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Programa De Pós-Graduação Em Relações Internacionais – Unesp, Unicamp E Puc-Sp

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Programa De Pós-Graduação Em Relações Internacionais – Unesp, Unicamp E Puc-Sp PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DE SÃO PAULO (PUC-SP) PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS – UNESP, UNICAMP E PUC-SP RODRIGO AUGUSTO DUARTE AMARAL OCUPAÇÃO E RECONSTRUÇÃO DO IRAQUE: A ATUAÇÃO DA COALIZÃO DE AUTORIDADE PROVISÓRIA (2003-2004) SÃO PAULO 2017 RODRIGO AUGUSTO DUARTE AMARAL OCUPAÇÃO E RECONSTRUÇÃO DO IRAQUE: A ATUAÇÃO DA COALIZÃO DE AUTORIDADE PROVISÓRIA (2003-2004) Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- graduação em Relações Internacionais da Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio De Mesquita Filho” (Unesp), da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) e da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP), como exigência para obtenção do título de mestre em Relações Internacionais, na área de concentração “Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional”, na linha de pesquisa “Estratégia, Defesa e Política Externa”. Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira. SÃO PAULO 2017 RODRIGO AUGUSTO DUARTE AMARAL OCUPAÇÃO E RECONSTRUÇÃO DO IRAQUE: A ATUAÇÃO DA COALIZÃO DE AUTORIDADE PROVISÓRIA (2003-2004) Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- graduação em Relações Internacionais da Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio De Mesquita Filho” (Unesp), da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) e da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP), como exigência para obtenção do título de mestre em Relações Internacionais, na área de concentração “Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional”, na linha de pesquisa “Estratégia, Defesa e Política Externa”. Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira. BANCA EXAMINADORA ____________________________________________________ Prof. Dr. Paulo José dos Reis Pereira (Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo) ____________________________________________________ Prof. Dr. Reginaldo Mattar Nasser (Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo) ______________________________________________ Profa. Dra. Deisy de Freitas Lima Ventura (Universidade de São Paulo) São Paulo, 2017 AGRADECIMENTOS Esse trabalho foi desenvolvido com o auxílio de uma bolsa concedida pela Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES). Agradeço pelo auxílio outorgado. AGRADECIMENTOS Primeiramente, agradeço profundamente aos professores Reginaldo Nasser e Paulo Pereira que, desde o início da minha empreitada acadêmica, me deram todo apoio, ensino e suporte necessário para poder chegar até aqui. Sem eles nada disso seria possível. Agradeço a Professora Deisy Ventura pelas análises, críticas e conselhos no exame de qualificação, que me ajudaram na fase final da pesquisa. Agradeço a todo corpo docente do Programa San Tiago Dantas por todo ensinamento ao longo do mestrado, em especial aos professores Hector Luis Saint-Pierre, Samuel Alves Soares, Flávia de Campos Mello, Suzeley Kalil Mathias, bem como demais professores e colegas que me ajudaram nessa caminhada: Cláudia Alvarenga Marconi (PUCSP) e Fernanda Mello Sant’Anna (Unesp). Colegas do San Tiago Dantas, agradeço em especial a Giovana Vieira, Graziela e Isabela Silvestre. Aos colegas de GECI, lhes agradeço por cada reunião e palestra juntos, cada debate e críticas que me fizeram amadurecer academicamente. Agradeço a todos os amigos de pós, tanto do mestrado quando do doutorado, que ao longo desses dois anos fizeram parecer que os conheço já há uma vida toda: Willian, Helena, Renato, Roberto, Gessica, Priscila, Tomaz, Rodrigo, Alexandre, Karina, A. Raphael, Bruna, Elze, Alfredo, Carol, Mariana, Bruno, João, Arthur, Livia, Jéssica, Laís, Sara, David, Denis, Daniela e Vitor e tantos outros colegas que fizeram parte desse período tão importante da minha vida, dentro e fora da sala. A minha companheira de vida, Michelly S. Geraldo, quem conheci no momento mais difícil do mestrado, apareceu para mim e me ajudou em tudo que precisei. Não tenho palavras de tanta gratidão. Meses parecem anos. Por fim, aos que amo e agradeço por tudo que vivi até hoje, agradeço aos meus pais João Batista do Amaral pela inspiração para entrar na Academia e admiração que tenho por todas as conquistas, espero conseguir ser metade da pessoa que ele é; e minha mãe Maria Lucia pela paciência, carinho e cuidado de uma mãe que não poderia ser melhor para mim. Ao meu irmão mais velho Lucas, quem compartilhei todas minhas experiências acadêmicas, positivas e negativas, quem sempre esteve disposto a me ajudar e aconselhar. RESUMO Entre março de 2003 e junho de 2004, os Estados Unidos da América, em conjunto com a Grã-Bretanha, ocuparam o Iraque e obtiveram o status de Autoridade Provisória emitido pelo Conselho de Segurança da Organização das Nações Unidas (CSONU) na Resolução 1483 para reconstruir o Estado iraquiano após a derrubada do Regime Baath. Pela primeira vez desde o final da segunda Guerra Mundial, uma potência ganhava status de força ocupante pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), sem ser um mandato da ONU propriamente, como usualmente nas operações de paz (Peacekeeping operations) regidas pelo órgão internacional. A invasão do Iraque em 2003, contou com um consenso no pensamento político norte- americano no qual os EUA teriam a responsabilidade e o dever de derrubar o regime de Saddam Hussein, que supostamente cometia crimes contra humanidade, representava uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Em grande medida, a fórmula norte-americana para a invasão e ocupação do Iraque consistiu em justificar suas ações em termos de “razão humanitária” e legitimá-las por meio de mecanismos jurídicos. A execução do plano de ocupação do Iraque contou com um papel fundamental de membros da elite iraquiana da oposição ao Regime Baath em apoio a agenda das potências anglo-americanas. Entretanto, se esse inédito processo de statebuilding for analisado deixando de lado essas premissas humanitárias, ao contrário do que fazem as análises mainstream de política externa dos EUA, pode-se identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos consequentes a esse projeto de reconstrução do Iraque. A partir da análise dos documentos oficiais da Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória (CAP) e o questionamento às premissas liberais internacionalistas que pautaram a justificativa e posteriormente as críticas aos resultados da administração da CAP, pudemos identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos aos EUA e suas corporações durante os 14 meses de ocupação. Sobretudo nos setores de energia, agricultura, serviços de segurança e infraestrutura, e ainda outros benefícios financeiros a setores não-estatais (como das Organizações não Governamentais e as economias informais). Em termos de poder, a ocupação resultou na aproximação entre EUA e Iraque de domínio norte-americano, e em termos de mercado a CAP liberalizou a economia iraquiana permitindo acesso de multinacionais a diversos setores do mercado iraquiano. Assim, evidencia-se a consolidação de uma agenda político-econômica iraquiana submissa aos interesses norte-americanos. Palavras-chave: Ocupação. Reconstrução. Iraque. Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória. Resolução 1483 do CSONU. Agenda político-econômica dos EUA. ABSTRACT Between March 2003 and June 2004, the United States of America (US), together with Britain, occupied Iraq and obtained the status of Provisional Authority granted by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1483 to rebuild the Iraqi state after the overthrow of the Baath Regime. For the first time since the end of World War II, an international power gained occupying power status through United Nations (UN), without being a UN proper mandate, as usually in peacekeeping operations governed by the international body. The 2003 invasion of Iraq had a consensus in American political though that the United States would have the responsibility and duty to overthrow Saddam's regime, which allegedly committed crimes against humanity, posed a threat to international security. To a large extent, the American formula for the invasion and occupation of Iraq consisted in justifying its actions in terms of "humanitarian reason" and legitimizing them by means of legal mechanisms. Implementation of the Iraq occupation plan had a key role for members of the Iraqi opposition elite to the Baath Regime in support of the Anglo-American powers agenda. However, if this unprecedented statebuilding process is analyzed by leaving aside these humanitarian premises, unlike the mainstream US foreign policy analysis, one can identify possible political-economic benefits that result from this reconstruction project in Iraq. Based on the analysis of the official documents of the Provisional Authority Coalition (CPA) and questioning the internationalist liberal premises that guided the justification and later criticism of the results of CPA administration, we were able to identify possible political-economic benefits to the US and its corporations during The 14 months of occupation. Particularly in the energy, agriculture, security services and infrastructure sectors, as well as other financial benefits to non-state sectors (such as NGOs and informal economies). In terms of power, the occupation resulted in the US-Iraq approaching of US dominance, and in terms of market CPA liberalized the Iraqi economy allowing multinational access to various sectors of the Iraqi market. Thus, it is evident the consolidation of an Iraqi political-economic agenda submissive to the North American interests. Keywords: Occupation. Reconstruction. Iraq. Coalition of Provisional Authority. UN Security Council Resolution 1483. US Political-Economic agenda. LISTA DE ABREVIATURAS E SIGLAS ADMs Armas de Destruição em Massa AIEA Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica
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