Which Identity Frames Boost Support for and Mobilization in the #Blacklivesmatter Movement? an Experimental Test TABITHA BONILLA Northwestern University ALVIN B
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American Political Science Review (2020) 114, 4, 947–962 doi:10.1017/S0003055420000544 © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the American Political Science Association Which Identity Frames Boost Support for and Mobilization in the #BlackLivesMatter Movement? An Experimental Test TABITHA BONILLA Northwestern University ALVIN B. TILLERY JR. Northwestern University he Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has organized hundreds of disruptive protests in American cities since 2013 (Garza 2014; Harris 2015; Taylor 2016). The movement has garnered considerable attention from the U.S. media and is well recognized by the U.S. public (Horowitz and https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000544 T . Livingston 2016; Neal 2017). Social movement scholars suggest that such robust mobilizations are typically predicated on clear social movement frames (Benford and Snow 2000; Snow et al. 1986). Tillery (2019b) has identified several distinct message frames within the social media communications of BLM activists. In this paper, we use a survey experiment to test the effect of three of these frames—Black Nationalist, Feminist, and LGBTQ+ Rights—on the mobilization of African Americans. We find that exposure to these frames generates differential effects on respondents’ willingness to support, trust, canvass, and write representatives about the Black Lives Matter movement. These findings raise new questions about the deployment of intersectional messaging strategies within movements for racial justice. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms INTRODUCTION animating principle and mantra of the movement against police brutality in Black communities in the United n August 2012, Marcus Anthony Hunter, an urban States (Bonilla and Rosa 2015; Jackson and Welles I studies scholar at the University of California, Los 2016;Rickford2016;Taylor2016,13–15). Hundreds of Angeles, was the first to post the hashtag #Black- large, disruptive Black Lives Matter protests have been LivesMatter on Twitter (National Public Radio 2019). staged in American cities since 2014. Public opinion and The hashtag began to go viral on the social media media studies have reported that these protests have platform after Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal ’ registered in the national consciousness (Horowitz and Tometti posted it on July 13, 2013 to protest a jury s Livingston 2016;Neal2017; Tillery 2017). decision to acquit George Zimmerman in the shooting As is often the case when new movements emerge death of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed African Ameri- (Gusfield 1994, 59; Zald 1992), the Black Lives Matter can teenager, during a confrontation in Sanford, Florida. movement has also become the subject of scholarly In the years since this viral post, #BlackLivesMatter has — inquiry about how its origins, tactics, and effects fit into been tweeted more than 35 million times making it one existing theoretical paradigms and how it is understood of the three most used hashtags on the Twitter platform by others (Freelon, McIlwain, and Clark 2016; Harris (Freelon, McIlwain, and Clark 2016;Garza2014; , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at 2015; Lebron 2017;Merseth2018; Rickford 2016; Taylor Hockin and Brunson 2018). The phrase Black Lives 2016;Tillery2019b). The consensus within this burgeon- Matter (BLM) has also acquired an off-line life as the ing literature is that the Black Lives Matter movement is akin to the New Social Movements—like Germany’s antinuclear movement or the Occupy Wall Street move- — Tabitha Bonilla , Assistant Professor, Human Development and ment in the United States that have emerged in 23 Jan 2021 at 06:17:34 Social Policy and Political Science (by courtesy) and Faculty Fellow advanced industrialized societies since the 1980s (Harris – – – , on Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University, tabitha. 2015,3536; Rickford 2016,3536; Taylor 2016,145 [email protected]. 148, 156–159; Tillery 2019b). Under this formulation, we Alvin B. Tillery, Jr. , Associate Professor of Political Science can expect the activists associated with the Black Lives and African American Studies (by courtesy), alvin.tillery@northwes- Matter movement to evince less concern with mobilizing tern.edu. We are grateful to Sky Patterson for research assistance. We resources to affect public policy debates or shift the would like to thank Professor Pearl Dowe (Emory University), trajectory of political institutions than did their prede- Valeria Sinclair-Chapman (Purdue University), Daniel Gillion (Uni- cessors in the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and versity of Pennsylvania) for insightful comments on an earlier draft of 1960s (Johnston, Larana, and Gusfield 1994;Melucci the paper. We also thank Fernandes Tormos-Aponte (University of 1989; Pichardo 1997). We can also expect Black Lives The University of Texas at El Paso . Maryland-Baltimore County) and Valeria Sinclair-Chapman (Pur- Matter activists to replace resource mobilization in the due University) for organizing, hosting, and inviting us to participate service of instrumental demands with a “politics of in a mini-conference on social movements and intersectionality at ” SPSA 2020. We also thank all participants for their helpful feedback. signification that seeks to create a space for and repre- Finally, we thank the three anonymous reviewers and the previous sent their distinctive identities within postindustrial cul- APSR editors, Professor Thomas Koenig and Professor Ken Benoit, tures (Johnston, Larana, and Gusfield 1994;Melucci for pushing us to significantly improve this paper through the review 1989). In other words, we should observe Black Lives process. Replications files are available at the American Political Matter activists devoting considerable attention to mes- Science Review Dataverse: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/IUZDQI. saging about the various identity groups that they pur- Received: September 20, 2019; revised: June 12, 2020; accepted: port to represent in the public sphere. https://www.cambridge.org/core June 15, 2020. 947 Downloaded from Tabitha Bonilla and Alvin B. Tillery Jr. Scholars of social movements have long acknow- shaping both the attitudes that rank-and-file African ledged the importance of “social movement frames” Americans hold about the movement and their willing- both to generate support for and to mobilize individuals ness to participate in it. We ask whether a framing to participate in social movements (Goffman 1974; strategy grounded in intersectionality theory works to Snow and Benford 2000; Snow et al. 1986; Tarrow mobilize African Americans to support and participate 1992). Indeed, many scholars argue that the difference in the Black Lives Matter movement. Does framing the between successful and unsuccessful movements hinges Black Lives Matter movement as addressing the “inter- on the ability of their core activists to behave as “sig- locking systems of oppression” lead to the same or nifying agents actively engaged in the production and greater levels of support for the Black Lives Matter maintenance of meaning for constituents, antagonists, movement and mobilization among African Americans and bystanders or observers” (Snow and Benford 2000, as when the movement is framed more broadly as a https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000544 613). The focus on frames within social movement fight for racial justice? Or, do movement frames predi- . studies has corresponded with the rise of the New cated on marginalized subgroup identities function as Social Movements. Despite this fact, there has not been micromobilizers for those bearing overlapping iden- much empirical work on how the identity frames tities? We answer these questions through a survey deployed by the leaders of New Social Movements experiment designed to test whether the subgroup shape public opinion and affect micromobilization. frames are as potent as a frame based on racial identity Instead, social movement scholars have tended to sim- for encouraging African Americans to adopt positive ply catalog the rise of new frames and describe how well attitudes about the Black Lives Matter movement and they seem to “resonate” with collectivities during pro- engage in political actions to support the movement. tests (Benford and Snow 2000; Keck and Sikkink 1998, We believe that exploring these questions through 223–226; Snow and Benford 1992; Snow and Machalek experimental methods is warranted for three reasons. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms 1984). In most social movements, the framing of the First, while there is a wealth of excellent qualitative movement is competitive (Carroll and Ratner 1996; research on the dynamics of the Black Lives Matter Benford and Snow 2000; Zald 1996)—that is, activists movement (see, for example, Chatelain and Asoka from different branches of a movement tend to com- 2015; Harris 2015;Rickford2016;Taylor2016), there is pete with one another to elevate their message to the a dearth of causal research on the movement’s impact on position of “master frame” or dominant narrative of African American communities. Second, because Black what the movement is about (Mooney and Hunt 1996; Lives Matter is the first avowedly intersectional move- Snow and Benford 1992, Bonilla and Mo 2019). Such ment to gain significant traction in the American public competition has largely been absent from the history of sphere, developing theoretical insights about how it the Black Lives Matter movement. On the contrary, the shapes political attitudes and behavior holds