Field Ambulance to "A" Beach and that further orders would follow.

August 2 7th 1915. Nothing of interest to report until 5 - 0 p.m. when I received a note :fromA.D.M.S. I immediately took steps to get camp struck andstores packed and also to get in touch with the 20 mule carts promised. Ten of these, being all that I could get, arrived at 8. 0 p.m. and were at once loaded with stores and sent offto "A" Beach at 8. 30 p.m. under Surgeon Mayne R.N. and his bearer sub-division. I augmented these carts by using my two ambulance wagons and these were also loaded and sent offat 9. 30 p.m. under Surgeon Sparrow R.N. and his bearer sub-division. I left a sergeant and 6 men behind to look afterthe remainder of the stores until such time as I could remove them. At 10. 0 p.m. the remainder of the personnel of the Field Ambulance left camp under my charge arriving "A" Beach about 12.30 a.m. I had received no message verbal or written, as to my exact destination, and, I unloaded my stores on the hillside, getting my men what cover was available until daylight. The Indian mule carts were sent back foranother load of stores.

1226. August 28'h 1915. No instructions from A.D.M.S. 11 th Division having been sent to me and also no information as to the position of Divisional H.Q. having been received, I was unable to findhim to get orders, therefore, I reconnoitred the district for a camping site. Having foundwhat appeared to be a suitable one, but not knowing whether this site was within our divisional area or not, I went to see the A.D.M.S. 9th Corps. He, however, could give me no assistance whatever, neither could he tell me where Divisional H.Q. were. I thereforemoved back to my original position on the hillside. About midday the A.D.M.S. of the 11 th Division arrived and indicated the position he had chosen for me to camp. I then 111 began to dig in, but at 2.0 p.m. a message arrived fromthe A.D.M.S. 9 Army Corps ordering me to remove my Field Ambulance out of the reserve area, and to get a new site from my th A.D.M.S. in the divisional area. I found the A.D.M.S. 1 l Division and informedhim of the message. He and I then searched the hills for another site and decided on my present position (about 117-A-8) to which I then removed at 5.0 p.m Officers and men dug in as far as possible for the night. I then began getting stores up from where I had left them.

August 29th 1915. Completed dug-outs for Officersand men. I then brought remainder of stores to this camp. Sent another Ambulance wagon back to "B" Beach forremainder of stores left there and the rest of the persom1el. In the present camp 30 or 40 men are required daily to bring up water and stores which, should an action occur, will greatly overwork them, and seriously inconvenience the working of the Field Ambulance. The sanitary condition of this camp and the surrounding area is extremely bad. I have cleared up the site occupied by us and have reportedthe general unsatisfactorycondition to the A.D.M.S.

August 30'h and 31st August 1915. Nothing of interest to report.

September 1st 1915. Nothing to report during the day. About 8 p. m. the Turks made an attack on the troops occupying the leftsector and about 9 p.m .. However, by 1 a.m. no casualties having come in I withdrew my bearers.

September 2°d 1915. As arranged with O.C. 34th Field Ambulance, I took on the advanced bearer post at 135-Y-1 workingwith them 3 days on and 3 days off. There are very fewcasualties and sick coming through.

September 3rd & 4th 1915. Nothing important to report.

End of the firstmonth on detached service.

Reference:- Public Record Office,Kew. W095/4290.

1227. WESTERN FRONT. SOME R.N.D. TERMS EXPLAINED.

PORK AND BEANS :- (From the Latin &mper idem). Another tenn for dinner.Thus when the question is asked"Wh at time do we parade afterpork and beans?", the word dinneris understood. Ifpork and beans are served up six days a week, then porkand beans are given as a change on Sundays. Thereward offered at the beginning ofthe War (£5 and a month's leave) to theman in the RN.D. who foundthe pork has not been claimed.

LEAVE :- A much quoted term which originally was meant to signifya holiday (usually about ten days). The word is now used more to suggest a pleasant but impossible theory, a foolish dream, a wild exaggerated imagining , the product ofan over-hopefulbrain.

BLIGHTY:-A termwith many alternative meanings (1) the place we should visit if we got leave (2) a slight wound which gets one to England (3) the only tune some bands know.

MATCHES:- These were common before the War but are now collectedby the R.N.D. as souvenirs and curious and jealously guarded.

STEW:- A formof heatedwater served up to theRN.D. Sometimes it is flavoured with bully beef. Occasionally it is kept near meat without being allowed to come into contact. Stew has beenproved quite harmless.

REST:- A refined formof punishmentto troops. A certaincure for mentired of being "up the line". A short term used to express "endless parades, ceaseless polishings, burnishingsand inspections.

CUSHY:- A termapplied to jobs held by varyingranks in the Army reaching as high as the gilded staffand descending to officer'sservants.

WINDUP :- (No connection with windfall) Anotherway ofexpressing fear.The R.N.D. are famedfor putting up and never getting up wind.

PAYING OUT:- A Pagan festival now rarely observed, thoughnot entirely obsolete.

INTHE PINK :- Information contained in all letters home and allowedto pass by the most strict censor. A state ofhealth so near perfection that only a parcel is needed to complete the state.

FRENCH BEER :- First cousin to STEW. A harmless formof discoloured water drawn from casks. The cup which does not cheerand cannot inebriate. A termof derision. The beverage suppliedto Band ofHope Festivals.

SCROUNGE :- A formof conjuring trickor legerdemainby which a soldierproduces something from nothing. Scrounging is best carried out at dark. Firewood, building material,even "Mokes" have beenscrounged. Synonymous with the old Army term ''to make".

BISCUITS:- (TheEditor has been compelled to blue pencilthe language used in reference to this term.)

REVIELLE :- An invention ofthe Devil and a much abused termusually appliedto a period in the morning which seems more like the middle of the night. A French word, the English for which is "A rude awakening."

SWINGING THE LEAD:- Amateur (sometimes professional)theatricals acted before the Medical Officer. Sometimes the result ofa vivid imagination. Sometimes the outcome ofhyperchondria (goodword that). Often the result ofa disinclination to work. TheDoctor usually treatsthe malady with a No. 9 but the Armyis sometimes nasty about it and treatsit as "Malingering". The latter is the most efficacious.

From 'The Mudhock' No 3. January 1918. I thank Tony Henwood for forwardingthis item.

1228. THE WESTE'RN FRONT..

TIIE RND MISSING AT ARRAS IN ASSOCIATION WITH POINT-DU-JOOR CEMETERY; [Fr. 542] AND OTHER CEME'IERIES.

By Trevor Tasker ..

(Note:- During this and later articles Trevor Tasker will be using the Harvard system of references instead of the nu,nhered system.)

With this article in the series I hope to tie up a fewconcepts of the RND Missing on the Arras Memorial; with Point-du-Jour Cemetery, which not only had a dressing station, but was on the main route to and fromthe Front Line at Gavrelle; and also becamea concentration cemetery after the Armis6ce. In the title I have said 'and other cemeteries': this refers to linking up with others already covered; (Orchard Dump and Naval Trench Cemeteries): and also introducing the new cemetery of Brown's Copse. This cemetery has only two RND; (though how many RND lies in totally unknown graves will never be known; so this cemetery has been included here; with the gave ofCPO Webster, Drake Battalion; plotted in Appendix II, as the cemetery itself does not justifya separate article. In the series, I have linked the memorials to the missing with cemeteries. In this article I go further afield, and include the battlefield.

The lines of communications are shown, showing clusters of graves near aid posts; dressing stations and even the casualty clearing stations; west of Arras. ln the church in Gavrelle is a Memorial Cross to the officersand men of the Hood Battalion who died capturing Gavrelle. The names on the cross arelisted and generally analysed as an example of the high proportion of the Missing; and the distribution of the others in cemeteries in the area. I startthis article by going back to the main source of information on the battlefieldto identify graves; the grave marker, andwhat was found on the body.

1229. If there were details on the cross, then it was simple to identify the grave. Though I must add that some of the burial returns state "Cross found, but no body found". Bodies could be identifiedby identity disc, but as explained in previous articles these were made of pressed fibre and most disintegrated in the moist soil. The regiment/unit was obtained fromshoulder titles, dog collars, buttons and belt buckles andrank was obtained fromstars/pips, crowns etc. From 1919 to 1922 when most of the graves were concentrated, the uniform and cloth flashes and NCO ranks had not rotted away. The epaulettes were made of thicker material and sometimes officersstars/pips were still on the epaulette so that the rank of Second Lieutenant, Lieutenant, and Captain could be distinguished by the number of stars/pips. In the case of one star/pip found on each epaulette, with an RND shoulder title, the rank would be changed to Sub Lieutenant. In Orchard Dump Cemetery and Ancre British Cemetery there are partially known headstones which read "An Unknown Sub-Lt of the RND."However, one wonders how many RND Sub-Lieutenants lie under a headstone which just reads "An Unknown Second Lieutenant, or even "Unknown Lieutenant of the Great War." In these two cemeteries and elsewhere.

Theauthor would like to point out that military insignia, and even militaryrank, are not subjects that he is an expertin. Thisparagraph gives a general view of where the informationon thepartially unknown headstones came from, what was foundon thebody, and recorded in the burial returns.Examples of these are: UnknownOfficer, found"Officer's pip". UnknownMGC., found"MG on Khaki sleeve". Unknown British Corporal, found"Chevrons " and Unknown British Officer of the King's Royal Rifles, found"Collar, shirt and tie titles". (All are examples of partiallyunknowns in Point-du-Jour Cemetery).

The partially unknowns come in three main types, (or groups of these three). They are of regiment/unit and rank, as already explained, but the third group is date of death. In the CWGC cemeteries there are headstones with just the date, e.g. "An Unknown Soldier of the Great War, 26th April 1917". How was the date of death known, and other information not? In Canadian No. 2 Cemetery on Vimy Ridge, there is a headstone that reads "Two Unknown RMLI, 28th April 1917". The date suggests they were killed near Gavrelle Windmill, but how was the date known ? This question mystifiedme until about a year ago when on one of my many visits to the Photographic Department of the Imperial War Museum, by accident, I came across a very interesting photograph.

1230. THE PREVIOUS PAGE ON FIGURE ONE: Photograph of four grave markers, east of Arras. Imperial War Museum:- Reference Q 49551.

The photograph on the previous page, (FIGURE ONE) was taken by H. Crawshay Frost, a photographer who visited the Arras battlefields in early 1919. The photo shows four graves, the two middle crosses are very interesting, the left one shows thatmost ofthe details; number, rank, name and battalion are shown on the cross bar, with R.I.P. and date ofdeath on the vertical. The one on the right has no cross bar, so only has the date of death. The grave marker on the far right not only shows the cross bar missing but also damage. Just looking at the photograph shows how anexploding shell spreadingshrapnel could so easily knock the cross-bar, (with most ofthe details) off.I am not sayingthis is the reason forpartially known headstones with just the dates of death, but afteryears of research, it is the best probable explanation I have come across.

Afterseeing this photograph I had to take things further. I was most interested in knowing where Sergeant Welch and Pte Langford of 1/Somerset Light Infantry were buried. (The cross on the farleft, is to Pte Langford,this may not come out in the reproduction, as it was hard to read on the original). These two are buried in Feuchy Chapel Cemetery. The caption ofthe IWM photograph said '"near Monchy". By consulting the burial returnsofFeuchy Chapel Cemetery I managed to get the exact location. This location I decided to plot on a map, with a fewother locations connected with this article.

FIGURE TWO:- Map showing cemeteries in the Gavrelle and Moncby area. Also plotted are "a" the site of Lonely House Cemetery, "b" the site of four graves in photographFIGURE ONE, and "c" the site where 27 British soldiers were found in December 1996.

0 1 2 km 1231.

Feuch y Chapel Cemetery The map over the page shows the location ofFeuchy Chapel Cemetery, (no RND graves), and the location ofPoint-du-Jour and Brown's Copse to be featured later on. Where the A26 crosses the N50 there is a 1918 Demarcation Stone, and another one on the N39 between Feuchy Chapel Cemetery and the point where the Al crosses the N39. These demarcation stones mark, (on main roads/junctions), where the Germans were halted in 1918. If you join these two in a line, they run roughly north to south. Before the 28th March German Offensive the Front Line ran north to south fromroughly the "V" in Gavrelle to the "O" in Monchy. As can be seen the advance was only about 2 - 3 kilometres, all the graves and small cemeteries just behind the Front Line now became the battlefield. In my University Dissertation, (TASKER 1997), I called this area east of Arras "The Smudged Landscape ofthe East", because ofall the crosses, graves and even small cemeteries which were lost, during the March 1918 Offensive. The Arras area, Operation Mars, was the only area where the Germans were stopped aftera fewkilometres, and they stayed here from April to August; nearly six months of trench warfare, raids, and bombardment. The individual graves and small cemeteries now in (or near) the new No Man's Land had many of their graves markers destroyed. Along this line lie missing graves, and even small cemeteries, some are still being found, and some are still out there yet to be found. On the map of FIGURE TWO, three of these sites have been plotted. "c" shows the site of27 soldiers, (mostly Royal Fusiliers, killed 11 April 1917) which were discovered in December 1996 by archaeologists looking for a

Romanth Villa. Only two Royal Fusiliers were identified. "b" on the map marks where the four graves shown in FIGURE ONE where the bodies were originally buried. "a" marks the spot of a small cemetery, (with RND), in a garden of an isolated house known as Lonely House. These graves were concentrated into Point-du-Jour Cemetery.

Point-du-Jour Cemetery is located on high ground, (the toe ofVimy Ridge), and was a German strongpoint until captured on the firstday of the Battle of Arras, 9th April 1917. It was fromhere that the RND attacked and captured Gavrelle on 23rd April 1917. While the RND were in the Gavrelle Sector, (April- September 1917), Point-du-lourwas the major staging post fortroops coming to and from Gavrelle and Arras. It was the site of a dressing station which resulted in a nearby cemetery, known as Point-du-Jour No. 1 Cemetery. There was a smaller cemetery just to the south with 15 graves known as No.2 Cemetery, these were concentrated into No. 1 Cemetery.

With Point-du-Jour being on high ground, the fewkilometres to Gavrelle were on an exposed gentle slope. This made the journey to the Front Line more deadly than most. The main road to Gavrelle, (now the NSO) was constantly bombarded. It was lined with tall poplar trees, marking the path ofthe road for miles around. Two communication trenches ran just north and south of the road. This area between Point-du-Jour and Gavrelle was an exposed killing ground, and all trafficto and fromGavrelle, forgreater safetyhad to be made at night. The RND attacked Gavrelle beforedawn on 23rd April. Two weeks later when the 31 Division rd had taken over the area, their 3 May attack was set for3.45 am. This gave manyst hours of darkness to assemble troops, unfortunately that night was a fullmoon with clear skies. The attack on 3rd May 1917 was a general failureall along the line, but forthose in the Gavrelle sector, the slaughter started when running the gauntlet between Point-du-Jour and the Front Line. However, in late March and early April 1918, this area was a slaughter ground forthe

1232. attacking Germans, there was no earlymorning mist as on the successfulattacks of Operation Michael to the south. Now the Germans were exposed, and the machine gun strongpoints around Point-du-Jour had perfect visibility over a notoriously exposed battlefield. The Germans were weighted down with pack, blankets, rations, ammunition and extra boots for the march to Paris. The area was thick with dead Germans (MACKSEY, 1972).

Sited on the west slope of Point-du-Jour was an advance dressing station, with a nearby cemetery. Point-du-Jour Cemetery now contains 741 graves, (plus three Second World War graves). Of these 58 are identifiedRND, (see Appendix I). To be added to this figureare the 21 unknown RND,most are "Unknown Seaman of the RND"and ''Unknown RMLI".

The 82 graves of the original No.I cemetery are in Plot I, Rows A-G. These are roughly in chronological order, however, some concentration graves have been added; especially at either ends of the rows. There are 21 RNDgraves in the original row, some are known to have died of wounds, (from the advance dressing station), but not all, as some would have died en route to Gavrelle, or brought back fromGavrelle to be buried .

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m! ,! l'J =="I� STONE :::' =HJ ,,�! E3 !::j• =G==':::'l ._'"---"'�' F I \' �:;F �i �--� ==== PLOT I "'! �------i E ID ''D " i 'I i D I ;'C 16 hB ''.'.] ...

L------=·-c'iM-ET.ERv aouND,A,,.RY � : f � o '-- Or �----'"." -'--'----''---','F=�=�'OO-..-, ; POINT-DU-JOURi �� Mll.ITARY CEMETEltY, ATHIES-LES-ARRAS. FIGURE THREE: Plans of Point-du-Jour Cemetery. The earlier one on the left came from the burial returns box for the cemetery, and the one on the right was the final edition published in the 1928, (and future editions) of Point-du-Jour [Fr. 542] Cemetery Register. 1233. The two plans ofthe cemetery. (FIGURE THREE)shows the layout ofthe cemetery. Also concentrated in this cemetery were 47 French soldiers, but 44 unknown French were taken to the Ossuary, (mass grave) at Notre Dame de Lorette, the major French National Memorial site north west ofArras. This lefta gap in the cemetery and three solitary identified French graves ofthe Artois/Arras area. One is unusual because he has a CWGC headstone, which states he fell in frontof Gavrelle on 2°d October 1914. (when the Germans captured Gavrelle).

There are 16 special memorial headstones along the north east wall. Note that these do not exist in the earlier plans. These arefor graves "believed to be buried in this cemetery", and probably come fromrecords which show graves were in original burial sites, so they could be under a headstone in the cemetery, or still buried in the original grave. When "Known to be buried in this cemetery" is used, it generally denotes an original grave, but the grave marker was lost, generally due to shell fire. When "believed to be buried in this cemetery, are used, these usually denote concentrations, as there was no certainty that all the graves were exhumed from the old cemetery burial site.

Along the south west wall are special memorials to Effie Trench Cemetery, (No RND) and Lonely House Cemetery. The introduction in the cemetery register says "Lonely House Cemetery, GAVRELLE, between the Point-du-Jour and Gavrelle, contained the graves of25 sailors, soldiers and Marines fromthe United Kingdom, who fell in April - July. 1917". (CWGC, Fr. 542 Page 6). The burial returnsgave the map reference ofthis cemetery, which was sited where the A26 crosses over the N50 and is plotted on two maps in this article. The RND dead in Lonely House were mostly RMLI. (Marines : - Burnham,Dawkins, Gray, Haywood, Jackson, Price, Smith and Thompson). As Appendix I shows most died on 201h July 1917. The RND Lonely House gravesare mostly in Plot III Row B. These include an Unknown RND,and four soldiers and artillerymen from other divisions.

The cemetery register list six cemeteries that were concentrated here afterthe Armistice, with Lonely House being the nearest to Gavrelle. However, going through the burial returns I founda cluster of27 graves, and when plotted, the site was near Naval Trench Cemetery, (Appendix II No. 9). Most were RND,but two were 3181 Division 1917, and fivewere 2/East Lanes, who died in September 1918. These 27 are now in Rows E andF ofPlot III.

The most interesting RND grave in this cemetery is Lieutenant Gerald Homby Tamplin, Hood Battalion, 23rd April 1917. Tamplin was killed by shell firewhere 'Ditch A' met Rue de Plouvain in Gavrelle, (JERROLD1927, SELLERS 1995, PAGE 1999). Interestingly, the burial returnsshow Tamplin was originally buried 150 yards south ofwhere he was killed, opposite the village cemetery. (Appendix II. No 2).

The maps and photographof FIGURE FOUR, help to illustrate Tamplin' s site ofdeath, (he was killed instantly), and place ofburial. The Germans occupied Gavrelle fromOctober 1914 until April 1917. The Church was used as a military hospital and a war cemetery was built south ofthe village cemetery. On trench maps the cemeteries were drawn together as one, but the aerial photograph shows the two cemeteries, andthis is backed up by a photograph on a German Occupation postcard, circa 1915. (FIGURE FOUR).

1234. FIGURE FOUR : Aerial photograph taken the day beforethe capture of Gavrelle. The top circle marks where Lieutenants Tamplin and Morrison were killed by the same shell. The circle with T marks where Tamplin's grave was found after the Armistice. The two cemeteries were drawn as one on trench maps, but the aerial photographs shows the village and German cemetery side by side, and this is backed up by the German Occupation postcard. Note:- the strong walls which helped to stabilise the line between the Mayor's House to the north, and the Sunken Road to the south.

1235. FIGUREFIVE : Centre the Hood Memorial Cross, surrounded by aerial photographs of Point-du-Jour Cemetery.(note gap left fromremoval of French unknowns). The headstones of Tamplin and Colman. Then and now photos of Gavrelle Church, original one destroyed 1917, the new church built in 1926. Map showing the area west of Gavrelle, Point-du-Jour Cemetery has been marked on it and closer to Gavrelle the star(*) marks 'Lonely House'. 1236. Both cemeteries were walled, and the west side would have provided some protection from German shell fire, making it a likely spot fora battlefront cemetery. After saying that, only a handful of graves were found in this area, some were concentrated into Point--du-Jour and some into Orchard Dump Cemetery. Near the road were found the graves of Lieutenant h Tamplin, and AB Colman, Howe, 241 April 1917, and three unknown British soldiers, who were taken to Point-du-Jour Cemetery. Further back from the road were found fiveunknown British soldiers, and these were taken to Orchard Dump Cemetery. These battlefield graves do seem to come in small clusters. The aerial photograph. (FIGURE FOUR) shows how pock­ marked the area was becoming, and also the size of the holes, (the width of the road). When these shell holes are nearly lip-to-lip, a small cemetery has already been dug. The 27 graves found near Money were buried inshell holes, in groups of2 -- 5 together, with fullkit, some even with their helmets still on.

The same shell that killed Tamplin also killed Lieutenant Morrison, but Morrison has no known grave, while Tamplin is in Point-du-Jour Cemetery. In the church at Gavrelle is a cross memorial. (FIGURE FIVE) with the names of those ofthe Hood Battalion who died in the capture of Gavrelle. I now list those names, as they appear on the cross, but I also add where they are commemorated or buried and the date of death. There are 54 names on the Cross, but as will be shown, many more should now be added. Note that most, nearly four-fifths have no known grave.

NAMES ON THE HOOD MEMORIAL CROSS IN GAVRELLE CHURCH.

Lieutenant MORRISON, J.W. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Lieutenant TAMPLIN, G.H. 23/04/17 Point-du-Jour Cemetery. Lieutenant ASBURY, C.P. 23/04/17 Arras Missing.

Sub Lieutenant CLEVES, R. V. 23/04/17 Cabert Rouge Cemetery. Sub Lieutenant COOKE, A.S. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Sub Lieutenant CROSS, T. K. 24/04/17 Aubigny Com Cem Ex. Sub Lieutenant SENNITT, C.C. 23/04/17 Aubigny Com Cem Ex.

Petty Officer DUMPER, B. C. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Petty Officer WAUG H, R.A. 20/04/17 Arras Missing.

1237. Leading Seaman (HG) FEASBY, E.A. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. LeadingSea man DEVON, J. 20/04/17 Arras Missing. Leading Seaman BALL,J. D. 23/04/17 Arras Missing Leading Seaman BOWMAN, W. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Leading Seaman BALDIE, J. H. 21/04/17 Arras Missing. Leading Seaman BEAUCHAMP, L. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing.

Able Seaman (HG) FARNWORTH, R. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman(HG) LAWRENCE, J. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman (HG) LEACH, G. 21/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman BIGGS,R. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman CAMERON, W. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman DAWSON, W. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman HOPKINS, W. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman INGRAM,J. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman KELLY,E. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman LEITCH, J. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman MILL. C. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman ROLLINS, D. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman SMITH, W.A. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman STORR, H. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman SMITH, A. C. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman SMITH, W. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman THOMAS, W.J. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman SWEETING, W. 23/04/17 St Catherine British Cemetery. Able Seaman BELL,J. 20/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman GOOCH,F. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman TARR,T. E. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman SHORT,F. 23/04/17 Orchard Dump Cemetery. Able Seaman ERSKINE, J. 21/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman SMITH.W. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman VARTY,J. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman BURTON, I. 23/04/17 Duisans Cemetery. Able Seaman TATE,W. 23/04/17 Duisans Cemetery. Able Seaman DIXON,J. 23/04/17 Duisans Cemetery. Able Seaman BROWN, W. 20/04/17 Roclincourt ValleyCemetery. Able Seaman DIXON, J. 16/04/17 Roclincourt Valley Cemetery. Able Seaman CHRISTIE,H. M. 23/04/17 St CatherineBritish Cemetery. Able Seaman SHERRICK, W.T. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman PHILIPSON,J. A. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman WILKINSON,J. W. 23/04/17 ArrasMissing. Able Seaman WILKINSON, F. 21/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman BERESFORD, S.A, 23/04/17 St CatherineBritish Cemetery. Able Seaman DICKINSON,J. R. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman RICHARDSON,A. R. 23/04/17 Arras Missing. Able Seaman BURKINSHER, T. M. 23/04/17 Arras Missing.

(NB The 'HigherGrades' (H.G.) to fourof the ranks.This extrainformation is not shown in Cemetery Registers)

1238. The Cross was commissioned and paid forby the Commanding Officer of Hood Battalion, Commander Arthur Asquith, (PAGE 1999). The names on the cross were complied from casualty figures known shortly after the capture of Gavrelle. Just a mere month, or months were taken to compile the names to be engraved on it. As regards those who were 'missing' in action', it would not be known if they were killed or were PoWs. I went through the Arras Missing to findout if any names were not included. What I foundis not a complete list, but they areall Hood Battalion who died on 23rd April, or a fewdays before:Leading Seaman MESSER, Able Seamen; BAKER, BLENKINSOP, DILLET, DUFF, EDGE, FAIRGRIEVE, GOODISON, HARRIOTT, HILLS, HINSLEY, HUGHES, MONAGHAN, NEWLANDS, ROUSE, SAY, SCOTT, SIMSON, SMALL, TITCHENER andWEBSTER. This is another 21 names to add, plus there are those who may be in cemeteries. On the list you will see three (BURTON, TATE and DIXON) from Duisans Cemetery. Going through this cemetery register I foundan A/B David McCLURE, Hood, 22"d April 1917. On average about 25 names can be added from present day research, which means about one-third of the names are missing. Two names are in Roclincourt Valley Cemetery [Fr. 265]. Note the early date for A/BJ. Dixon of the 161h April 1917. Consulting the cemetery register shows another Hood Bn th l 6 April 1917, AIBA. Scott, but his name is not on the Hood Cross. Neither is A/B Bertie Scott, Hood, 23rd April 1917, who has no known grave. There are three Smith(s) on the list, (two being W. Smith). However, there is no mistake or duplication here, as all three have their names on the Arras Memorial : Able Seaman Andrew Christie SMITH, (23/04/17), Walter Alfred SMITH, (23/04/17) and William SMITH(21/04/17). All fromthe Hood Battalion. There are 549 Smith(s) on the Arras Memorial, of whom 22 are RND.

The Hood Cross lists seven officers, but there is one missing, Sub Lieutenant Donald Frank BAILEY, Hood, (23/04/17), no known grave. His mention on the Arras Memorial Register gives the extra information of"Was in France Aug. 1914 with Lady Dudley's Hospital-then from April 1915 till his death at Gavrelle with the "Hood" Bn. R.N. Div.". (CWGC MR 20, Vol, I. page 47). The casualty list forthe Hood Battalion after the capture of Gavrelle has Bailey on the wounded list. (SELLERS, 1995). Bailey had been seen on a stretcher leaving a dugout aid post, and was never seen again. (PAGE 1999). Were Bailey and the stretcher bearers the victims of a direct hit froman artillery shell, whilst making the hazardous trip fromGavrelle to Point-du-Jour? This is more than just speculation, but a high probability. If Bailey and his stretcher bearers had made it to the dressing station at Point-du-Jour he would have been noticed and recorded. Joseph Murray, wounded at Gavrelle, walked back to Point­ du-Jour with the help of a captured German, and tells about his reception there. (SELLERS 1995). Bailey was not the only officer to be wounded at Gavrelle, then mortally wounded when en route to Point- du-Jour. Lieutenant Colonel John Whiteman, commanding Hawke Battalion was wounded by shrapnel, and while making his way back was hit by another shell, and died in a Casualty Clearing Station. (JERROLD 1925) What is known about Sub Lieutenant Bailey is that he was wounded on 23/04/17 at Gavrelle, he has no known grave, and his name is missing from the Hood Memorial Cross.

1239. As regards the other officers, the story of Tamplin and Morrison, both killed by the same shell has been mentioned. Lieutenant Asbury was killed in ditch 'A', about half-way between the road and the Mayor's Garden, which is about where the label "Ditch" is on the aerial photo of FIGURE THREE. Lieutenant Cooke was killed just south east of the Mayor's house, (about C25 a 6.. 5). This site has only recently been knownsince the publication of Asquith's Trench maps, (PAGE. 1999). The burial returns show that a cluster of nine graves were close to the point where Cooke died, in the Mayor's Garden at C25 a 5. 4. This site and nine graves were moved to Orchard Dump Cemetery are shown in RNDNo. I 0, September1999, page 938.

Sub Lieutenants Cross and Sennitt were evacuated fromGavrelle and died of wounds in a Casualty Clearing Station, and buried in nearby Aubigny Communal Cemetery Extension. Sub Lieutenant Claude Cushing Sennitt died of wounds the same day, and Sub Lieutenant Thomas Kingston Cross died the next day. Sub Lieutenant Reginald Cleves was foundjust north of Gavrelle in the mid-l 920s and buried in the 'open' cemetery for that time period, Cabaret Rouge Cemetery. For his name, (and those on the Arras Memorial), to be on the Hood Cross just months afterApril 1917, most would have been formallyburied, but the cemetery, (or small cemeteries) graves were lost in 1918.

+ Naval Trench/ Otri soos(CCS)+ (RAP)/ Paint-du-Jou r (ADS)

0 5 km

FIGURE SIX: The main casualty route fromGavrelle. RAP= Regimental Aid Post., ADS = Advance Dressing Station., MDS = Main Dressing Station., and CCS = Casualty Clearing Station. (N.B. "R.V." marks Roclincourt Valley Cemetery [Fr.265] this was a battle field cemetery but enlarged by post Armistice concentrations. Four of the concentrations were identifiedRND. Brown and Dixon (On the Hood Cross) and A/B J. T. Nicholson, Hawke, 24/04117, and A/B A. Scott of Hood, 16/04/17).

1240. FIGURE SIX shows the casualty route, and differentmedical facilitiesall of which had nearby cemeteries. The most deadly route was fromthe Front Line to the Regimental Post, but in the case of Gavrelle it was also the route to Point-du-Jour. The map of FIGURE FIVE shows the trench map grid referencesalong the road fromGavrelle to Point-du-Jour. The Cemetery has been drawn in, and the Lonely House marked with a star, however the burial returns show this road, (and nearby communication trenches), contained many isolated and clusters ofgraves. In the article on Orchard Dump Cemetery I mentioned with photograph, AIB Simon Owen James, Anson Battalion, had no known grave. Firstly, I would like to correct an error; AIBJames died on 26th May 1917, (not April). Secondly NB James was killed on a night carrying party fromPoint-du-Jour to Gavrelle and buried near the road. At the time of writing, plans are beingpushed forwardto convert the fieldsnorth of Point-du­ Jour, (near where Memorial to the 9th Scottish Division is located ), into a new Industrial Estate forexpanding Arras. When the construction starts, who knows what may be unearthed ?

Most of the graves in Gavrelle went north to Orchard Dump Cemetery, and to a lesser extent to Point-du-Jour Cemetery, which already had RND. Brown's Copse Cemetery to the South took, many graves around Roeux, but its area also extended right up to south Gavrelle. In grid C25 c & d, fivegraves were removed to Brown's Copse, two unknowns, an unknown Royal Berkshire Regiment, an unknown RND and CPO J. Webster Drake Battalion, whose site is plotted in Appendix II, No 3. Webster could have been buried where he fellin a shell hole. The dotted line running north-south shows the "Yellow Line", where the RND halted at Sam to 6am to reorganise and wait for a creeping barrage. CPO Webster may have been killed shortly afterthe advance fromthe Yellow Line. On route to the Sunken Road. In Sterndale Bem1ett's papers, (RND No. 7) Sterndale Bennett mentions the wait at the Yellow Line, where sniping was very heavy, and Sub Lieutenant Alan Bowley WALLIS was shot through the head. Was Wallis buried at the Yellow Line, or taken further back for burial. He has no known grave and is on the Arras Memorial.

There are hundreds ofRND in the cemeteries around Arras, and even hundreds more RND on the Arras Memorial to the Missing. I hope I have shown, with a fewexamples, what informationcan be foundon the Memorial Registers, and the possibilities for futureresearch. The unknownsin the cemeteries show that about half the missing do have graves, (unknown and partially unknown graves). But some are still out there waiting to be discovered. Most of the graves were taken out of Gavrelle to concentration cemeteries many kilometres away, I hope the token plotting has helped to recreate a picture of what Gavrelle was like during and just afterthe war. The whole village and commune was just one big cemetery, with RND and hundreds from other divisions. This does not include the Germans who with their Cemetery in Gavrelle before its capture, added thousands more during the many counter attacks on Gavrelle, and capture ofthe village in March 1918.

In this article a brief mention has been made to the MDS cemetery of St. Catherine, the CSS cemeteries of Aubigny and Duisans, and the concentration cemeteries of Cabaret Rouge and Canadian No. 2 Cemetery. All of these will be eventually covered, but in the interest of balancing things, it is now time to move south to the Somme.

1241. APPENDIX ONE. RND GRAVES IN POINT-DU-JOUR CEMETERY, [Fr. 452] ALLISON, J. NB C/Z/4923 Drake 01109/ 17 (III.E.21) BAKER, M. S. Sub Lieutenant Howe 29/07/17 (III.E.22) BALL,* A. Pte 22996 4/Beds 29/07/17 (I.F.12) BULL, J. H. Pte PO/l058(S) 1/RMLI 26/05/17 (I. F. 7) BURNHAM, J. Pte PO/l903(S) 1/RMLI 20/07/17 (III. B. 3) BUSBY, w.s. Pte PO/l719(S) 1/RMLI 21/05/17 (I. D. l) CAMPBELL, c. A/8 TZ/8283 Drake 16/04/17 (III. F. 2) CHAPMAN, A.E. Pte CH/17445 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (I. F. 3) CLARK, J. B. AIB C/Z/7443 Nelson 24/04/17 (II. H. 26) COATE, H. Pte PLY/1755(S) 2/RMLI 26/05/17 (I. F. 6) COLES, A.E. NB BZ/4399 Drake 25/08/17 (III. F. 16) COLMAN, w. A/8 B/Z/3775 Howe 24/04/17 (III. G. 15) CREECH, A.N. Pte 61040 7/RF 28/04/17 (I.E. 5 ) DAWKINS, M. Pte CH/1526(S) 1/RMLI 20/07/17 (III. B. 2) DAWSON, F.A. NB UZ/4027 Howe 19/07/17 (III. F. 17) DEMERY, A. NB W/Z/1775 Howe 22/07/17 (III. F. 24) DIXON, T. Pte P0/15990 2/RMLI 20/05/17 (I. F. 1) EDWARDS, s. J. NB T/Z/7156 Howe 20/07/17 (III.E. 25) GRAY, J. T. Pte CH/2334(S) 1/RMLI 20/07/17 (III. B. l) HAMBLIN, H.R. NB B/Z/1343 Drake 25/08/17 (I. G. 11) HAYWOOD, T. Pte CH/342 (S) 1/RMLI 20/07/17 (lfl. B. 6) HENDERSON,* D.T. A/8 T/Z/423 Hood 21/09/17 (Ill. F. 22) HINTON, * L. P. A/8 R/180 Anson 09/07/17 (I.A. 12) HODGSON, G. B. Sgt CH/1419(S) 1/RMLI 20/05/17 (I.E. 1) HUDDART, * N. NB T/Z/936 Hawke 06/08/17 (I. G. 10) HUTCHINSON, H. A/B T/Z/5320 Nelson 23/04/17 (IV. E. 18) HYDE, A. NB Z/8830 Drake 01/09/17 (III.E. 26) JACKSON, A. Pte CH/1214(S) 1/RMLI 20/07/17 (III. B. 5) JENKINS, A.E. Pte 17790 1/RMLI 24/05/17 (I. F. 3) KING, * J. A/B C/Z/6257 Hawke 06/08/17 (I. G. 9) LENNOX, J. T. Pte CH/509 (S) 2/RMLI 02/06/17 (I. F. 9) LUKE, J. v. Pte 3138 1/HAC 21/05/17 (II. E. 23) Mc HARDY, J. Pte CH/384(S) 1/RMLI 20/05/17 (I. C. l) MAJOR, G. 1/Wtr C/4/2269 Hood 31/08/17 (III.E. 24) MERRY, 0. NB KP/134 Drake 23/04/ 17 (II. J. 2) NICOL, A. USmn C/Z/6900 Drake 04/08/ 17 (III.F. 26) PATERSON,* A. AIB C/Z/4988 Howe 28/07/17 (I. F. 13) PRICE, w. Pte CH/1205(S) 1/RMLI 14/07/17 (III. B. 7) REED, w. Pte G/62763 7/RF 23/04/17 (II. J. 7) ROACH, H. NB T/Z/3839 Hood 26/08/17 (III. F. 14) RUTHVEN, w. A/B C/Z/5854 Howe 27/07/17 (III. F. 23) SHED DICK, G.W. Pte P0/8057 1/RMLI 04/06/17 (I. E. 10) SHIPSTONE, F.E. IJCpl 761317 Art Rif 20/07/17 (III.F.18) SMITH, E. Pte 1355(S) 1/RMLI 24/05/17 (I. F. 2) SMITH, T.W. A/B T/Z/2880 Howe 20/07 /l 7 (III. F. 19) SMITH, T. H. Sgt PLY/15990 1/RMLI 14/07/17 (III. B. 8) STEVENS, * R.G. USmn U8/3137 Howe 13/09/17 (I. G. 12) TAMPLIN, G.H. Lieutenant Hood 23/04/17 (III. G. 14) TAYLOR, E.W. Pte CH/19784 1/RMLI 02/06/17 (I. F. 8) THOMPSON,* H. NB T/Z/5968 Hawke 06/08/17 (I. G. 8 ) THOMPSON, T.W. Pte CH/ll93(S) 1/RMLI 20/07/17 (III. B. 4) THROW, H. NB R/139 Drake 04/08/17 (III. E. 23) TULL, G. A/B U7.J3018 Howe 20/07/17 (III. F. 25) TWITTEY, G. NB MIZJ750 Drake 23/09/17 (III. F. 12) WHITE, w. Pte PLY/7301 2/RMLI 06/06/l 7 (II.E. 6) WILKINS, H. NB R/212 Drake 04/08/17 (III. F. 15) WILLIAMS, E. Cpl CH/17451 1/RMLI 04/06/17 (I. F. 10) YEARRELL, A.W. Sgt 12368 4/Beds 28/04/17 (I. c. 14) * Knownto have died of wounds.

1242. APPENDIX II

�riginal burial sites at Gavrelle.

All taken to Point-du-Joor Cemeterywith the exceptions of No. 3 and No. 8

I. A/B Henry HUTCHINSON, Nelson Bn. (C25 c 3. 8). Found in a garden, found onbody, calico wrapping ·with address, pay book and 'Nelson' cap tally. Also foundan unknownNelson. (There is a photograph of A/B Hutchinson and the unknown Nelson headstones in RND No. 4 page 288).

2. Lieutenant TAMPLIN, Hood Bn. (C25 c 3. 8). Identifiedby Disc. Also found A/BWilliam COLMAN, Howe Bn. (see photograph Figure Five).

3. CPO J. WEBSTER, (Clyde/Z/2461)Drake Bn. 23/04/17. (C25 c 2. 3). Taken to Brown Copse Cemetery, (Fr. 604), now in Plot VII, Row D, Grave 19.

4. UnknownBritish soldier, (C25 c 4. 3).

5. Unknown Hawke Battalion and unknown Royal Fusiliers, (C25 c 5. 2).

6. Cluster of about 20 graves, (H6 a 3.9). some RND but none identified, (e.g. Unknown Drake, Unknown RMLI, Unknown Bedford, etc.) these are now in II. J. 14-21. Also anothersmall cluster at H 6 a 2. 8. At H6 a 5. 5 was found thegrave of Private WHITE RMLI, (II. F. 6).

7. Unknown Nelson, (B30 c 3. 2).

8. Site of NAVAL TRENCH CEMETERY, 69 graves of whom 40 are RND.

1243. 9. Site of27 graves, ofwhich 18 are RND, ALLISON, BAKER, COLES, DAWSON, DEMARY, EDWARDS, HENDERSON, HYDE, MAYOR, NICOL, ROACH, RUTHVEN, T.W. SMITH, SHIPSTONE, THROW, TULL, TWITTY, WILKINS, (See Appendix l for details on the above.) As th regards the other nine, two were 31st Division, 1917, and seven were 2/East Lanes, 5 September 1918.

10. Handfulof unknowns and RND unknowns(B30 a. 5. 4). Are these the tip of the iceberg ofa small cemetery like Naval trench? It is sited on Marine Trenchnear the main communication trench for north Gavrelle, Thames Alley. Thiscould be the site of 'Marine Trench Cemetery' that never was?

REFERENCES.

GWGC, Fr. 542, (1928), Cemetery Register, POINT-DU-JOUR MILITARY CEMETERY.

CWGC, Fr. 604, (1928), Cemetery Register, BROWN'S COPSE CEMETERY.

CWGC, M.R. 20, (1928), Memorial Register, THE ARRAS MEMORIAL. (Published in 24 booklet volumes).

JERROLD, D, (1925), THE HAWKE BATTALION. Ernest Benn Ltd, London.

JERROLD, D, (1927), THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION. Hutchinson & Co, London.

MACKSEY, K. (1972), VIMY RIDGE. 1914-1918. Pan Books Ltd., London.

PAGE, C. (1999), COMMAND IN THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION: A MilitaryBiography of Brigadier General A.M. Asquith DSO. Spellmount, Staplehurst.

SELLERS, L. (1995) THE HOOD BATTALION. Leo Cooper, Pen & Sword Books Ltd., London.

STERNDALE BENNETI, W. "RND Personality: Commander WalterStemdale Bennett DSO & Bar ofthe Drake Battalion". In RND, No. 7, December 1998, (pp 572- 589).

TASKER, T. (1997), REMEMBRANCEGEOGRAPHY : Cemeteries and Memorials in the Arras/Lens area of France. (Unpublished Dissertation), Geography Department, University ofWales, Swansea.

All maps and photographs by the author. I would like to thank GodfreyOwen James forhis help withthe names on the Hood Cross in Gavrelle.

TREVORTASKER 14 RosehillTerrace Mount Pleasant Swansea SAl 6JN

1244. WESTERN FRONT. Complaints of a Wife. - The Husbands Letters.

We have received the following letter fromEngland, presumably written by a complaining wife who told us of her husband's return to a very simple formof life when home on leave.

Dear Sir, To the Editor of"Mudhook".

I hear that the R.N.D. is starting an educational scheme, and the wives of England would Esteem it a favourif you would advocate a class for"Home Letter Writing". My memory goes back to the far offdays when I regarded my husband (although he had then the honour of bearing that title) as being quite an ideal correspondent. But, alas ! he has sadly deteriorated since those days when he could write three letters in one day, any one of which was superior to the occasional"O.A.S." I now receive.

For instance, he imagines that my only interest in him is to realise that he is in the pink" - What-ever or where ever that may be. When I am simply dying of curiously to know where he is (rather than what colour he is ) he merely writes"We are not in a bad sort of hole". When I am filledwith anxiety as to whether he changes his shirt and socks twice a week in the summer, he merely writes"It is pretty lively here" - which, of course may mean anything.

And his Armyterms ! Do please, sir, ask your Educational Officerto impress upon husbands the importance of sticking to ordinary English or, as an alternative, send us a dictionary of the new phrases. When he writes that he has"got it in the neck" how do I know whether he is suffering from boils or ulcerated throat. When he says he was "for it" I cannot, forthe life of me think what he was for.

His bivvies and buckshees, his M and Ds, his gadgets, his stunts, and his number nines are just so much Greek to me. When he writes that he is smoking perils I hasten to send him out proper cigarettes forI have a horror of him smoking Chinese tobacco. Sometimes he will tell me of someone swinging the lead, which is interesting enough so far as it goes, but what good purpose can possibly be served by swinging a piece of lead ? If it is helping on the war I have nothing to say against it, but is it? Playing cricket, too, seems rather a waste of time when we are anxious to finish the war, but we hear quite a lot about batmen at the front.

If the "Mudhock" will takeup the cause of the wives, please insist on the abolition of Field Post Cards and the compulsory writing ot two sane, newsy letters a week, each of them couched in proper English language that can easily be understood by people at home. I shall be pleased to hear that your Education Officer has started this very necessary class.

Yours truly, A DISAPPOINTED WIFE.

From "The Mudhock" No 7. September 1918. I thank Guy Charter for forwarding this item.

1245. 1246. GALLIPOLI.

Opposite page Top:- Sniper's shield and other items foundby Kieron Hegarty & Len Sellers in May 1998. They were near the path leading down to the 4thBattalion Parade Ground Cemetery, Anzac. ( Has 3 R.N.D. graves.)

Middle:- The top of Shrapnel Valley, Anzac looking towards the front Line. To the left one can just see some trees near the Nek Cemetery, the high ground to its left leads to Walkers Ridge Cemetery. (Which has 1 R.N.D. grave.) To the right of centre is a Turkish Memorial and to the right of it one can just make out Quinn's Post cemetery (Has 1 R.N.D. grave) situated on the ridge line.Below it Shrapnel Valley has become Monash Gully. Further right is Courtney & Steel's Post Cemetery. (Has 4 R.N.D. graves.) Hidden further right, behind the high ground ofBraund's Hill and below the ridge is the 4'hBattalion Parade Ground Cemetery, where the snipers shield was discovered.

Bottom:- Looking down Shrapnel Valley towards the cemetery of the same name (3 RND graves) is the Aegean Sea. To the right one findsPlugge's Plateau behind which is Hell Spit leading furtherright to Anzac Cove.

Note:- These two photographs give a very good idea of the depth of ground captured by the Anzac Troops and held throughout the campaign. These photographs were taken a few years after the great fire and as a result the scrub was still low, allowing one to view the contours of the land easily.

If you have an article, papers or photographs on any subject concerning the RND I will be pleased to hear fromyou.

Next issue, number 14 will be published in September 2000.

It will contain:- Part 7 of the Thomas Macmillan story :­ Roclincourt, Ypres Salient, The Battle of 3rct Ypres (Passchendaele.)

Antwerp :- An account by Ordinary Seaman H. Melian by of the Collingwood Battalion.

'Solo Saga'. The second part of the series of three, concerning the unpublished experiences of Reginald Gale in the R.N.D. Divisional Engineers - Sign,als at Gallipoli.

The Royal Marines at Miraumont in February 1917 by Kyle Tallett.

Trevor Tasker provides an article on the Queens Cemetery.

Investigation of a case of Desertion prior to this attack. (Note:- put back from June to supplement Kyle Tallett's & Trevor Tasker's articles.

And so much more. * * * * * On the back page is a photograph of Royal Naval Division engineers at Walmer, Kent. I would like to thank Mrs Molly Butcher of Gloucester forproviding me with it forreproduction in the R.N.D. A article on her uncle Ernest Leonard Mason. No. 462. Engineers Unit, No.2, London Field Coy Section 111. Royal Naval Division appeared in issue 9. Pages 743 to 757.

1247.