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C.L.R. James, Direct Democracy, and National Liberation Struggles By Matthew Quest B.A. Hunter College, C.U.N.Y., 1994 M.A. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2001 A.M. Brown University, 2004 A Dissertation Submitted In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In The Department of American Civilization At Brown University Providence, Rhode Island May 2008 UMI Number: 3318351 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform 3318351 Copyright 2008 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 The dissertation by Matthew Quest is accepted in its present form by the Department of American Civilization as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 7 Date q-to-ot Pau^Buhle, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date H-hotf (%• Date H-flOl D$ Approved by the Graduate School Date dkkK. UAL Sheila~6s«ee, Dean of the Graduate School 11 Copyright by Matthew Quest 2008 in VITA Matthew Quest was born in New York City, NY on August 28, 1971. He was raised by his mother and father in Hempstead, Long Island. He has been an autoworker in Detroit, a telecommunications worker in New York, and taught in the public schools in the Chicago area. In 1994 he graduated from Hunter College, City University of New York with a B.A. in Political Science. In 2001 he was awarded an M.A. degree from University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign in African Studies. In 2004 he was awarded an A.M. from the Department of American Civilization at Brown University. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract VI Chapter 1 Literature Review 1 Chapter 2 Every Cook Can Govern: C.L.R. James, Direct Democracy & Workers Self-Management 15 Chapter 3 Between The Peasantry & Representative Men: C.L.R. James' State Capitalism, Self-Activity & The Making of National Liberation 84 Chapter 4 C.L.R. James & The Third World: India, China, and Cuba 117 Chapter 5 C.L.R. James' Caribbean Politics & Revolutionary History: From Trinidad to Haiti 173 Chapter 6 C.L.R. James' African American Politics: From the Age of the CIO to Black Power 247 Chapter 7 C.L.R. James' African Politics: Ethiopia, Ghana, Tanzania and Kenya 334 Conclusion 418 Works Cited 421 v Abstract of "C.L.R. James, Direct Democracy, and National Liberation Struggles" by Matthew Quest, Ph.D. Brown University, May 2008 C.L.R. James (1901-1989), native of Trinidad, is perhaps the most libertarian revolutionary thinker of both the Pan-African and international labor movements in the twentieth century. Best known as the author of The Black Jacobins (1938), the classic account of Toussaint L'Ouverture and the Haitian Revolution, and Beyond A Boundary (1963), a semi-autobiographical meditation on the game of cricket, his intellectual legacies in the fields of history and literature are well established. In contrast, aspects of his political thought have yet to be examined with equal care. This study through original research in primary sources will introduce two unique propositions about the life and work of C.L.R. James. First, the foundation of his political philosophy is direct democracy and workers self-management. Second, inquiring variously about the presence, function, contours, and absence of direct democracy and workers self- management in C.L.R. James' political thought on national liberation struggles challenges the horizons of radical democratic theory and radical Africana political thought in the twentieth century. This study will make an original intervention in scholarly fields by placing C.L.R. James' political thought on direct democracy and workers self-management, as embodied by his adage "every cook can govern," in conversation with Black freedom struggles of Africa, the African Diaspora, and the Third World. Examining C.L.R. James' ideas inspired by the Age of the CIO, Hegel, Marx, Lenin, Rousseau, Jules Michelet, the French and Russian Revolutions, Eastern Europe, and Ancient Athens; unique vantages will be offered on James' relationship to the Black Power Movement in the USA, The Sixth Pan-African Congress, and Federation and Party Politics in the Caribbean. C.L.R. vi James' outlook on Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana and Julius Nyerere's Tanzania will be explored along with unexpected and illuminating vistas on Cuba, China, Kenya, Ethiopia, India and the Indo-Caribbean. In examining these national liberation struggles we will inquire if C.L.R. James' political thought is a means to enchant popular self-management at the expense of nation-states and ruling elites or assist the nationalist middle classes in retaining state power at ordinary people's expense. vn CHAPTER 1 Literature Review C.L.R. James' Life and Work Paul Buhle highlights syndicalist tendencies within C.L.R. James' political thought. Appreciated by anarchists but consciously a particular Marxist vision, James' ideas can not be finally reconciled with social democracy or neo-vanguardism. Buhle, while valuing James' unique readings of popular culture, makes clear his political thought should not be confused with frameworks of Western Marxism, assuming historical defeat and mere aesthetic meditation.l John McClendon views James as "a Marxist from below." Philosophy and theory function to evaluate political premises and as a guide for practice based on them. However, imagining James' rejection of the Leninist vanguard party as a rejection of Leninism, McClendon contests James' view of himself as clarifying the tradition of Lenin by defending spontaneity and workers' self-management. McClendon agrees the proletariat is central to James' optics, but is the crux of a populist vision. He ultimately assesses James as a Hegelian idealist. Sundiata Cha Jua observes an important complexity in James' Facing Reality. While mistaken to view James as now fearing worker domination of society, as his celebration of the 1956 Hungarian revolt at the very beginning of the book makes clear, Cha Jua locates a key consideration. C.L.R. James has two methods for imagining direct 1 Paul Buhle. "Marxism in the USA." In C.L.R. James and Revolutionary Marxism. Scott McLemee and Paul Le Blanc eds. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1994. 56-57. See also Paul Buhle. C.L.R. James: The Artist As Revolutionary. New York: Verso, 1988 and Paul Buhle. Marxism in the United States. London: Verso, 1987. 2 John McClendon. C.L.R. James's Notes on Dialectics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005. 1 democratic political visions: workers' self-management and the self-activity of everyday people. The former is an explicit syndicalist or libertarian vision of popular committees or assemblies as government. The latter is a means for evaluating favorably more heterogeneous class forces. Self-activity for James, a concept not new at this juncture in his repertoire as Cha Jua suggests, nevertheless does leave him open to an awkward if critical embrace of electoral politics and the policies of nation-states at times.3 Alrick Cambridge in reviewing C.L.R. James' political thought, consciously seeks to document it largely uncritically, surveying James' imagined intentions. This is an important scholarly effort for James, the rigorous political thinker, has often got lost in a fog of hyper academic cultural studies. Cambridge depicts James as defending an authentic return to the Marxism of Karl Marx and V.I. Lenin by way of Hegel, overcoming the deviations of both Stalinism and Trotskyism. However, Cambridge, emphasizes the former as a "left" deviation and the latter a "right" deviation suggesting presumptions associated perhaps with Maoism, and not James. But he is not the only aspiring Jamesian to shade his political thought in this fashion. Cambridge explains James did not see progress as a straight line, viewing rationalism as a kernel of managerial ideology. Among the few I am aware to explicitly document James' vision as that of direct democracy, tracing it back to his break from state capitalist ideas, Cambridge sees James as concerned with positive visions such as "the struggle for happiness" and "a good life" not merely socialist goals emphasizing material welfare.4 3 Sundiata Cha Jua. "C.L.R. James, Blackness, and the Making of a Neo-Marxian Diasporic Historiography." Nature, Society and Thought. 11.1 (1998) 82. 4 Alrick Cambridge. "C.L.R. James, Freedom Through History and Dialectics." In Intellectuals in the 2(fh Century Caribbean. Vol.1. London: Macmillan, 1992. 163-178; Alrick Cambridge. "C.L.R. James' Socialist Future and Human Happiness." In Decolonizing the Academy. Carole Boyce Davies, et al. eds. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2003. 63-83. 2 Martin Glaberman perhaps did more than any other scholar to preserve the texts where C.L.R. James' vision of direct democracy and workers' self-management can be found, arguing defense of this intellectual legacy is important. In response to excessive obsession over James' literary legacy and interest in popular culture, from comic strips to film; Glaberman reminds James was also an anti-imperialist and spent time building small revolutionary organizations, factions and propaganda circles for most of his career. Glaberman emphasizes James' direct democratic vision ultimately clashes with Maoism and social democracy.5 Anna Grimshaw and Keith Hart versus Robert Hill have contested the meaning of C.L.R.