MASARYKOVA UNIVERZITA

FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES

Issue of IDP Integration: Case of Nagorno Karabakh

Bachelor thesis

KAROLÍNA HANZELKOVÁ

Thesis Supervisor: Mgr. Tomáš Šmíd, Ph.D.

Department of Political Sciences Security and Strategy Studies

Brno 2018/2019

FSS

ISSUE OF IDP INTEGRATION: CASE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH

Bibliografický záznam

Autor: Karolína Hanzelková Fakulta sociálních studií, Masarykova univerzita Department of Political Sciences

Název práce: Issue of IDP Integration: Case of Nagorno Kara­ bakh Studijní program: Bezpečnostní a strategická studia

Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Tomáš Šmíd, Ph.D.

Akademický rok: 2018/2019 Počet stran: 58 Klíčová slova: IDP, vnitřně vysídlené osoby, Azerbajdžan, Ná­ horní Karabach, integrace, zamrzlý konflikt

3 ISSUE OF IDP INTEGRATION: CASE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH

Bibliografie record

Author: Karolina Hanzelkova Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University Department of Political Sciences

Title of Thesis: Issue of IDP Integration: Case of Nagorno Kara• bakh Degree Programme: Security and Strategy Studies

Supervisor: Mgr. Tomáš Šmíd, Ph.D.

Academic Year: 2018/2019 Number of Pages: 58 Keywords: IDP, Internally Displaced People, Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh, Baku, Integration, Frozen Conflict

4 ISSUE OF IDP INTEGRATION: CASE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH

Abstrakt

Bakalářská práce se zabývá tématem integrace vnitřně vysídlených osob zv případě IDPs z oblastní Náhorního Karabachu a sedmi sousedních re­ gionů, které jsou v současnosti okupovány. Práce zkoumá životní pod­ mínky IDPs a jejich integraci do celkové ázerbájdžánské společnosti. Na základě osobních výpovědí vysídlených osob a jejich potomků práce představuje jednu z prvních studií, která se zabývá mimo jiné i pohledem mileniální druhé generace na integrační problematiku vnitřně vysídle­ ných osob vÁzerbájdžánu.

1 ISSUE OF IDP INTEGRATION: CASE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH

Abstract

This bachelor thesis deals with the topic of integration of internally dis• placed people from Nagorno Karabakh and the seven neighbouring oc• cupied regions. The research's significance is to provide an examination of their living conditions and integration into the mainstream Azerbai• jani society. Using the personal testimonies of displaced families and their children, the thesis is one of the first studies to investigate the view of the millennial second generation of IDP families in Azerbaijan.

2 ISSUE OF IDP INTEGRATION: CASE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH

Declaration of authorship

I declare that I have developed a bachelor thesis on the topic of Issue of IDP Integration: Case of Nagorno Karabakh independently. All the literature sources used for the purposes of creating this thesis I quo• ted and listed in the literature sources.

Baku 14th May 2019 Karohna Hanzelkova

1

ISSUE OF IDP INTEGRATION: CASE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH

Acknowledgement

I would like to genuinely thank to my thesis supervisor Mgr. Tomáš Šmíd, Ph.D., for the great support he provided me despite the distan-ce. Furthermore, I would like to thank my lovely family which have always supported me in my studies in the Czech Republic and abroad.

Šablona DP 3.0 (prosinec 2018) © 2014, 2016, 2018 Právnická fakulta Masarykovy univerzity

TABLE OF CONTENTS 5

Table of Contents

List of abbreviations 7

1 Introduction 9

2 Theoretical Part 10 2.1 Conflict 10 2.1.1 History of Nagorno Karabakh 11 2.1.2 Occupied Regions of Azerbaijan 13 2.2 IDPs 14 2.2.1 IDPs Worldwide 15 2.2.2 IDPs in Azerbaijan 16 2.3 Integration 17

3 Research Design 19 3.1 Ethnographic Research 20 3.2 Logic of Semi-Structured Interview 20 3.2.1 Sample Population 21 3.3 Ethics and Limitations 22

4 Scholarship of Living Conditions 24 4.1 Housing 25 4.2 Employment 27 4.3 Physical Security 28 4.4 Education 29 4.5 Healthcare 31

5 Interviews 33 5.1 First family 33 5.2 Second family 34 5.3 Third family 36 5.4 Fourh family 38

5 6 OBSAH

5.5 Fifth family 40

6 Conclusion 42

Literature Sources 45

Primary sources 45 Secondary sources 50 Online Articles 53

Appendix A Consent Form 55

Appendix B Interview Question Areas 57

6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 7

List of abbreviations

ANAMA - The Azerbaijan National Agency for Mine Action ICRC - International Committee of the Red Cross IDP - Internally Displaced People / Person IDMC - Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre N K - Nagorno Karabakh OHCHR - Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights SCARIDP - State Committee for Affairs of Refugees and Inter• nally Displaced Persons of the Republic of Azer• baijan

UIS - The UNESCO Institute for Statistics UN - United Nations

USSR - Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

WB - World Bank

7

INTRODUCTION

1 Introduction

"Agdam is and will always be my hometown even though I have never stepped my foot in the city. It has become a sacred place for us throu• ghout the years. I have difficulties to describe how valuable and fulfilling it would be for me to see that place and spend the rest of my life there,"

- child of a displaced family born outside the occupied territory in 1998

This mentality embodies the integration environment. It does not include only those who were actually displaced; it is about all aspects of their life, surroundings, society and also about being a citizen of Azerbai• jan. The issue of internally displaced people (IDPs) has experienced an intense onset on the international scene in the early 1990s and has been established as an important topic of both international and do-mestic security debates. The current number of 350,000 IDPs in Azerbaijan is a consequence of the country's frozen armed conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno Karabakh (NK) and seven neighbou-ring regions. It has been nearly 30 years since the first violent collisi-ons between te coun• tries and about 25 years since the ceasefire; yet there is no clear solution to the conflict and especially, no evidence of repatriation of displaced pe• ople. They were forcibly displaced with no vision of future life, job, dwelling and without any financial means. The aim of this work is to pro• vide an examination of the integration of ethnically Karabakh-Azerbai- jani IDPs into the mainstream Azerbaijani society. The significance of this thesis is to review the scholarship of their living conditions and compare it with the personal testimonies of displaced families. Moreover, the the• sis is one of the first studies to investigate the displacement impact on integration of the second gene-ration of IDPs due to the novelty nature of the phenomena. Although this work aims to map many of the themes within the IDP integration topic in Azerbaijan, there are time and place limitations to the re-search.

9 THEORETICAL PART

2 Theoretical Part

2.1 Conflict

The NK conflict is divided into several time phases. The period of 1988- 1994 is possible to classify as war period. War can be defined as a violent mass conflict in which two or more armed parties are directly involved. At the same time, there are other criteria which must be fulfilled; at least one party is formed by governmental armed forces and centrally direc• ted management exists on both parties which lead and fight in a war (Ma• res 2004: 22). Taking a closer look, the NK conflict is a long-lasting ethnicity-based conflict involving two ethnic groups. In an ethnic war, one party fights with "other" groups which are different in terms of race, language, or re• ligion, resulting in large-scale, organised violence (Toft 2009: 232). There were several violations of the ceasefire agreement signed in 1994 coming from both sides; therefore the conflict negotiation process remains frozen. A frozen conflict is complicated to define as over time the definition has evolved in the scientific literature describing the theme and also, they tend to be ambiguous. The concept of a frozen conflict began to be used more widely in the 1990s while describing unresolved territorial conflict located within the former Soviet Union (USSR). Howe• ver, in the societal field of peace and conflict studies, this theme was in use for decades even before collapse of USSR. One of the first authors to deal with the theoretical grasp of the fro• zen or protracted social conflicts, Edward Azar (1978), described pro• tracted conflicts as "hostile interactions which extend over long periods of time with sporadic outbreaks of open warfare fluctuating in frequency and intensity" (Azar and Jureidini and McLaurin 1978: 50). Abouttwo decades later, King's (2001: 525-526) definition of a fro• zen conflict included three areas defining long term characteristics after the violent phase, namely territorial, institutional, and economic factors. These three characteristics can be found in the following example. The local separatists gradually transform their territories into de facto states. Then they begin to govern their own territories, create their own armed forces, educate their children. They also develop capabilities to grow

10 THEORETICAL PART their economy while at the same time the economic capabilities are cre• ated by the state of which they are still de iure a part. Most recently from Czech academia, Smetana and Ludvik (2018: 4) characterized the frozen conflict as a combination of: [1] an absence of stable peace between the opposing sides; [2] remainig unresolved core issues; [3] the dispute is in the forefront of mutual relations; [4] a loo• ming threat of the renewal of violence. Therefore, not all conflicts labelled as frozen are the same. There are several analogies of the conflict over NK with those in the other territo• ries of the former USSR. As the violence was present in NK during the Fourth Day War, i.e., within the frozen period, there is a similarity with War in Donbass, Ukraine. Nonetheless, a question to what extent can be these two examples called frozen rises, because they lack one of the basic characteristics - long-term nature. On the other hand, in some other fro• zen conflicts, there was not a presence of violence, e.g., in Abkhazia, Ge• orgia or Crimea, Ukraine. All of those mentioned examples share the following common deno• minator: They are all part of the former USSR and continue to see the involvement of current Russian foreign policy. The situation gives Russia "circumstances to foment separatism and exploit frozen conflicts on its periphery" (Grossman 2018). However, the intensity differs. Georgia, Ukraine, or even Moldova cannot pursue an independent foreign policy as they own lack of full sovereignty over their provinces. When talking about NK, there are diffe• rent approaches in the academic debate: whether "it occurs without Mos• cow's direct participation" (Warsaw Institute 2019) or if there is a "fun• damental role of Russia in the violent outbreak in 2016" (Blahova 2017). Further complicating the debate, Russia is the co-chair member of OSCE Minsk Group which has an aim to a peaceful solution of the conflict. The conflict resolution could place a precedent for conflicts sharing several similarities. For example the conflict over Kosovo, which Azer• baijan does not recognize as a sovereign state (Reuters 2008).

2.1.1 History of Nagorno Karabakh

The aim of this work is not to fully describe the conflict thus it is ne• cessary to provide a short description of the conflict roots as the main cause of displacement. The overlap to the current situation will be also

11 THEORETICAL PART mentioned. There had been important changes within past years which may have an influence on the development of the conflict, moreover the whole issue of IDPs in Azerbaijan. The roots of the discussed conflict phase can be dated back to the period when USSR was about to collapse. That period is perceived within the context of Gorbachev's reformist policies, i.e., perestroika, and the political rehabilitation of Armenian ethnocultural demands of self-deter• mination (Geukjian 2011: 131). Following that, from the Armenian perspective, the historic right and the principle of self-determination were elementary in the formation of their political and military actions (De Waal 2015). Based on the plebiscite, the Armenian political leaders of NK moved the region under the jurisdiction of the Armenian SSR on 20th February 1988 (Popescu, 2011: 96). In that year, according to available data provided by Soviet statis• tics, the population of NK consisted of 77 percent ethnically Karabakh- Armenians and 22 percent ethnically Karabakh-Azerbaijanis (Crisan 2015: 108). After three years under the Armenian jurisdiction, The Nagorno Ka- rabakh Republic, also called the Republic of Artsakh, was declared on 2nd September 1991. Since 1988, the escalation of the ethnic conflict was followed by po• groms in both countries and also, large-scale transfers of Armenians and Azerbaijan population have occurred on both parts (De Waal, 2015: 15). On 26th February 1992, the conflict grew into a full-fledged war. The Bishkek Protocol, a provisional ceasefire agreement, was signed in May 1994. By signing the protocol, representatives to the OSCE Minsk Group from Armenia, Azerbaijan, the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh and Russia expressed "readiness to fully support the efforts (...) on cessation of the armed conflict and liquidation of its consequences by re• aching an appropriate agreement as soon as possible" (UN 1994). There was relative stability in the conflict zone since the Bishkek Protocol nevertheless, it started to deteriorate significantly in 2014 and broke out into a Four-Day War in April 2016. As a reult, Azerbaijan ga• ined control of "two strategically important pieces of land in Nagorno Ka- rabakh" according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) (2018). Since April 2016, the conflict maintains its status quo from the pre• vious years.

12 THEORETICAL PART

Political change has been brought to Armenia after the Velvet Revo• lution in spring 2018 and Nikol Pashinyan became a new prime minister. Since then, the talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan have been revived after a long period of stagnation. Some journalists characterize it as the most positive rhetoric in years (Kucera 2019). Currently, there are two both functionally and administratively di• fferent units able to work independently, i.e., Republic of Azerbaijan and Republic of Artsakh. Furthermore, the book Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War by (De Waal 2003) is the best for a further im• partial description of the NK conflict.

2.1.2 Occupied Regions of Azerbaijan

According to Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2013), 20 percent of Azerbaijan's territory has been occupied by the Armenian armed for• ces since 1993, namely speaking about NK and seven adjacent regions: Agdam, Jabrayil, Fuzuli, Kalbajar, Qubadli, Lachin, and Zangilan. Moreover, as the office of President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev (undated) stated, there had been also 13 villages in Tartar, 7 villages in Gazakh and one village in Sadarak region in Nakhchivan occupied by the Armenian armed forces. UN Security Council published four resolutions (U.S. Department of State 1993) on NK between April and November 1993 as the number of occupied territories has gradually risen. It demanded the cessation of hostilities and withdrawal of Armenian troops from Kelbajar, Agdam and other occupied areas of Azerbaijan followed by a call for the preservation of the ceasefire and withdrawal of troops also from occupied districts of Fizuli, Jabrayil, Qubadli and finally the district of Zangilan. The fourth re• solution also called upon the Government of Armenia to use its influence to achieve compliance by the Karabakh Armenians with Azerbaijani re• presentatives. However, the situation about occupied territories did not note ma• jor changes.

13 THEORETICAL PART

2.2 IDPs

Internally displaced people are frequently debated in the current acade• mic conversation, however, the issue of IDP integration is put aside by the migration crisis in the Middle East and Africa; therefore a broader definition of who IDP is should be placed to differentiate the distinction between IDP and refugee. There is a dispute about the definition of IDP as the topic is frequently debated. However, they undermine the same essential principles formulated as [1] involuntary movement [2] within national borders. According to the definition of the United Nations (UN) (UNHCR 2004a: 1), internally displaced persons are:

"Persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of ge• neralized violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized state border."

To acknowledge the difference between an IDP and a refugee it is favourable to refer to Convention on the Status of Refugees from 1951 (UNHCR 2010: 3) in which a refugee is defined as a person who:

'Is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, natio• nality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion."

The status of refugees was legally anchored in the UN Refugee Con• vention adopted in 1951 and it has been subject to only one amendment in the form of a 1967 Protocol. The Convention entered into force on 22nd April 1954 and remains the centrepiece of international refugee protection today. On the con• trary, the issues connected with the protection of IDPs was not stated for several upcoming decades. A considerable difference between an IDP and refugee is whereas the person crossed an internationally recognized territorial border or not. Although IDPs have departed from their homes, unlike refugees they

14 THEORETICAL PART have not left the country whose citizens they are. Therefore, even if IDPs are not considered as refugees, they share many of the same circumstan• ces and challenging situations. The rights and guarantees relevant to the protection of IDPs from forced displacement were firstly detailed in Guiding Principles on Inter• nal Displacement in 1998 (UNHCR 2004a). These 30 principles set out the rights and guarantees relevant to the protection of IDPs in all phases of displacement. However, contrary to the sources of the law governing refugee status mentioned above, the provided guarantees are either too descriptive and do not possess any legal force. Unlike the case of refugees, there are no specific conventions rela• ting to the status, rights and duties of IDPs as well as the roles, responsi• bilities, and mandates of governments and international organizations towards IDPs (UNHCR 2007). Displaced persons do not constitute a dis• tinct legal category as they remain living inside their country. They are granted only the rights and guarantees for regular citizens and other ha• bitual residents of their country, even though they experience a very spe• cial factual situation with specific needs. Although the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement are not legally binding its authority has been recognized globally, as its origins came from international humanitarian and international human rights law. On the other hand, IDPs are thus distinct from individuals who can remain safely in their place of residence but have opted to depart on their own free will, without coercion.

2.2.1 IDPs Worldwide

The issue of IDP is a major problem in today's world, especially in deve• loping countries where, for example, in Nigeria, Niger and Cameroon, al• most 4 million people have been forced to move due to natural disasters and attacks of the terrorist organization Boko Haram (Eweka et Oluse- gun 2016). This topic resonates in the academic sphere also in the field of psy• chological impact on IDPs, where forced departure from home is a great strain on individuals and families. This problem persists also due to often poor conditions in camps, which often turn into slums full of anarchy (Baarnhielm and col. 2017). Mental health issues of IDPs is prevalent in

15 THEORETICAL PART

Eastern Ukraine since the beginning of War in Donbass (Roberts and col. 2017). The great strain on IDP individuals and families is not limited to housing conditions or persistent mental health challenges. Human rights watch in article Internal displacement as a stigma in Georgia considers the topic of IDP status as a problem of social status and stigma (Humans Rights House 2012) (Richter undated).

2.2.2 IDPs in Azerbaijan

The Azerbaijani legislation (SCARIDP 1999b: article 1) follows the defi• nition provided by Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (Subcha• pter 2.2). It defines and IDP as:

"Any person who has moved to another place being forced to leave his/her permanent residence within the territory of the Republic of Azer• baijan in connection with military aggression, natural or technological di• saster. "

Semantically speaking, the main difference between definitions is the scope of stress put on the specific wording. In the general UNGP de• finition it is armed conflict, in the Azerbaijani definition it is specifically talking about military aggression depicting the ongoing conflict. As mentioned above (Subchapter 2.2.1.), 20 percent of Azerbaijan's territory is under control of the Armenian military forces. This puts Azer• baijan up as one of the states with the highest rates of displaced persons per capita in the world. The country has been grappling with internal displacement for nearly three decades. The newest statistical data published in Global Re• port on Internal Displacement (IDMC 2018b) established the total num• ber of displaced people in Azerbaijan at 344,000 as of 31st December 2018. Interestingly, the number has decreased by 12,5 percent compared to the previous year, when the number was estimated at 393,000 (IDMC 2018a). Despite the high figure, when comparing 2018 numbers with those from 2010 (IDMC 2010), there has been a nearly 40 percent dec• line. In 2010 there were about 586,000 IDPs in Azerbaijan, including ap• proximately 230,000 children born to IDP families after the displace• ment.

16 THEORETICAL PART

However, all of these numbers dramatically differ from those provi• ded by the UN Azerbaijan (undated). According to their website, the total number of IDPs from the territory of NK and the seven neighbouring areas was estimated at 613,129 people atthe end of 2016. Obviously, this does not fall within the ranges reported by IDMC. Besides IDPs within the borders of Azerbaijan, there were eventua• lly approximately 200,000 ethnically Azerbaijani refugees who left Ar• menia since the beginning of war in 1988 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Azerbaijan undated). Refugees from Armenia are not inc• luded within the number of IDPs however, they shared some of the simi• larities if IDPs, e.g., housing or financial problems. Displaced people from occupied territories have settled in more than 62 cities of Azerbaijan (SCARIDP undated a). Although Azerbaijani administration has developed great efforts to implement settlement po• licy in the regions outside Baku, it has not been very successful. The vast majority of IDPs is settled mainly in rural areas (86 percent), mostly in Baku and surrounding industrial city of Sumqayit. Interestingly, about 20 percent of displaced people have settled in NK's neighbouring regions (World Bank 2010). According to the Global IDP Survey, the majority of IDPs has rema• ined unable to return back home in the cause of two main obstacles. Firstly, the regions of origins are governed under the Armenian occupa• tion; and secondly, the war-affected areas along the ceasefire line do not provide a base for a living (Global IDP Survey 2002).

2.3 Integration

Generally, the process after displacement is called integration, but it is possible to also use an expression reintegration as used in SCARIDP (2005). The committee finds one of its main responsibilities to conduct different types of reintegration and rehabilitation activities in the resi• dential places of temporary population. If the internal displacement occurs within a country, there are two ways of integration according to the Guiding Principles on Internal Dis• placement (UNHCR 2004a: 14). The state is responsible to provide ne• cessary means and establish required conditions, which allow IDPs to either [1] "return voluntarily, in safely and with dignity, to their home

17 THEORETICAL PART places of habitual residence; or [2] to resettle voluntarily in another part of the country." Based on the protracted nature of NK conflict defined as frozen, only the second option currently only accessible.

18 RESEARCH DESIGN

3 Research Design

The researcher will adopt an ethnographic research approach using mi• xed methods for the collection of data, i.e., interview and document ana• lysis. For the purposes of the work the methodological framework, i.e., li• miting and refining the examined subject, must be defined. The metho• dological framework of this thesis is following: the examined subject is the internally displaced population, which forcibly left NK and neighbou• ring regions at the turn of the 1990s, and their integration in the current society of Azerbaijan. It is important to define research questions for clarifying the re• search framework. The research aims to find the answers to the question "How were the Azerbaijani IDPs from Nagorno Karabakh and neighbou• ring regions integrated into the society of Azerbaijan?". Moreover, "How do they report their experiences of integration, its impacts and any ongoing challenges?". Additionally, there is a secondary question targeting the se• cond generation of IDP families formulated as "Does the second genera• tion ofIDP feels different from their peers? If so, how?" Based on the research questions mentioned above, the researcher formulated a hypothesis of this research as follows: Internally displaced people from NK and neighbouring regions continue to suffer from chall• enging living conditions caused by the displacement preventing them from being fully integrated into the Azerbaijani society. The aim of this work is to provide an examination of integration of IDPs from NK and the neighbouring regions into the mainstream Azer• baijani society. The significance of this thesis is to review the scholarship of the living conditions of IDPs and compare the theoretical with the per• sonal testimonies of displaced families. Moreover, the thesis is one of the first studies to investigate the impact on second generation IDPs due to the novelty nature of the phenomena. Although this thesis aims to map many of the themes within the integration topic, it is impossible to gene• ralize the findings on all of the displaced people in Azerbaijan. For a lar• ger understanding a broader sample population would be required.

19 RESEARCH DESIGN

3.1 Ethnographic Research

The methodological framework for this study is based on the qualitative method of ethnographic research. The goal of ethnographic research is to understand the observed reality and its context as closely as possible, without researcher interference. The researcher observes reality through the cultural phenomenons, texts, human behaviour and actions collectively called as ethnographic data, as described in Janecek (2014). According to Stockelova (2013), it is important to be aware that the facts are created in different ontological-epistemic processes, under spe• cific circumstances and historical background which are still evolving. For this reason, the facts mentioned in this work might be viewed slightly differently depending on the conflict party. This field research is based on following Drulak's (2008: 156) es• sential principles: participated observation; biography collection; interviews; field notes; reproduction of findings and final reports.

3.2 Logic of Semi-Structured Interview

Interviews represent a qualitative approach in the data collection followingthe description of (Disman 2000:289). This helps researcher to understand people in social situations and to explore the issue in greater depth and to reveal further present issues. The research is based on semi-structured interview (Hendl 2005:174) in which the areas to be questioned are known in advance. The areas were selected by the researcher in order to follow the already set structure of description of living conditions in (Subchapters 4.1. - 4.5.), noted in (Subchapter 8.1.). However, the specific questions remain unspecified. It allows the re• searcher to change the nature of questions or its order depending on the actual situation giving an opportunity for follow-up questions. Following that, the research is categorized as non-standardized, which might bring about unexpected and valuable data.

20 RESEARCH DESIGN

For the purposes of the interview structure, the researcher used Freeman's (Freeman and col. 2007) typology of interview questions. Data for the first part of the conducted interviews for this research were collected from the six types of questions: behaviour/experience, feelings, knowledge, demographics/background, opinions/values and sensory in• formation. Once introduced, the second part of the interview began with an open request to choose and describe a situation within the particular area of the research. The interviewer's first question introduced the theme of the interview and the remaining questions departed from the subject's answers. The participants were given ample time and the re• searcher made a conscious effort not to interrupt. The asked questions should be open, neutral, sensitive and clear. The researcher is not supposed to project his own opinion into questions, but create a comfortable atmosphere for the respondent. Simultaneous interpretation was used during the interviews. All the interviews were conducted under a clear consent of the respondents with the explicit understanding of the academic purpose of their answers. The interviews were conducted in cities of Baku, Barda and Ganja between March and May 2019. The researcher met with each displaced family once. The length of each interview differed, however, the resear• cher set a limit of one and half hours for each family as two objects, parent and child, were interviewed. The person who introduced the researcher to this population, assis• ted her while writing the consent form recommending note taking, but no recording due to the sensitive nature of the topic. The researcher took detailed notes during the interview as described in the consent form: "I give permission to make any types of notes and divulge conversations in which I participate during this research" (Subchapter 8.1.).

3.2.1 Sample Population

For the purposes of field research, the researcher used snowball sampling based on Goodman (1961: 148). The researcher interviewed a random sample of individuals drawn from a given finite population and each of the individuals in the first stage was later asked to name the di• fferent individual.

21 RESEARCH DESIGN

The objective was to find a suitable number of participant families which would cover many of the possible factors and themes included in IDP problematics. For the thesis purposes, the researcher decided to li• mit the number to five families. As she found certain themes repeating, the researcher declared it time to stop. While sampling, finding the most representative families for the research purposes was challenged by the time, location and further limitations mentioned below. The sample population consists of five parent participants from dis• placed families and one child participant of each family (total of five chil• dren). Among the parent participants, three were female and two were male. The same pattern was unintentionally applied for the child partici• pants. All five parents came from the occupied regions of Azerbaijan and all of five children were born outside the occupied territory. Three of the parent participants live in Baku, one lives in Barda, an unoccupied city in the Agdam rayon, and remaining one lives in new a settlement in Ganja; all five children live in Baku. As to the sensitive nature of the information shared in the interview, the researcher maintained the confidentiality of participants for the pur• poses of this thesis. As described in the consent form: "Pseudonyms will be used for all participants" (Subchapter 8.1.).

3.3 Ethics and Limitations

There are limitations to this research. Firstly, the numeric data varies significantly. Numerical data provided by the Azerbaijani government and reputable international organisations, e.g., the UN, are often incon• sistent. The researcher pursued to stay impartial and not to succumb to the agenda set by her host country. For this reason, she used secondary literature with different approaches to the conflict. However, there is a general understanding that the governments involved in the conflict tend to inflate numbers and facts to their advantage. For example, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs claims 20 percent of the territory is occupied; however, according to calculations by the author of the 8 total districts, the percentage is closer to 14. Additionally, the lack of outside analysis on the facts and figures given by the Azerbaijani government who main• tain strict control on independent investigation further limits the study. Secondly, personal testimony is in general subjective. By its nature, personal testimony has been shown to have inaccuracies. The researcher

22 RESEARCH DESIGN chose to believe oral history as it was dictated to her. For the purposes of this study, the researcher conducted interviews with 5 displaced fami• lies to have reliable ground, at least to a given extent, and to maintain balance and impartiality. Lastly, the one-year presence of author within one of the conflicted parly's societies may have an influence on the content; however, the au• thor is aware of this situation and as mentioned above, will pursue to stay impartial. Due to the sensitive nature of the interview, a family member served as the interpreter to provide a more trusting environment for the parti• cipants. However, as no family members were professional interpreters, there can be limitations with their interpretation skills. The researcher, fluent in English, assessed their English level of the amateur interpreter to be sufficient.

23 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS

4 Scholarship of Living Conditions

Since the beginning of the IDP crisis, at the turn of the 1990s, Azerbaijan domestic policy has emphasized more on accommodating IDPs rather than providing economic and social support. In 1999 there was an ad• dition to the Azerbaijani legislation by the law On Social Protection of IDPs and Persons Equated to Them (SCARIDP 1999a: article 5). Since then, IDPs are equated with the following measures on social protection: tax privileges; medical provision; provision of education rights; privileges on the usage of transport and public-municipal utilities; provision of the temporary dwelling; provision with employment; social maintenance.

According to the tax privileges, IDPs are not subjected to income tax according to the Tax Code, Article 102 (4.5) (Ministry of Taxes of Repub• lic of Azerbaijan 2000). However, this privilege is not applicable to IDPs residing permanently as a result of obtaining personal dwelling space. Displaced citizens of Azerbaijan must register their residence in or• der to get access to state employment, housing, medical services, educa• tion, pensions, bank loans and other governmental provisions guaran• teed to IDPs. Some of the displaced population found difficulties to regis• ter as they have lost the necessary documents during the displacement (IDMC2010). The state provides each IDP with regular financial aid so-called bread money. The monthly allowance for food costs is estimated at 19 manats and 96 gapiks per person (Safer 2017) and it is paid to improve the social well-being of IDPs. For comparison, one bread cost 40 gapiks and a dish in a local restaurant is 7 manats. It is provided not only to actual IDPs but also to their children (either both parents are IDPs or at least the father is). Recent years show an increase in the IDP population living similar to the rest of the population. Being registered as IDP does not necessarily equate to being poor or disadvantaged (Guliyeva and Yazdani 2009),

24 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS especially in Baku and its surrounding suburbs. But it is important to mention there is considerable disparity in the living conditions among the mainstream Azerbaijani society, so the same is applicable for IDPs (Asian Development Bank 2014). The objection of the following subchapters is to broadly describe the living conditions of IDPs in chosen areas.

4.1 Housing

As a result of the state social programme towards improving the living conditions of IDPs, displaced people were provided with free temporary dwelling. The temporary nature reflects the IDP status, so most of the provisions are characterized as not permanent. Despite the provisional character, some of the families live in temporary housing for nearly three decades. Having a place where IDPs would be able to live under adequate living conditions was one of the most challenging problems of Azerbai• jani domestic in the past three decades. On a positive note, there is a considerable change in the housing con• ditions of IDPs in the past nearly three decades when compared with the early 1990s. In that time, there were more than 600,000 people (Ozkul and Vermez 2009: 153) living in following housing provisions: tents; slums; state-owned buildings, e.g., former public buildings, hostels, kindergartens, schools, sanatoriums and dormitories; houses of their relatives; the accommodation they occupied or built themselves; other places with specific conditions, e.g., buildings whose construction was unfinished, freight wagons, Finnish houses and mud houses.

In the law On Social Protection of IDPs and Persons Equated to Them (SCARIDP 1999a: article 5), the state guaranteed that "the camps should meet the requirements necessary for residence". Due to the ina• dequacies in its economic and social situation, the government could not produce solutions in the required ratio in the 1990s. As density of the residence in the certain settlements was high, the state assigned some population an accommodation in the IDP camps of provisional character.

25 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS

There were in total 13 tent camps in Azerbaijan (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Azerbaijan 2013). The last tent camp was closed by the end of 2007 (International Crisis Group 2012). Reflecting the statement of SCARIDP (1999a: article 5) mentioned above, it took the next five to six years to successfully implement the vi• sion. It was improved significantly after the State Program for Impro• vement of Living Standards and Increasing of Employment for Refugees and IDPs was approved; based on the Presidential order from 2004 (SCARIDP 2004). Since then, the state has acted according to the long- term nature of displacement. As a result, the government has begun to expand significantly more resources to improve the housing conditions for displaced population, particularly for those living in tent camps ac• cording to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of IDPs (Beyani 2014: 18). Following the Presidential order from 2004 (SCARIDP 2004), those IDPs, who were given the state provision of housings, should not be evic• ted from public flats, lands and apartments where they had settled between 1992 and 1998 until their settlement in new houses or return to their homes. In the upcoming years, as a part of new state domestic policy to meet the needs of IDPs, the government has resettled some IDPs into new, pur• pose-built settlements. In between the years 2010 and 2011, 108,000 IDPs were accommodated in newly constructed settlements in rural re• gions and individual housing (apartment houses or single-family hou• ses). About 76 percent of them were accommodated in the year 2010, moreover, 123 school buildings, 45 medical units, and major in- frastructural developments for electricity and sewage systems were bu• ilt (International Crisis Group 2012). For example, in 2017 a new settlement for 600 IDP families was opened in Ganja (President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev 2017). It accommodates IDPs from Kalbajar District and Khojaly. In ano• ther example, the state started an extensive restoration of village Jojug Marjanli in January 2017. The village, located in Jabrayil region, was libe• rated by the Azerbaijani Armed Forces during the Four Day War in April 2016. As the first phase of restoration was finished in January 2018, 50 private houses, a school, mosque, electric substation, highway and other relevant infrastructure were constructed (Shirinov 2018). Moreover, there were several international organisations involved in providing humanitarian help, e.g., UN providing help to "asylum

26 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS seekers to have access to fair and efficient governmental procedure" (UNHCR 2004b) or The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) which provided support to 600 people living in exposed areas within the first six months of 2018 (ICRC 2018) by improving access to water. Besi• des mentioned humanitarian organisations, also the World Bank (WB) aims to take part in the improvement of living conditions of Azerbaijani IDPs and refugees in between the years 2017 and 2020. According to (Abbasova 2017) WB assisted in 239,997 IDPs within its IDP Living Stan• dards and Livelihoods Project as of 15th October 2016. The project am• bitions are to improve access of IDPs to electricity, drinking water, sani• tation, and social infrastructure in their living areas. On the other hand, despite having better living conditions, these new houses and apartment complexes are often far from neighbouring towns and offer insufficient access to services, jobs or livelihoods (IDMC 2010). Another critique came from some IDPs who, despite the state's efforts, still feel abandoned by the government. Some of them are unhappy about being excluded from consultation on the settlement, alt• hough the government claimed that IDPs are part of decision-making processes about new housing (IDMC 2007). Also, there were noted seve• ral problems related to the housing construction such as leaky roofs, poor plumbing and cracked foundations. Despite in total 250,000 IDPs have been provided with new housing between years 2002 and 2017 (IDMC 2018a), which represents more privileges for getting living pro• perty and space, the ownership among IDPs is significantly low. Only about 15 percent of IDP families own a property compared to 83 percent of non displaced families (International Crisis Group 2012).

4.2 Employment

Despite the state promised to create "necessary conditions for indepen• dent employment of IDPs and conducting commercial and free ownership activities" (SCARIDP 1999a: article 7), the employment rema• ins one of the most extensive problems as IDPs still continue to be more unemployed comparing to their non-displaced neighbours (IDMC 2010). In the findings of WB (2011), the employment rate was lower among the IDP population than among the non-displaced population: reported at 40.1 percent among IDPs in 2008 compared to 57.4 percent of non IDPs. However, even when employed, the salary is often not high enough

27 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS to meet their needs; the percentage of those who are employed but la• belled as poor was estimated at 21.6 for IDPs and at 16.9 for the rest of population. According to a different report, due to the low salaries, the government benefits are an essential source of income for 71 percent of IDPs (World Bank 2010). However, the area of residence plays a crucial role in IDPs employment; thus the highest unemployment and poverty rates are present in the rural areas. Generally speaking about poverty rate in Azerbaijan, there has been noted a decline in the poverty rate over recent years by nearly 90 percent from 46.7 percent in 2002 to 5 percent in 2016 (UN Azerbaijan 2016). The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2013) mentioned that "the level of po• verty among IDPs decreased from 74 percent to 18 percent during the last years". Despite the great improvement is clearly visible, still, one every in four of the poor Azerbaijani citizens so defined being a refugee or IDPs (Allahveranov and Huseynov 2013: 13). The data provided by local and international NGO representatives of the International Crisis Group (2012) state that the unemployment rate in some frontline areas, e.g., Barda, Terter, Agdam and Fizuli regions, was about 85-90 percent in 2011. In comparison, the [Azerbaijan] State Committee for Refugees and IDPs speaking for International Crisis Group (2012) stated that 42 percent of the overall displaced population have a permanent job, 48 percent seasonal jobs and only 10 percent are unem• ployed. The discrepancies of these numbers could be questioned. According to predominantly rural origins of IDPs, they can be disa• dvantaged while looking for a job in large urban centres (UNHCR 2005), e.g., Baku, Sumqayit, Ganja. The agriculture sector is, in general, a traditi• onal area of employment in Azerbaijan, thus it is very difficult for displa• ced people to find jobs, especially in Baku, as an appropriate qualification is missing. As a result, the employed IDPs are mostly working in the fields which do not demand a high level of education. Within the past decades, the state continues in its initiative to create conditions for the employment of IDPs. About 13,900 of them have bene• fited from 39 micro projects run by the Social Development Fund of IDPs during the six months period in 2010 (SCARIDP 2010).

4.3 Physical Security

Generally speaking, the scope of violence and crime is low in IDP settle• ments and those displaced people claim they do not feel any threat. This

28 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS confirms the analysis of the protection of IDPs in Azerbaijan (UNHCR 2009) saying "IDPs do not face greater security risks than the rest of the local population". However, living in the villages in border regions between Azerbaijan and Armenia is dangerous for both parly's civilians. Speaking about Azerbaijanis living near to NK frontline, being close to the frontline ma• kes them vulnerable, as they are always under a threat of death. They usually live on the first floors of houses, as living in second or third floors have more risk of getting shot. The Azerbaijani government constructed walls in some destroyed frontline villages, however, people living in the frontline villages complain about lack of protective barriers (IDMC 2010) . For example, the village Gapanli, situated on the frontline, is surrounded by the territory of Armenia from three sides. Furthermore, former residents of Alkhanly and Chiragly left the villages due to their proximity to the battleground. As these areas lack work opportunities and there are no income opportunities, some frontline village IDPs risk their lives and graze their cattle in lands close to the battle line. Doing this, shepherds from IDP communities expose themselves to the land• mine and gunfire. According to the report of The Azerbaijan National Agency for Mine Action (ANAMA 2015), there are overall tens of thousands of victims since the start of aggression in NK. This includes 20,000 people killed, 50,000 people who got disabled of the consequences of the aggression and about 6,000 people got lost or they were taken as hostages. All known casualties by the end of 2014 are numbered at 76 killed and 275 injured people as the result of 351 mines/explosive remnants of war (Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor 2015). There were approximately 3,000 individuals (ICRC 2018) in the first half of 2018 who benefited from the ICRC's neutral intermediary role re• lated to humanitarian protection and economic security in communities located along the line of contact and the international border with Arme• nia.

4.4 Education

Based on the IDP status, internally displaced students are supposed to benefit from tuition fee weavers, free books and other financial benefits.

29 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS

However, their parents report that they do not always receive those be• nefits. The study books and other educational necessities are usually required to be paid by the IDPs themselves (IDMC 2010). As displaced families sometimes do not possess those financial capabilities, financing prevents them from access to education, especially higher education. Lack of finances is actually according to WB (2010) the main reason why young people do not enter universities. Speaking about general education, the government has provided schools and learning centres specifically for IDP children which are se• parate from the rest of the Azerbaijani population. But parents can choose where to send their children, either to a local school or a school operating specifically for IDP children. According to the International Crisis Group (2012), IDP parents do not see this separation of education as discriminatory. Roughly 60 percent of children attend IDP schools which aim, besides regular education, to preserve the social fabric of dis• placed communities. Parents claim to prefer their children to be taught by IDP teachers who maintain the memories of displacement through lessons, songs and dance, activities and visual aids meant to preserve a sense of culture from NK or its neighbouring regions (International Crisis Group 2012). When comparing those two types of schools, the conditions were generally perceived to be better in local schools, i.e., schools for the non- displaced population. According to the report (IDMC 2010), in some areas children from non-displaced families have outscored their displa• ced peers in most subjects; thus the broader statistics on the quality of local and IDP education is not available. One of the explaining reason might be following. IDP children commonly changed their schools as their families often moved due to better employment or housing oppor• tunities. According to official data, the literacy rate in Azerbaijan is estimated at 99.79 percent for population older than 15 years and at 98.42 percent for the population aged 65 and above. This number remains nearly un• changed in the period of last ten years (UIS 2019). However, several di• fficulties are placed to maintain the quality of education in rural areas as the existing education infrastructure is insufficient. For example, some of the children are educated in dormitory rooms in the collective centres they live in. Besides that, there is also a deficit in terms of furniture, com• puters, supplies, safe playgrounds and qualified teachers (Eurasianet 2010).

30 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS

According to WB (2010), the government has initiated a number of newly created reforms, policies and laws to improve the quality of edu• cation, but recent investments have not been significant.

4.5 Health Care

The omnipresent problem of financial limitations prevent some IDPs from accessing health care services despite provisions ensuring their free access (IDMC 2010) and remain the key obstacle to accessing health services. According to the nature of IDP status, displaced people are supposed to be free-of-charge for treatment and most of the medicines. However, for some serious health issues, they ought to buy medicine and pay for the doctor by themselves. In general, health care in rural areas is insufficient due to limited personnel, equipment and supplies. Thus, the Azerbaijani government has made efforts to improve the access to health care by an incentives programme including distributing free treatment, medicine and vaccina• tions and bringing qualified medical staff to rural areas. Although the Mi• nistry of Health and various international organizations have established medical centres in the areas of displacement, some of them are still hardly reachable for IPDs. In some cases, IDPs wounded by enemy gun• fire died on the way to the distant located medical centres (International Crisis Group 2012). Two significant problems exist among the IDP population. The first are issues related to mental health. Even after several decades since the displacement, IDPs still continue to suffer from mental health issues re• lating to the direct exposure to the war. World Health Organization-led study on IDPs' mental health (WHO 2011) found that 40 percent of re• spondents have struggled with mental health disorders after facing vari• ous social and psychological pressures. Without having any insufficient support, many of them were left isolated, marginalised and dependent. There are several actors aiming at delivering psychosocial support to IDPs and International Committee of the Red Cross Besides is one of them. Besides other activities, e.g., humanitarian protection and econo• mic security, ICRC provides assistance in mental health for the displaced people in Azerbaijan. Despite the efforts, there is still a lack of

31 SCHOLARSHIP OF LIVING CONDITIONS appropriate and affordable trauma support within the displacement, especially rural, areas (IDMC 2010). The second type of health issues is related to diseases and their ineffective or even scarce treatment. Displaced people, especially those living in very poor conditions, still suffer from some chronic diseases, mostly anaemia, with a danger of spreading an epidemics. In general, it is caused by poor living conditions, specifically by indigent sewerage network or shortage of drinkable water. Question of water supplies remains crucial. As mentioned in (Subchapter 4.1.), the ICRC improved access to water for 600 people in 2018 (ICRC 2018).

32 INTERVIEWS

5 Interviews

The interviews are based on confidentiality. All the participant families were given a pseudonym, as mentioned in the consent form (Subchapter 8.1.), named as first, second, third, fourth and fifth family. This chapter describes the stories of IDP families. It maps their ex• perience of displacement from the occupied territory, their current situ• ation and integration into the mainstream Azerbaijani society. The par• ticipants' words are indicated by the italic typeface.

5.1 First family

The mother of the first family (1964) was born in the city of Agdam. Her family, in that time consisting of husband, daughter (1988) and son (1990), was forced to leave their home on 23rd July 1993. The first place they were moved to was village Nurse Karvend, located in at that time unoccupied part of Agdam rayon. A couple of months later, as the occu• pied territories were enlarging, they were forcibly moved to Barda. In their new city of residence, they lived in a place which looked like a shelter located in the yard. The conditions were terrifically bad that even animals would not be let to live there. We lived in two tiny rooms without heating, so it was extremely cold during the winter months. After living in Barda for two years, the family was moved two more times; at first to Imishli and later to Baku. The most challenging part of the displacement was rather emotional as the family's house and the city was destroyed, they claimed to feel ho• meless in that time. Discrimination from the regular population was also frequent, e.g., finding housing. The apartment owners did not want to rent their place to IDPs as they moved often. When we moved to new pla• ces people hated us and did not let us stay in the apartments they rented. They said we left our hometown and did not fight in the war and just ran away thus we are not nationalist and do not deserve a place to live in. The first family was lucky among the other IDP families due to their financial situation. As the father's business was successful, the family was able to move to Baku five years after the displacement (1998) with their third newborn child (1997). During the mentioned period they did not get any governmental support, so it was family members and friends

33 INTERVIEWS who helped them finding housing in the capital. After they found an apartment, their situation has gradually improved. Speaking about the present situation, the family does not feel any disadvantage related to their origin. Despite the fact that the mother has not worked since the displacement, the father's business income finan• cially satisfies the family needs. As guaranteed to displaced people, the first family is freed from utility bills and education fees. The family was targeted due to that by the society as the mother mentioned: People told us that we exploit the state as we do not have to pay several utilities. Nowadays they own an apartment in Narimanov district, Baku. The fa• mily lives in this apartment for the last eight years thus had enough time and financial means to rebuilt it following their preferences. The third child of this family (interviewed) was born (1997) after the family left Barda to 140 kilometres distant city Imishli, located in Imishli rayon. As her family has moved to Baku when she was one year old, she only remembers her life in Baku. As an IDP student of an under• graduate program at ADA University, she is freed from high tuition fee 6,500 AZN/year (approximately 3,820 dollars). She lives with her family thus all the current housing conditions are the same as previously described. As she was raised in Baku and did not experience life in con• flict territory, she does not identify her values with those of her parents. Despite that, she regularly experiences societal prejudice based on her family origins. In the interview, she mentioned that society has stereoty• pes about those who are from Aghdam. They claim we are cheaters in business. Also, my friends who are the same age say that. I do not consider myself any different but people make me feel like that. If she was given a chance to live in Agdam, she would refuse this offer. My school, work, basically all my life and everyone I know is situated in Baku. I was born here, consider the city as my home thus does not feel any close with Agdam. However, I would love to at least see the place of my origins.

5.2 Second family

The second family shares a similar background with the first as the in• terviewed father (1968) was also born in the city of Agdam. In the time of displacement, he did not have a wife nor children. He was forced to leave his home on 22nd July 1993 for Baku, which was according to his

34 INTERVIEWS words in a state of chaos in that time. The dorms belonging to the universi• ties, new building belonging to government agencies from the Soviet era and ministries were all left empty so we just went to live there without anyone opposing it. So, within the first two years after the displacement, he stayed in the described type of housing with his relatives, however, then he returned to Barda rayon. Two years after the displacement (1995) he moved to an IDP camp in Barda city. One of the most difficult obstacles during this period was living without registration which basically disabled him from receiving any governmental support, e.g., shelter, food and financial support. Alt• hough Barda is located only 60 kilometres from Agdam, the climate in Barda is warmer. This had an influence on IDPs living in the camp. As displaced people lived in tents or shelters, they suffered from health is• sues, especially from high temperatures. During this period, doctors dia• gnosed the father malaria six times. The treatment was insufficient as he got only basic vaccines. The father got his first job since displaced as a car mechanic while in Barda IDP camp (1995). As he provided a car repair service to Kuwaiti owner of the shelter where he lived, in return, he agreed to register him and provide the humanitarian aid in the future. However, the father of the second family still had to build his own shelter from the reed plant. While living in the IDP camp, two of his children (1998) and (1999) were born, later the third was born (2007). The family suffered from financial problems starting from the two months prior to the occupation until 2005 when the family got a new house in the unoccupied part of Agdam rayon and was able to restart their life again. Despite the father was working and had his own source of income, in the period in between he got married (January 1996) until his first child was born (April 1998), he and his wife suffered from food shortages. The financial support provided by the government was suffi• cient only for food expenses and did not cover anything else. We sometimes had to live on one 300 gr bread and an egg for about 2-3 days. Since his first child was born (April 1998), he has started to get plenty of jobs on a regular basis and the family situation has improved. Although the family currently lives only 18 kilometres away from their home of Agdam city, the father claims they can not feel like at home there. He personally chose not to live in Baku, where he could have more work opportunities, and instead live as close to the homeland as possible. Once we will be able to return, the transition is going to be easier for us.

35 INTERVIEWS

Speaking about the present situation, the family position has impro• ved since they have moved into a small house provided as a part of the governmental provision. The family still obtains monthly financial aid and also other provisions admitted to IDPs, including being free of tuition fees for their children. The second family claimed they did not suffer from stereotypes nor any other type of discrimination. People would ra• ther provide us with small discounts or any other sort of help when they found out we are IDPs. Generally speaking the family is happy about their current life. However, the father still keeps a hope that one day will be able to return back to Agdam. It does not matter how many years we have already lived away from our hometown. People who were not forced to leave their home can never really value what having a home means. It still remains as a part of our hearts. The firstborn child of the second family (interviewed) was born (1998) in the IDP camp in Barda city. He lived there with his family till 2015, when he left for his university studies in Baku. Despite his first• hand experience from the IDP camp, he feels like a part of the society in Baku. He claimed that he did not experience any discrimination nor disa• dvantages related to his origin, thus confirmed statement of the first fa• mily speaking about the prejudice of people from Agdam. Based on what he heard from his parents he claimed that: During the Soviet era, Nagorno Karabakh was an economic paradise. People lived there with high stan• dards of life; they had a really good sense for business, that is why there were successful. If the conflict was reconciled, he would definitely return back with his family even if he got a low salary and work in a field which doesn't fulfil his dreams. Despite he did not live in the region he said: Agdam is and will always be my hometown even though I have never stepped my foot in the city. It has become a sacred place for us throughout the years. It is really difficult to describe how valuable and fulfilling it would be for me to see that place and spend the rest of my life there.

5.3 Third family

Father of the third family (1971) was born in the city of Khankendi (Ste• panakert in Armenian), the capital of the de facto Republic of Artsakh. He

36 INTERVIEWS was the last year high school student when his arm was shot by his Ar• menian classmate in February 1988. We were close friends with this boy as we attended the same classes for three years. During our planned mee• ting, where we wanted to discuss the recent uprising violent actions in Khankendi, he shot me from my behind. Due to the complexity of the injury caused by an expanding bullet, he had to be transferred for surgery to hospital in Baku. After several months of the healing process, he could not go back home thus he stayed in the capital. With the help of his friends and with financial means provided by his father, owner of a business in NK, he found a well established flat. Within the next five years, he became finan• cially self-reliant, found a job in the police department, and was able to buy his own flat in Yasamal district, Baku. He got married and had three children (1996), (1998) and (2001). Despite his children were freed from university tuition fee, he waived his right to benefit from this advantage and paid university tuition for his older daughter (1996). However, after the economic crisis (2015) and related currency devaluation, he did not waive this right for two younger children. As a result of the good financial situation of his parents, he was able to almost immediately settle in Baku and have a satisfactory life. The father nor his family did face any difficulties related to displacement ever after. In contrary to the experience of the first family, they did not expe• rience first-hand discrimination, however, as other families they have heard prejudice towards IDPs. People told us we ruined their lives. That the government forced them to move from their Baku apartments in order to give a place for incoming IDPs from the regions. After over 30 years of his life in Baku, he still remains emotionally attached to his home city and region. Due to my injury, I did not have a chance to say goodbye to my hometown. I consider that one of the biggest failures of my life so far. If the conflict was reconciled, he would move there unlike his older daughter (1996) (interviewed). As a young profes• sional in a field of data science, which barely exists in Azerbaijan, she would not even think of returning to Khankendi as there is no job oppor• tunity for her. On the other hand, she said: / would do anything to go to Khankendi one day to see all the places my ascendants told me about. I would even fake my marriage to get a foreign passport so they would let me enter.

37 INTERVIEWS

As she was born and raised in Baku, she does not feel any different from her peers and Khankendi does not mean to her a home. Similarly to her father experience, she has not been attacked by any sort of discrimi• nation based on her origin. / have never felt any discrimination based on my origins but what I feel in Azerbaijan are considerable signs of ageism, sexism and gender inequality. I would rather say that IDPs have advan• tages in some occupations, e.g., political and governmental sector. Society positively thinks about displaced people who are capable enough to be po• liticians.

5.4 Fourh family

Mother of the fourth family was born (1961) in the city of Jabrayi, located in Jabrayi rayon. She was forced to leave her home on 6th of September 1993 and was forcibly moved straight from her hometown to Baku. Ac• cording to her words, it was difficult because Baku was kind of elite city. Most people were speaking Russian and the Soviet influence was still very fresh. Those people saw themselves as superior and had low views about us, people from the regions. She mentioned, that although knowing Rus• sian, it was very hard for her to get used to living in this type of society. The most difficult thing was to leave her home and all her valuable things and assets behind. We did not own anything thus we had to start building our lives from zero. This eventually caused financial problems she and her family suffered from during the three upcoming years. Me• anwhile, in this period she got married (1995) and had two children (1996) and (1997). Due to continuing financial problems, the young fa• mily was not able to rent a place to live. / called it a blessing when the government provided us with an apartment. It was a small place still very important at that time. Although the accommodation had several pro• blems, we were more than happy to live there. The apartment was located in Nasimi district of Baku, a good location easily approached by public transportation. As the family's situation got financially better, they moved to their own place, thus in the same district. As all the IDPs, also this family receives the financial provisions however, it is something that you cannot live with. She was satisfied with the education her children got in Baku, as it is a capital with good quality schools. Despite that, she noted: This can

38 INTERVIEWS sound strange but it would be better if we could have stayed in Jabrayil. Even though I am aware of the education there would be worse. As her husband got sick (not related to displacement) and could not work, she has run her own clothing store since 2008. In my store I had responsibilities and duties thus my clients have always respected me. I did not personally experience any sort of discrimination of being an IDP. However, she mentioned that the social environment is not usually that kind-hearted. There is always the idea thatlDPs are free riders, they do not work that much and only benefit from the governmental provisions. But that is not true, it is a prejudice. Most oflDPs had and still have difficulties to create better living conditions for their children and protect them from what we have experienced. Even it was difficult for her, after nearly three decades she feels fully settled in Baku. / do not feel any different from residents of other Azerbai• jani regions who have moved to work in Baku. The fact I came from a con• flict area did not make me any divergent from others. Similarly, with in• terviewed families, she does not feel at home in Baku. If the war was over, I would immediately move back to Jabrayi. Having a job would not be a problem, I can work anywhere in any position, but a place for living is only one. Interviewed child of the fourth family (1996) did not experience any sort of discrimination nor different treatment from his peers. / was a cle• ver student in school so I had respect both by my teachers and classmate sides. Although I never been directly discriminated, there still is general discrimination against displaced people in Azerbaijan. I heard a couple of times people called them cowards for running away. As born and raised in Baku he claimed: / think I have the same living standards as most of the young Azerbaijanis have. When grown up I did not even have a reason to realise that I am from IDP family. Spending his whole life in Baku, he does have different values and priorities from his parents. If the conflict was reconciled, he would wait for a few years first to see any improvement and development in the re• gion. / would return to Jabrayi only under one simple condition. The place would be liveable again, having infrastructure and job oppor• tunities. Otherwise, why would I leave Baku?

39 INTERVIEWS

5.5 Fifth family

Both parents of the fifth family are IDPs. Both Mother (interviewed) (1969) and father (1966) were born in the city of Khojaly, located in NK. This city is infamously known for the massacre on 26th February 1992 committed by ethnically Karabakh-Armenian forces. After the displacement from their hometown, they were moving from place to place within a period of half a year. At first, they were moved to Aghdam, a few months later to Ujar and then finally to 150 ki• lometres distant Hajikand, located in Goygol rayon. Our house in Hajikand was not so good. As this place used to be a pioneer camp, we had to rebuild everything by ourselves. The mother continued with describing the living conditions in the camp as following: We did not have clean water so each year when the snow started melting at the end of winter, we tried to keep the water even though it was always black and dirty. Moreover, the sewage system was also bad, in winter it used to get frozen. Similarly to the other families, one of the hardest parts of the displa• cement was not having any possessions, therefore, they did not have any financial means. As they could not afford to buy gas for heating purposes in winter periods, they used to cut trees. Sometimes the family also sold the little twigs thus income from this activity increased the family's bud• get. In those times our salary was only enough for buying a sack of flour. We had to find a way how to make our living. During the years in Hajikand, the family did experience prejudice and discrimination from the local people. They were always complaining about the privileges given to IDPs, e.g., we were freed from electricity bills and also, during the holidays we got some extra food. I am sure this did not happen only in Hajikand, but in other cities as well. After living in Hajikand for 16 years (2017), the government moved the family to a newly established village for IDPs in Ganja. Since the relo• cation, the fifth family does not have any problems related to housing as the apartment is in a newly renovated building which consists of four units. For the reason that the family got a new place in Ganja, they do not benefit from any governmental provision anymore. We love our new place in Ganja. After so many years we were finally given a chance of re• starting our lives. Of course, we would prefer to live in Khojaly as we really miss our home thus we will patiently wait and pray to come back one day.

40 INTERVIEWS

The interview daughter (1995) did not face any sort of discrimina• tion during the first 16 years of her life when she lived in Hajikand with her family in the IDP community. Later, during her university years in Baku, her experience has changed. / always heard some comments on IDPs, especially those stereotypes they do not work and only profit from the state benefits, but I never really felt like a target of these criticisms. Although she currently lives in Baku, being born in Hajikand she considers this city as her hometown. Moreover, she does not have any emotional attachment with the city of her parents' origins. My whole life and friends are in Baku now so I would not move to Khojaly as I do not consider it as my home. I could not build a new life there after all those terrible things which happened there in 1992. However, I would like to tra• vel there or maybe work in a community development project. Besides the provisions her family benefited from, she did not have any other advan• tage.

41 CONCLUSION

6 Conclusion

As the researcher reports her findings based on the interviews and examined living conditions, there is no single answer to a question of how was the IDP population integrated into the mainstream society of Azerbaijan. However, there are several themes researcher has observed preventing IDPs from being fully integrated to be repeating, e.g., location and type of housing, neighbouring population, financial means, prejudice in the society and emotional attachement.

The location and type of housing always matter due to several re• asons. Firstly, IDPs living in urban areas, especially Baku and Sumqayit, have a better chance to be more deeply integrated than those displaced people inhabiting rural areas of Azerbaijan. There are several reasons for that. Urban areas have more housing options, better job opportunities and as the examined literature proves, the poverty rate is lower. Thus there are more favourable conditions for integration. Another reason is, after the collapse of USSR and after the economic crisis in 2015, there were two notable wawes of migration of population from regions to the capital. According to that, it is easier for the IDPs to integrate in the capi• tal as there are many people from different regions and their disadvan• tages, mainly based on rural origins, are shared among other non displa• ced people from other regions. Besides that, one of the disadvantages mentioned by mother of the fourt family is that Baku in early 1990s was mostly Russian-speaking thus for IDPs from rural areas it might have been difficult to adapt. Rus• sian language keeps its prestige even nowadays within different sectors, e.g., the governmental or ekonomic. Interestingly, Russian language remains prestigeous among millenial Bakuvians thus the same applies for IDP children who spend notable part of their life in rural areas before coming to study in Baku. Also, there is still a part of the IDP population which lives in the sett• lements either built or provided by the government. These are either ne• wly created settlements and housing estates or repaired houses and apartments within a specific area, they are, by their primary purpose, inhabited by the IDP population. Thus this population was excluded from the integration process, as sporadically got in touch with the main• stream population, and remains not integrated. Following that, there is a

42 CONCLUSION similarity with IDPs living near to the frontline with occupied territories. As the remaining population within the territory is consisted of IDPs from a great part. Financial means of the families can either enhance or slow down the process of integration. Having enough finances, some of the families were able to either rent or buy own housing which provided them a solid base for better integration. However, due to the low salaries, the govern• ment benefits are an essential source of income for nearly 3/4 of IDP po• pulation. Still, those provisions can barely cover the food expenses as was described in interviews. Only after fullfiling the basic needs, which finances would support, the IDPs can rather focus on a broader intera• ction within the area of residence possibly causing a deeper intergration. All the families shared an experience of prejudice either against them personally or against the general IDP population. This can be divi• ded based on following patterns: [1] IDPs do not work and only exploit state by receive financial support [2] IDPs left the occupied territory wit• hout fighting [3] some of the Baku population was forced to leave their apartments in order to give a place for incoming IDPs. Based on that, Azerbaijani population acts relatively hostile towards IDPs in terms of defamation, social exclusion or at least disrespect. A bet• ter national response would entail efforts to engage IDPs into the Azer• baijani society. On the other hand, there was no similarity among the in• terviewed family members due to the experienced disadvantage based on their origin. Another challenges to the integration is an emotional attachement which is still very present among alll the parent participans of IDP fami• lies. Having on mind a physically upproachable home might be a con• strain in their further integration in the place of their current residence. As a not surprising result, repatriation remains the preferred settlement option for all the parent participants. As the second generation was born outside the occupied territory, there is understandably not as strong bond comparing to the one of their parents', however, two out of five child participants during the interview expressed a deep emotional attachement to the region they have never been to, moreover they perceive it as their home. Moreover, none of the children participants have reported any more extensive problem nor been discriminated due to their origin. Furthermore, three of them do not feel any different from their non displaced peers.

43 CONCLUSION

Based on the conducted interviews, the researcher finds her hypo• thesis as partialy true. Despite there is still a number of the IDPs from NK and neighbouring regions which continues to suffer from challenging li• ving conditions caused by the displacement, it has rapidly decreased over last fifteen years. Especially since the implementation of govern• mental program for Improvement of Living Standards and Increasing of Employment for Refugees and IDPs (2004) as mention in the research. There is a great potential in the further research within the topic of mapping current living conditions and integration of IDP in Azerbaijan, with a special stress on those living outside of Baku. Moreover, the que• stion "to which extend and in which time period the repatriatian would be feasible, as preferred settlement option for the parent participants?" raises in the terms of reintegration of IDPs as favoured option of integra• tion of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.

44 LITERATURE SOURCES

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54 CONSENT FORM

Příloha A Consent Form

Informed Consent Form of the interview recorded for the bachelor thesis research

Issue of IDP integration: Case of Nagorno Karabakh

The Principle Investigator is Karolina Hanzelkova (UCO 445960). an undergraduate student of the Security and Strategy Studies program at Faculty of Social Studies. Masaryk University. Dr. Tomas Solid is the Advisor for the Thesis and is the Responsible Project Investigator.

Purpose and Benefits This research is designed to explore the experience of integration of internally displaced people from Nagorno Karabakh and neighbouring occupied regions.

Risk, Stress, or Discomfort While eveiy effort will be made to maintain the confidentiality of participants, there is a minimal risk that participants could be identified.

Other Information All information will be kept confidential. Pseudonyms will be used for all participants. Participants will not receive any inducements. Participants can request a summary of the results and will have access to the completed paper.

Signature of Principal Investigator

Participant's Statement The study described above has been explained to me and I voluntarily consent to participate in this research. I have had an opportunity to ask questions. I give permission to make any types of notes and divulge conversations in which I participate during this research.

Signature of Subject Place/Date

55

INTERVIEW QUESTION AREAS

Příloha B Interview Question Areas

The questionnaire for the semi-structured interview:

Introduction: • Gendre: • Year of birth: • The place of residence in Nagorno Karabakh: • The date (approximately) of departure from Nagorno Karabakh:

Questioned areas:

1. Tell me about yourself • growing up • family

2. Tell me aboutyour living conditions within firstyears of displace­ ment • place of residence • housing • finances • job • governmental provisions • physical security

3. Tell me aboutyour living conditions nowadays • place of residence • housing • finances • job • governmental provisions • physical security

4. Tell me about the biggest difficulties

5. Tell me aboutyour perception of • personal integration • discrimination

57 INTERVIEW QUESTION AREAS

2nd generation:

1. Tell me about yourself • growing up • family

2. Tell me about your perception of • personal integration • discrimination

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