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"'I" IN THE

-A study for the original forms-

Minako YAMANLAR MIZUNO*

1. The painting and the patterns in Islam

According to the theories and the categories of European , ornamental patterns are accepted as the secondary elements which adorn objects and are never dealt with as an independent genre in the arts, but in the Islamic world ornamental patterns form a very important genre of painting and have played a significant role in its art. Heinrich Lutzeler describes the situation as follows; The term ornament usually means something subordinate. Ornaments are used to decorate something, and their forms do not have de- cisive influences upon the overall of works of art. Therefore in Europe it is not possible to establish an art history based on ornaments, but in Islam it is not only possible, it is necessary.(1) There have been many discussions about the disproportionate emphasis on ornamental patterns in Islamic art. In those cases, the reasons for it are usually explained through the strict prohibtion of idolatry and the ban on the depiction of living things. Thus the theory has arisen that these restrictions have prevented the development of figure painting in favor of ornamental patterns. But in Islam besides the painting known as miniatures, the painting style called Tezhip also has been evaluated. Tezhip is a kind of painting which is used for the ornamental decoration of manuscripts especially using gold, dark blue and other vivid colors. According to the classifications of European art, Tezhip has been classified as illumination. Certainly Tezhip resembles illumination in its colouring and the purpose of its execution, but Tezhip is not seen as a secondary element like illumination. Because it decorates the Quran, Tezhip is regarded as the most important genre of painting in Islam. This concept was reflected in works on painting written by Islamic authors.

* Lecturer, Keio University.

96 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Especially in "Risalah-yi dar tarikh-i khatt va naqqashi" written by Qutb al-Din Muhammad Qissah-khvan in 1556 (964 H.),(2) "Qanun al-suvar" written by Sadiqi Bik in ca. 1596 (1005 H.),(3) and "Gulistan-i hunar" written by Qadi Ahmad Qummi in ca. 1606 (1015 H.),(4) the seven ornamental patterns were described as the elemental manners of painting.(5) Those seven ornaments are used not only as the main patterns of Tezhip, but also enlarged for adorning architecture and all kinds of crafts. Therefore, in other words, in Islam almost every surface whether it be on tiles, ceramics, wooden panels, metal wares or textiles is accepted as a pictorial space. To Islamic painting the space for painting is not limited to framed surfaces, walls, or scrolls. Thus many painters of ornamental patterns (Muzehhip) were required for creative activities in ateliers and their ranks in ateliers were rather high. They were even sometimes selected as the chiefs of the ateliers.(6) For those reasons it is meaningless to make a rigid distinction between painting and ornamental pattern in Islam. It would be more suitable to think that ornamental pattern is the main genre of Islamic painting. Although ornamental patterns have played an important role in Islamic art, the study of them has not been sufficient. Even the meanings of terms or formal patterns have not been studied completely. When those basic points have been more thoroughly researched, attitudes towards painting in Islam and aesthetic concepts of Islamic art will be more evident. Regarding those points, the author will deal with one of the seven elemental

patterns "Khata'i". Along with Islimi (a pattern composed of half leaves and tendrils), Khata'i is one of the main floral patterns, but its origin has not been clearly understood. Here, in a discussion of the development of the floral motives, the forms and the origin of Khata'i will be traced.

2. The definitions of Khata'i

Before quoting the definitions of the scholars, we have to consider the original meaning of the word "Khata'i". This word is drived from "Khata", which in narrow sense is the name of the Turkish tribe in northern and their dynasty "Kitai", but broadly in the Islamic world it means the country of China. The word Khata'i has been variously used. Besides the name of the ornamental pattern, there was a kind of paper named Khata'i, which was

Vol. XXV 1989 97 manufactured in Khotan,(7) and there was also a kind of textile named Khata'i during the Ottoman period.(8) Moreover painters refered to as Khata'i, who were probably Chineses, are known.(9) In those cases, the word Khata'i is used in the broad sense of "Chinese", thus we cannot find any particular character- istics to give hints as to the concrete forms of the Khata'i pattern. Apart from the general meaning "Chinese", there are some other inter-

pretations of the word Khata'i, one of them is "a continuing of line" the other is "error or trouble",(10) but those meanings are not suitable for the ornament.

Here I would like to introduce the main definitions offered by scholars; (1) C. E. Arseven (1942): The Khata'i stylecame from and it is an ornamental pattern composed of stylized leaves and flowers which resemble Chinese patterns.(11) (2) B. N. Zakhoder (1947): The names of Islimiand Khata'i came from the poem which described the war of Chaldiran. In the poem, the Ottoman Sultan, Selim I, was compared with Islimi, and the Safavid Shah, Shah Isma'il, was compared with Khata'i which was his pseudonym.(12) (3) M. Pakalin (1951): It is one of the type of Tezhip. It does not reproduce nature as does normal painting. It is the name which is given to the favourite flower motives of the painters in various sizes.(13) (4) I. Binark (1964): There are two vegetable tendrils; one is called Rumi, the other called Khata'i. The Khata'i styles are composed of rosettes and leaves with tendrils, which are arranged into big and small medallions. The two motives have been used very often in the Turkish Tezhip.(14) (5) U. Derman (1971): In China and Central Asia the naturalistic form of Khata'i has remained. In and the motives show characteristic forms of their own. The stylized forms are recomposed of the parts of the flower. During the Ottoman period the motif was loved and many variations have been made and used frequently.(15) (6) H. Yagmurlu (1973): It is a highly stylized floral motif. The origin of it can be found in China. The motif came to the Anatolian peninsula through Central Asia and Iran, and spread there.(16) (7) M. E, Ozen (1985): It is a motif that in which a lotus-like flower is arrang- ed in the center with vines surrounding it with leaves and flowers.(17) (8) B. Mahir (1986): A stylizedfloral motif in Chinese style.(18) (9) F. Gagman: It is the conventionalfloral motif which is derived from the Far East.(19)

98 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

(10) A. Ersoy (1988): It is an ornamental pattern which is composed of stylized flowers and leaves. But it is so stylized that the original form is not traceable. Although it is supposed that the flower might exist in nature, it is very difficult to determine the type of plant. The sizes of the motives are various and the depictions of the motif are made from top and side. It is a very popular motif in decorative art.(20) (11) Hadi Aqdasiyah (1957/1336): Khato'i is the floral motif which is com- posed of tendrilswith flowers, leaves and buds. Like Islimi they are also not naturalistic motives, they are abstract, artificially created motives. The name, derived from the city of Khotan, shows the influences of Chinese elements in Iranian Art. The name is compared with Islimi derived from the word Isma'il. Some of the artisans use the term Khata'i as a kind of continuation of lines and something warped or erroneous.(21) (12) S. Welch (1981): The Chinese floral pattern.(22) (13) L. Kerimov (1985): Khatayi is widely used in all Azerbaijan decorative art. Although similar to Islimi in form and structure, Khatayi designs have their own original character and can also be related to the complicated Azerbai- jan ornaments. Wide, enlongated "sleeves" or "branches" which reach upwards from the base are the main elements of this composition. The sleeves are usually surrounded by single or double "teeth" of various forms and are filled and decorated by numerous large and small stylized flowers and leaves of different forms.(23) Except the definition of L. Kerimov, the various definitions have in common two points, that it is a stylized floral motif and that the origin of the motif could

Fig. 1 The motives refered to as Khata'i

a After U. Derman b After Hadi Agdasiyah c After L. Kerimov

Vol. XXV 1989 99 be found in Central Asia or China. But none of the authors have mentioned their reasons or made arguments to support their definitions. The definitions might depend on the transmitted knowledge of the painters, or might be derived from the general image of the word as meaning "Chinese". U. Derman, Hadi Aqdasiyah and L. Kerimov provide drawings of Khata'i (Fig. 1-a, b, c). The Khata'i shown by Derman and Aqdasiyah are quite stylized forms of the motif and do not seem to be the basic form of Khata'i. Kerimov's Khata'i is very much a local form and also seems far from the basic form of the motif. But Khata'i must have had a more standard, distinct and basic pattern, because it was one of the representative patterns in Islam like Islimi, which the painters were obliged to master. To define the concrete and distinct form of Khata'i, we could begin with the hypothesis that Khata'i is a floral pattern, because the pattern which has been used most frequently in Islamic art next to Islimi (the leaf pattern) is the floral pattern.

3. The development of floral patterns in Islamic art

First we should consider the development of Islamic floral patterns in

general. Here I would like to show the main floral patterns in brief. (a) The floral patterns before the Conquest by the The major characteristic of floral patterns in the early Islamic period is that they are completely artificial. The floral patterns are not derived from flowers in nature. We can see typical examples in the architectural decorations of the Dome of the Rock (691) (Fig. 2-a), al-Aqsa (702),(24) Mshatta Palace (first half of 8th century, Staatliche Museen, Berlin) (Fig. 2-b), Samarra Palace (848-852),(25) or Khirbat Mafjar Palace (mid 8th century)(26). One of the typical floral patterns is a medallion composed of and palmette, which originated in Greek and . The artificial tree motives originat- ing in Sasanian art are also used as a kind of floral pattern.(27) In those floral patterns, the leaf motives themselves-vine leaves, palm, acanthus, etc.-are usually represented in a very naturalistic way, but when they are brought toge- ther with stem and tendrils, they form completely artificial compound patterns. Those leaf patterns were partly mixed and developed into the typical Islamic vegetal patterns called Islimi (in Turkey they are called Rumi, in European languages called ),(28) which is characterized by half palmette and tendrils. An example from Anatolia in the Seljuk period (Fig. 3-a) shows

100 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Fig. 2 Floral patterns in the early Islamic periods

a Dome of the Rock (left)

b Mshatta Palace (right)

Fig. 3 Islimi and flower-like Islimi

a b c Islimi after C. E. Arseven Flower-like Islimi, Materia Flower-like IslimI, the medica Quran the typical features of the motif. Islimi quickly spread all over the Islamic world, and has been used through the ages. In the early Islamic periods a special style of Islimi arose. It is composed of two half curving outward with an ovary (子 房) -like or bud-like motif in the middle. This kind of palmette pattern came to be used like the floral patterns. It became more and more

Vol. XXV 1989 101 rotund and vivid. Typical examples of the flower-like Islimi can be found in the stucco decorations of Masjid-i Jami' at Qazvin (1116),(29) the miniature of Kalilah va Dimnah (13th century, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 363, fol. 136a),(30) the miniature of Materia medica (1222, Sammlung Sarre, Berlin) (Fig. 3-b), Tezhip of the Quran (12th century, Iran, Metropolitan Museum, H. O. Havemeyer 29. 160. 23) (Fig. 3-c). After the 12th century, new floral patterns appeared. They are very simple flower motives which have long stems with simple leaves arranged symmetrically and have a bud-like flower on the top of the stem. Typical examples are the miniatures of "Kitab al-aghani" [the book of songs] (1218, Iraq, Royal Library arab. 168, Copenhagen) (Fig. 4-a), "Warqah va Gulshah" (early 13th century, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H 841, fol. 14b, 33b),(31) "Manafi' al- hayawan" [usefulness of animals] (1249-99, Maragha, Morgan Library, New York) (Fig. 4-b) and the tiles from Kubadabad (1236, Karatay Medrese Museum, Konya) (Fig. 4-c), etc. The forms of the floral motives are very simple and stylized. So they seem not to have any particular characteristics, but from the standpoint of coloring, they are noteworthy. Shading had been used for floral motives, but these incorporated a new shading method to give more three dimensional effects.(32) In the shading methods of the early period, the same color tones were usually used,(33) but the new shading of this period used complementary colors. We can find many examples in Central Asia and China.(34) The new type of shading will be discussed further in Section 4. (b) The floral patterns after the Mongol period

Fig. 4 Simple flower motives

a Kitab al-aghani b Manafi' al-hayawan c Tile from Kubadabad

102 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

The Mongols brought new concepts and different sensibilities for the arts into the Islamic world. It is well known that they introduced Chinese genres of painting such as landscape, flower-and-bird, and figure to the Islamic people. Those Chinese paintings actually had important influences upon Islamic arts. The landscape and flower-and-bird paintings in particular were quite new genres in Islam. The Islamic people were influenced not only in the execution of art but also in their spiritual life and in their concepts of nature itself. Appre- ciation for nature changed. For example, gardens began to be filled with numerous different flowers like peonies, herbaceous peonies, roses, lilies, irises, narcissuses, lotuses, almond blossoms, peach blossoms, jasmines, chrysanthemums, tulips, hyacinths, and the flowers of the Malvaceae family like cotton rose, rose of Sharon, hollyhochs, hibiscus, etc. Even to the wild grasses like violets, dandelions, and corn flowers (blue bottles) they showed tender affection. Besides that, the tradition of appreciating cut flowers arranged in vases, which was very popular in China, was also introduced into the Islamic world. The new tendency to observe and appreciate plants and flowers was reflected in the creation of Tezhip and ornamental patterns. From the Il- khanid period until the 16th century, the most popular floral motives were variations on the lotus, then flowers of the Malvaceae family such as the hol- lyhock, the cotton rose and the rose of Sharon. The Peony genus flowers followed them. In Turkey there are many examples of tulips and carnations used in ornamental patterns. They are really characteristic of Ottoman art and its ornamental patterns, but they are not basic patterns and also there is no reason for them to be called Khata'i from the point of view of origins and name, so here they are not included. The forms and characteristics and typical examples of the main floral motives mentioned above are as follows; The lotus was frequently used in as a symbol of holiness and purity. In China it symbolized nobility and sublimity. In "Hua jing" (花 経)

[accounts of flowers] written by Chang-yi (張 翊) in the Sung period, the lotus is placed in the third degree class of the appreciated flowers of the time.(35) It was a very popular flower and rendered as a subject in flower-and-bird painting. Among those Chinese lotus paintings, we can see lotuses which are arranged in vases. It is very interesting that the same tradition of appreciating the lotus in a vase is found in Islam. Typical examples are found in "Jami' al-

Vol. XXV 1989 103 Fig. 5 Lotus motives in Chinese style

a Jami' al-tavarikh b From the Saray Album c From Chinese painting tavarikh" [the collections of chronicles] (1306-7, Tabriz, Edinburgh University arab 20) (the throne scene of King Tahmurath) (Fig. 5-a), and the throne scene of the Mongol palace in the Saray Album (ca. 1300, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 2152, fol. 61a) (Fig. 5-b). These naturalistic lotuses are very similar to the Chinese lotus flower (probably Sung period, China, Horyu-ji, Nara) (Fig. 5-c), so it is possible to say that the tradition of appreciating the lotus in a vase was brought from China to the Islamic world. But we have to add that lotus flowers existed from ancient times until now in Iran also.(36) Therefore the distinguishing features of the flower would be well recognized at the time by Islamic artists. In addition to the naturalistic lotus motives depicted in the miniatures, there are many kinds of lotus motives used as ornamental patterns. In this article, the lotus motives are classified into four types in order of the degree of stylization. (i) Type 1: lotus patterns depicted in the most naturalistic manner, like the lotus in a vase mentioned above (Fig. 5-a, b). Other examples of naturalistic lotuses rendered into ornamental patterns are shown at thrones in the miniature depicting the Mongol palace in the Saray Album (ca.1300, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 2152, fol. 61a),(37) in "Demotte Shah- namah" (1330-40, Freer Gallery of Art, no. 42. 2),(38) in "Demotte Shah-

104 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Fig. 6 Lotus motives-Type 1

a Jami' al-tavarikh b Demotte Shah-namah c From the Saray Album namah" (1330-40, Vever collection) (Shah Zav, son of Tahmasp enthroned),(39) in "Jami' al-tavarikh" (1306-7, Tabriz, Edinburgh University, arab 20) (Sultan Luhrasp enthroned) (Fig. 6-a), on the architectural panels in "Demotte Shah-namah" (1330-1340, Tabriz, Freer Gallery of Art, no. 38.3) (Fig. 6-b), on the table in the miniature depicted the Mongol Palace in Saray Album (early 14th century, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 2153, fol. 148 b) (Fig. 6- c), on the textile in "Jami' al-tavarikh" (ca. 1310, Tabriz, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris) (Yisukai and his wife),(40)and in Tezhip of Sultan Oljeitu's Quran (1313, Royal Egypt Library, Cairo),(41) and the Quran of Arghun Shah (1368-88, Cairo National Library Ms. no. 54).(42) (ii) Type 2: lotus patterns which are slightly stylized and in the middle of the pattern an ovary is placed. Therefore the whole motif seems to be drawn from the side. This kind of lotus looks like the motif made from two half palmettes and one ovary, which was created in the early Islamic period. But the ovary of Type 2 more resembles the real lotus ovary than those of early ones, and the flower petals of Type 2 are no longer the half palmettes. They keep very naturalistic petal forms. Therefore Type 2 can be said to have been stylized directly from real natural lotus flowers. Typical lotuses of Type 2 appeared as follows: independent motives of this type are found in the miniatures of Kalilah va Dimnah (early 13th century, Biliotheque Nationale, Paris) (lion and jackal),(43) of "Manafi' al-hayawan" (14th century, Iran, Metropolitan Museum R. F. 1918. 18. 26. 2) (pair of eagles) (Fig. 7-a), of "Mi'raj-namah" (1463, Herat, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, turc 190, fol.

Vol. XXV 1989 105 Fig. 7 Lotus motives-Type 2

a Manafi' al-hayawan b Mi'raj-namah c Brass basin

d Tile mihral, c From the Saray Album

f Chinese lotus from "Ying tsao fa shin" reprinted by lithography in 1919-20

51), (Fig. 7-b); as ornamental patterns, in a brass basin (14th century, Egypt, ) (Fig. 7-c), a tile mihrap found in Iran (ca. 1354, Metropolitan Museum H. B. Dick F 1939. 39. 20) (Fig. 7-d), a drawing in the Saray Album (15th century, Topkapi Sarayi Museum H. 2153 fol. 36a) (Fig. 7-e). We can see the same kind of stylized Chinese lotus in the Chinese book

106 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Fig. 8 Lotus motives-Type 3

a Book binding of Mathnavi b Tile coffin c Tile

Ying tsao fa shin (営 造 法 式) [the rules of design and construction] written by Li Ming-chung in 1100 in China (Fig. 7-f). (iii) Type 3: lotuses which are more stylized than Type 2. In this type the ovary became wider and more rounded, and in the ovary a bud-like floral motif is placed. In addition to this, the number of the flower petals increases, and the numerous petals seem to form the frame for the whole motif. Type 3 was developed in Timurid and Ottoman ateliers of the 15th century and they came to be greatly appreciated in the following centuries. Typical examples in Iran are as follows: the book binding of Mathnavi for Husayn Bayqara (1483, Herat, Turkish-Islamic Art Museum, no. 1905, Istanbul) (Fig. 8-a), the miniatures of Khamsah (1485, Herat, Chester Beatty Library, no. 163, fol. 104b),(44) the miniature of Khamsah (1491, Leningrad State Public Library, P. N. N. 83, fol. 123b),(45) the miniature of Peri (15th century, Freer Gallery of Art, no. 33. 6).(46) The examples in Turkey are as follows: the tile coffin of Celebi Mehmet I of Mausoleum in Bursa (1421-22) (Fig. 8-b), a tile made in Iznik (early 15th century),(47) a tile made in Istanbul (early 15th century, Cinili Kiosk Museum, Istanbul) (Fig. 8-c), Tezhip of the Quran (1552, Suleymaniye Library, Pertevniyal, cat. no. 2).(48) (iv) Type 4: lotuses are more stylized than those of Type 3. The lotus petals composed like a frame in Type 3 are replaced by other motives-notched soft leaves, the petals of peonies, cloud motives, etc. The patterns are so decorated by various motives that sometimes even to find the original form is difficult. Type 4 is a completely artificial floral pattern. In Iran they call this type of floral pattern the Shah 'Abbas motif, and the patterns are used

Vol. XXV 1989 107 very often in and other crafts. We can see the typical Shah 'Abbas motives in the carpets of the Shah 'Abbas period (17th century, Victoria and Albert Museum, Inv. 242-1896, and 17th century, Textile Museum, Inv. R. 33. 6. 6., Washington) (Fig. 9-a) (Fig. 9-b). In Turkey we can find typical examples in tile decorations, for example a tile panel made in Iznik (1575, Topkai Sarayi Museum-Harem) (Fig. 9-c), and a tile panel in Topkapi Sarayi (16th century).(49) The kaftan of Beyazid II (16th century, Topkapi

Fig. 9 Lotus motives-Type 4

a Carpet of Shah 'Abhas period b Carpet of Shah 'Abbas period

c Tile of Topkapi Sarayi d Kaftan of Sultan Beyazid II

108 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Fig. 10 Motives of the flowers of Malvaceae family

a

b

c d

a Khusrav va Shirin

b From Chinese painting c Shah-namah d Divan-i Khvaju Kirmani e Jami' al-tavarikh

f Tile of Muradiye Mosque

e f

Vol. XXV 1989 109 Sarayi Museum no. 13/37) (Fig. 9-d) is one of the most refined and luxurious examples in textiles. In additon to the lotus patterns we can find a lot of motives derived from flowers of the Malvaceae family, hollyhochs (Althaea rosea Car., in Chinese

蜀 葵), cotton rose (Hibiscus mutabilis, in Chinese 芙 蓉), rose of Sharon

(Hibiscus syricacus L., in Chinese 木 槿), and hibiscus (Hibiscus rosa sinensis

L., in Chinese 扶 桑). In China those flowers were much appreciated and beloved.(50) The hibiscus was ranked in the 6th class in the "Hua jing" of the Sung dynasty mentioned above,(51) the hollyhock and cotton rose were ranked in the 9th class.(52) It shows that they are still high ranked among the many kind of flowers. And those flowers were also very popular subjects in flower- and-bird paintings. Moreover, among those flowers, hollyhocks were a native plant of the Middle East.(53) Therefore, those types of flowers were familiar to the Islamic peoples as was the lotus. We can see beautiful examples of the hollyhock and other Malvaceae family flowers in two miniatures of Khusrav va Shirin (ca. 1410, Tabriz, Freer Gallery of Art, no. 31. 36) (Fig. 10-a) and (1445-46, Herat, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 781 fol. 48v).(54) Those Malvaceae flowers are rather naturalistically represented as whole figures as in Chinese paintings, such as an example attributed to Lu Ching-fu (Ming Dynasty, Manju-in, Kyoto) (Fig. 10-b). But as ornamental patterns, they are not so naturalistic. Typical Malvacaea motives are seen in works as follows: the garden scene in the miniature of "Shah-namah" (1430, Herat, Gulistan Museum) (Kay Ka'us and the minstrel) (Fig. 10-c), the textile design in the miniature of Shah-namah (1331, Shiraz, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 1479, fol. 24) (Fgi. 13-c), the architectural decorations in "Divan-i Khvaju Kirmani" (1396, Baghdad, British Library, add. 18113, fol. 12a) (Fig. 10-d), the throne in the miniature of "Jami' al-tavarikh "(1306-7, Tabriz, Edinburgh University, arab 20) (the widow and son of Siyavush brought by a shepherd to Ka'us) (Fig.10-e), a tile of Muradiye Mosque in Edirne (1436) (Fig. 10-f), and the kaftan of Sultan Beyazid II (Fig. 9-f). The motives of Malvaceae flowers do not come in so many varieties as the lotus but they are used as often both as the main motives and as secondary motives to fill the open spaces between other ornamental patterns or to decorate them. Moreover, for Malvaceae motives also, sometimes Chinese shading methods are used. This matter will be discussed below.

110 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Fig. 11 Peony motives

a Mi'raj-namah in Topkapi b Mi'raj-namah in Bibliotheque Sarayi Museum Nationale, Paris

c Shah-namah d From the Saray Album

e Chinese peony motif from "Ying tsao fa shin" f From the Saray Album

Vol. XXV 1989 111 In China the peony along with the orchid was one of the most beloved flowers, and they are classified in the highest rank through almost all periods. In "Hua jing" also they were ranked in the 1st class.(55) For the Chinese people it was great fun to appreciate these flowers and to represent their noble, elegant figures. We must not forget to say that in the Liao (Kitay) Dynasty the peony was very beloved and was treated like a national flower; it was one of the annual court events to appreciate the peony.(56) It is not sure whether the peony grew in the Middle East, but we can find very naturalistic and vivid peony flowers in miniatures for instance in "Mi'raj- namah" (1360-70, probably Baghdad, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 2154, fol. 107r) (Fig. 11-a). There are many peony motives in architectural decorations: the panel of in the miniature of Mi'raj-namah (1436, Herat, Biblio- theque Nationale, turc. no. 190, fol. 28a, Paris) (Fig. 11-b), the architectural panel in "Shah-namah" (1430, Herat, Gulistan Museum) (Gulnar sees Ardashir from window) (Fig. 11-c). And also in thrones, we can see typical examples in the miniature of the Mongol Palace in the Saray Album (early 14th century, Tabriz, Topkapi Sarayi Museum, H. 2153, fol. 148a) (Fig. 11-d). We can see the same type of peony motif in "The rules of design and construction" (Fig. 11-e). Although in the Islamic world peony motives did not become as popular as lotus and malvaceae motives, the petals of the peony were used as one of the elements to compose artificial floral motives like lotus Type 4. The softness and the elegance of the pedals make the other motives very luxurious. We can see an example in a drawing in the Saray Album (15 th century, Topkapi Sarayi Museum) (Fig. 11-f).

4. What is Khata'i

Among the main floral motives in Islam mentioned above, are there any motives which had been called Khata'i? The word Khata'i as meaning China does not give us any aid in finding the proper motif because the main motives-lotus, flowers of Malvaceae family, and peony-were all very popular in China, it is very difficult to say which one is most suitable to be called Khata'i. Besides that, most of them grew in the Middle East also, so there was no particular reason to call one Khata'i. Here we have to find the motif correspondent to Khata'i by referring to

112 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART some documents. Although the lotus is the main representative motif in Islamic art, it is hard to say that the lotus is Khata'i. The reasons for this are as follows: In the Sadigi Bik description of ornamental patterns, he included Nilufar (lotus), in addition to Khata'i. Other authors of accounts of paintings did not write the name of Nilufar, but all of them wrote the name Khata'i.(57) So it is appropriate to consider Khata'i to be a different motif from the lotus motif. The second reason is that the lotus flower was known in the Middle East from ancient times, and had been used as a decorative motif throughout the Assyrian, Achaemenid and Sasanid periods. A. U. Pope said in "A Survey of Persian Ornament" that there occured a "resurgence" of the lotus in Islamic periods, and the Chinese lotus introduced into Iran had enriched them.(58) Thus as mentioned before, there is no particular reason to call the lotus Khata'i. The third reason is the descriptions of 'Ardah-dasht [The written report submit- ted to Baysunghur Mirza] written by Ja'far Baysunghuri in ca. 1429.(59) In the report, the author, as the chief librarian of the court library, described the manuscripts which were being prepared at the time. Among the manuscripts, four have survived until today; Gulistan [rose garden] (1426-27, Chester Beatty Library), Rasa'il [treatises] (1426-27, Berenson Collection), Shah-namah (1427- 28, Private Library, Tehran), and Shah-namah (1430, Herat, Gulistan Museum). From the miniatures of those manuscripts, we could find the most popular floral motif at the time. The most popular floral motif was not the lotus, but it was Malvaceae family flowers, like hollyhock, cotton rose and hibiscus. We do not know if the name Khata'i existed at the time; in 'Ardah- dasht we can find many terms relating to Tezhip, and the term Islimi was written but not Khata'i.(60) But if we think about the rapid development of ornamental patterns after the Il-khanid period, it might be supposed that Khata'i had taken their own characteristic forms before the time when the manuscripts mentioned above had been made. For those reasons, it is slightly difficult to believe the lotus would be termed Khata'i. The development of ornamental patterns after the Il-khanid period, was influenced by Chinese paintings, Chinese craft decorations and Chinese archi- tectural decorations as we saw above. There are some Chinese documents which give clues to the problem of Khata'i. M. Yoshimura and Y. Hayashi have quoted Chinese descriptions which also relate to Khata'i.(61) Especially in the valuable and detailed articles of Y. Hayashi on Hossoge (宝 相 華) interesting

Vol. XXV 1989 113 Fig. 12 Khata'i motives refered to as Hossoge style Malvaceae flowers

a Jami' al-tavarikh in Edinburgh University b Jami' al-tavarikh in Edinburgh University

Fig. 13 Hossoge style Malvaceae flowers with shading

a Chinese painting from b Chinese painting from 12th century

c Shah-namah d Jami' al-tavarikh

114 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

Chinese descriptions are quoted. In Sung shi (宋 史) [the history of Sung Dynasty] regulations for the garments of court officers are described, and in them the Hossoge motives were used on the officers garments.(62) In Yuan shi

(元史) [the history of Yuan Dynasty] we can find descriptions of the g arments of soldiers, which were also decorated by Hossoge.(63) It is difficult to define the form of Hossoge, but in a broad sense it could belong to the Peony genus or the Malvaceae family. If it is so, there are many interesting scenes in the Is- lamic miniatures. For instance, in "Jami' al-tavarikh" (1306-7, Edinburgh University, Arab 20) (Fig. 12-a, b) we can see soldiers wearing the garments with Malvaceae flower motives. Those examples prove that the Mongols fol- lowed Chinese regulations and conventions. For architectural decorations and craft decorations, the same attitudes exist. "Ping tsao fa shin" gives us interesting descriptions and drawings of ornamental patterns. In Chapter 14, there are descriptions of "paintings in full colors". There he mentions that there are three main floral motives, the first is the pomegranate group, the second is the Hossoge group, and the third is the lotus group.(64) In regard to the Hossoge group, he commented that it is the same type as the peony. This is very important information for finding the concrete form of Hossoge. The drawings of the ornamental patterns are said not to retain the original forms, but in any case this book gives us some important clues. For instance in Chapter 12, concerning wooden for architectural use, he mentioned five main floral motives, the first is the peony, the second is the herbaceons peony, the third is the hollyhock, the fourth is the cotton rose, the fifth is the lotus.(65) If we think about the throne decorations and the architectural decorations of Il-khanid and Timurid periods, we could find almost the same motives. On the point of ornamental patterns, it might be said that the ornamental patterns of the Il-khanid period seem to follow the Chinese models, so the floral pattern would be derived from the Malvaceae or Peony genus. Therefore as one possibility, we can suggest that Khata'i refers to Malvaceae or Peony flowers. In addition to the ornamental patterns, if we think about the coloring of the motives, there is more support for the idea that the Malvaceae flowers would

be Khata'i. This is because the chinese method of shading (in Japanese 暈 繝) is very clearly seen in the the Malvaceae motives in China and in the Islamic world, we can find typical Chinese examples in a painting at Tunhuang,(66)

Vol. XXV 1989 115 and in two flower-and-bird paintings (Yuan Dynasty, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Japan, and by Mao I, 12th century, the Museum Yamato Bunka- kan, Nara) (Fig. 13-a) (Fig. 13-b), and Islamic examples are seen in the miniature of Shah-namah executed 1331 in Shiraz (Topkapi Sarayi Museum H. 1479) (Fig. 13-c) "Jami' al-tavarikh (1306-7, Edinburgh University, arab 20) (Battle between Abu al-Qasim and the Samanid Muntasir) (Fig. 13-d) and Fig. 10-a, c, f. Thus, the form, coloring and frequency of Malvaceae motives in Islamic art, suggest that they are a strong candidate for identification with the term Khata'i.

Notes

(1) H. Lutzeler,“Ornament-Ein Vergleich zwischen europaischer und islamischer Kunst”, 山 本 正 男 編, 比 較 芸 術 学 研 究, Tokyo, 1978. (2) Qutb al-Din Muhammad Qissah-khvan, "Risalah-yi dar tarikh-i khatt va naqqashi", Majallah-yi Sukhan, vol. 6-7, 1967 (1346SH.) pp. 667-676. (3) (1) A. Yu. Kaziev, ed. and trans., Ganun os-sovor (A treatise on painting), Baku, 1963 (2) Muhammad Taqi Danishpazhuh, ed., "Qanun al-suvar", Hunar va Mardum, no. 90, 1970, pp. 11-20 (3) M. B. Dickson, S. C. Welch, trans., "The canons of painting by Sadiqi Bek", The Houghton , Cambridge (Mass.) & London, 1981 Appendix I, pp. 259-269. (4) (1) V. Minorsky, trans., Calligraphers and painters-A treatise by Qadi Ahmad, son of Mir Munshi, Washington, 1959 (2) Ahmad Suhayli Khvansari, ed., Gulistan-i hunar, Tehran, 1359 SH (2nd. ed.). (5) Seven patterns of the authors are as follows; Qutb al-Din Muhammad Qissah-khvan, ibid., p. 673, "islimi, khata'i, farangi, fisali, abr, daq, ". Sadiqi Bik, ibid., p. 262, "islimi, khata'i, abr, vaq, nilufar, farangs, band-i rumi". Qadi Ahmad, ibid., p. 178, "islimi, khata'i, farangi, fisali, abr, akrah, salami". (6) For instance, Sah Kulu and Karamemi were painters of Tezhip, and became the chiefs of the Palace atelier, ref. R. M. Meric, Turk nakis sanati tarihi arastirmalari, Ankara, 1953, p. 3, p. 7. (7) M. Z. Pakahn, Osmanli tarih deyimleri ve terimleri sozlugu, Istanbul, 1983 (3rd. ed.), p. 765. (8) M. Z. Pakahn, ibid., p. 765; R. K. Kocu, Turk giyim, kusam ve suslenme sozlugu, Istanbul, 1967, p. 129. (9) Z. V. Togan, On the miniatures in Istanbul libraries, Istanbul, 1963, p. 14. (10) Hadi Aqdasiyah, "Tarh-i khata'i va -ha-yi Shah 'Abbasi", Naqsh va Nigar, I/3, 1336 SH (1957), p. 34. (11) C. E. Arseven, Sanat Ansiklopedisi, Istanbul, 1942, vol. 1, p. 240. (12) B. N. Zakhoder, ref. V. Minorsky, ibid., p. 178, note 162. (13) M. Z. Pakalm, ibid., p. 765. (14) I. Binark, "Turk kitapcihk tarihinde tezhip sanati", Turk kutuphanecilik dergisi, 1964, vol. 13/3-4, p. 19. (15) U. Derman, Turk Ansiklopedisi, Ankara, 1971, vol. 19, p. 61. (16) H. Yagmurlu, "Tezhip sanati hakkinda genel aciklamalar ve Topkapi Sarayl Muzesi Kutuphanesinde imzali eserleri bulunan tezhip ustalari", Turk etnografya dergisi, 1973, vol. 13, p. 79.

116 ORIENT "KHATA'I" MOTIF IN THE ISLAMIC ART

(17) M. E. Ozen, Yazma kitap sanatlari sozlugu, Istanbul, 1985, p. 25. (18) B. Mahir, "Saray nakkashanesinin unlu ressami Sah Kulu ve eserleri", Topkapl Sarayi Muzesi-Yillik 1, Istanbul, 1986, p. 113. (19) F. Cagman, unpublished. (20) A. Ersoy, Turk tezhip sanati, Istanbul, 1988, p. 17. (21) Hadi Aqdasiyah, ibid., p. 30. (22) S. C. Welch, ibid., p. 262. (23) L. Kerimov, "Khatayi", Oriental carpet & textile studies, London, vol. 1, p. 192. (24) Ref. H. Stern, "Recherches sur la mosquee al-Aqsa", Ars Orientalis, 1961, vol. 5, Plan- che 10-Fig. 35. (25) Ref. E. Herzfeld, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Berlin, Band I Taf. LXXV- XCVII. (26) Ref. H. Stern, ibid., Planche 1-Fig. 2, 4. (27) Ref. A. U. Pope, A survey of , London, 1938, vol. 4., pl. 167, 168. (28) Concerning the term arabesque, ref. (1) E. Herzfeld, "Arabesque", EI, Leyden, 1913, pp. 363-367 (2) E. Kuhnel, "Arabesque", EI2, Leiden, 1960, pp. 558-561 (3) E. Kuhnel, Arabesque, Gran, 1976. (29) Ref. A. U. Pope, ibid., vol. 5, pl. 522. (30) Ref. M. S. Ipsiroglu, Das Bild im Islam, Wien & Munchen, 1971, Abb. 14. (31) Ibid., Abb. 18, 20. (32) We can see examples of the new type of shading in R. Ettinghausen "Arab Painting", New York, 1977, p. 18, 25, 39. (33) S. Noma,“暈 繝 彩 色 の 源 流 ”(The origin of shading), Kokugakuin Zasshi 1956, no. 57-5, pp. 25-34. (34) Ref. R. Wittfield, ed., The art of Central Asia, Tokyo, pl. 9-8, 19-1. (35) Ref. M. Yoshimura,“宝 相 花 文 様 考 ”(Hossoge pattern), Museum, 1963, no. 147, p. 27. Ref. R. Hayashi,“仏 教 美 術 に お け る 装 飾 文 様 12-宝 相 華 (1)”(Ornament patterns in the Buddhist art 12-Hossoge (1)), Ars Buddhica, 1978, no. 121, p. 72. (36) Y. Hayashi & K. Furusato, ed., 原 色 世 界 植 物 大 図 鑑 (Illustrated flora of the world in color), Tokyo, 1986, p. 327. (37) Ref. M. S. Ipsiroglu, ibid., Abb. 23. (38) Ref. A. U. Pope, ibid., vol. 5, pl. 837. (39) Ref. O. Grabar & S. Blair, Epic images and contemporary history, Chicago & London, 1980, pl. 14. (40) Ref. E. Blochet, Musulman painting, XIIth-XVIIth century, New York, 1975 (reissued), pl. LIX. (41) Ref. A. U. Pope, ibid., vol. 5, pl. 934-A. (42) Ref. R. Ettinghausen, ibid., p. 174. (43) Ref. A. U. Pope, ibid., vol. 5, pl. 817A. (44) Ref. B. Gray, ed., The arts of the book in Central Asia, Paris, 1979, pl. LVIII. (45) Ref. M. M. Ashrafi, Persian-Tajik poetry in XIV-XVII centuriesminiatures, , 1974, pl. 20. (46) Ref. B. Mahir, ibid., res. 14. (47) Ref. G. Oney, ト ル コ の 装 飾 タ イ ル (Turkish ceramic tile art), Tokyo, 1975, pl. 47. (48) Ref. A. Ersoy, ibid., res. 14. (49) Ref. E. Atil, , Washington, 1980, pl. 45. (50) Ref. M. Yoshimura, ibid., pp. 27-29; R. Hayashi, ibid., pp. 72-73. (51) Ref. M. Yoshimura, ibid., p. 27; R. Hayashi, ibid., p. 72. (52) Ref. M. Yoshimura, ibid., p. 27. (53) T. Makino, 原 色 牧 野 植 物 大 図 鑑 (Makino's illustrated flora in color), Tokyo, 1982, p. 325; Y. Hayashi & K. Furusato, ibid., p. 336.

Vol. XXV 1989 117 (54) Ref. E. Grube, ed., イ ス ラ ム の 絵 画 (Islamic painting), Tokyo, 1978, pl. 80. (55) Ref. M. Yoshimura & R. Hayashi, ibid. p. 27, p. 72.

(56) Ref J. Tamura, 慶 陵 の 壁 画 (The wall paintings of Ch'ing-ling), Kyoto, 1977, p. 99. (57) Ref. note (5). (58) A. U. Pope, ibid., p. 2735. (59) M. K. Ozergin, "Temurlu sanatina ait eski bir belge: Tebrizli Cafer'in bir arzi", Sanat tarihi yilligi, 1976, vol. VI, pp. 471-518. (60) ibid., p. 494, facsimile. (61) Ref. note (35). (62) Sung shi (宋 史) [The history of Sung Dynasty] vol. 153. Ref. R. Hayashi, ibid., p. 75. (63) Yuan shi (元 史) [The history of Yuan Dynasty] vol. 78. Ref. R. Hayashi, ibid., pp. 75-76. (64) Li Ming-chung, Ying tsao fa shin (営 造 法 式) [The rules of design and construction], China, 1918-19, Chapter 14. (65) ibid., Chapter 12. (66) R. Wittfield, ibid., pl. 8-1.

* The article was prepared for the Joint Research Project titled "West and East in Arts" at National Museum of Ethnology in Osaka between 1986-88.

118 ORIENT