Danish - Scottish Relations 1513-1542

by

Stephen D. Cooper

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fullfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.

Department of , May' 1962. McGill University, Montreal. PREFACE

During the last fifteen years, a cons!derable interest has been shown by historians in the of countries thst are relatively small and were formerly of no importance in the general scheme of world politics. We have seen a multitude of works on numerous states in Latin .l\merica, Asia., and lately, Africa. The achievements of peoples without a history i~ the western European concept of the term are presented to us as a pageant of peoples striv::tng to free themselves from 6olonial domination and being prey to the disruptive forces of our mass civilization. Looking over this output of books., we are tempted to ask ourselvea why other areas which, on the contrsry., nave played an import­ ant part in the history of man and which now contribute a distinctive philosop~y of life have been almost completely relegated to the shadows of obscurity?

':!.he Scandinavian countries provide a good example of this. ln the hiatory of western civiliza.tion, from the time when the first Vikings left the shelter of their vikas '(:rotee tcd by the loft y mountains of t11eir fjords, and went out to England, Ire land., Normandy, r~orthern Russia., Constantin­ ople, Iceland, Greenland, and even Vineland, thrOl:gh the times of Queen Margarethe, Christian II, , Charles XII., Bernadotte, Bishop GrunJing, S9)'ren Kirkegaard., Henryk Ibsen, August Strindberg, and Hans Christiar... Anderson to our own days when they have evolveà both a new form of democracy and a new concept of the social responsibility of the state to the ind:ividual, they have exerted not a little influence on the development of society.

In choosing to gain an appreciation of their contribut­ ion, we of the English-speaking world are not offered much of an opportuni t:l due to the pauc 1 ty of ma te rial in English­ or for that matter French and German- which has Oeen tile result of a lack of interest in Scandinavia. The total works on Danish history in Englisil amount to less than a dozen. In Swed"t.sh history there is "considerably" more - about twenty-five --, while the Norwegians and Icelanders have to be content with two or three apiece.

This thesis on the relationship between Demnark and Scotlanci in the important period of the beginning of the and of the National State is an attempt to add something to our knowledge of Scandinavian history. In this crucial period two nations, similar in many ways, established a very close and cordial connection in matters of politics and trade. The way in wbich they responded to the various challenges of the early sixteenth century was rather similar, but in the main problem, that of religion, was to adopt the Reformed faith a quarter of a century before Scot­ land. In dealing with this topic, I have run into many difficulties. In ~ddition to the lack of sources in the more important Europea.n languages, there was also the lack of being ~ble te obtain secondary Danish sources and J.:;he almost non-existence of prirnary material. 'rhe sources used in the preparation are not very extensive, but I am of the opinion that they are the greater pa of what exists, both nere and in the archives of Denmark. A second major difficulty was the lack of material on 3cot­ land. The Scots have had the same misfortune as the 3candinav:tans in having their history regarded as not

being of importance and this lack of interest~ except for the Bonnie Prince Char'lie period, h3s elso been the cause of a lack of production.

In investigating this subject, I have found what I regard to be an interest::tng and significant aspect of early modern history and wish to show how two nations regarded as bei.ng of no importence have made, in their own ways, contributions to this crucial per:tod of European history.

I would like to thank the staffs of the Princeton and McGill libraries, especially the inter-library loan service of the latter, for tneir help in obtaining sources. I ahould also like to thank my typist, Mrs. Madden, and above a.ll, my Director of Studies, D:t". w.s. Reid for his great help, knowledge of the period, and encouragement at a time when all did not seem to be going well. Table of Contents

Preface Chapter I Danish-Scottish Relations in the First Two Decades of the Sixteenth Century Chapter II The Failure of Christian II 1 s Government Chapter III Scottish Reaction to the Danish Political Revolt Chapter IV The Danish Reformation and its Influence on Danish-Scottish Relations Chapter V Support of Christian II 1 s Lost Cause Chapter VI A New Era Appendix Bibliography CHAPTER I:

DANIS!-I - SCOTr.t ISH RELATIONS IN THE FIRST TW")

DECADE3 OF Th'"S S IXTEEN'I'H CENT!JRY. • The ye!lr 1513 s~w two new monarchs ascend the thrones of the:lr ancient kingdoms. In spite of the five hundred miles of ocean waich separated them, the difference of age, and of experience, they were to fina. much in common between

themselv~s and between their realms.

James V, l·Ung of Sco-':;land, was an infant of one year

ir~ his nursery a110ng the bleak d~rk walls o;~ a Scottish castle. Fê:iction and jealousy surrot;.nded this-infant whose

fe. thel', James Dl, had be en k::.lled o:n th(~ blood-soa kec:i. fie lJ of Flodden. 1Ni th t:1e 1{ing on this Septemb~r evE: were ~he

pick of the Scottish nation includin~ thirteen Earls,

~ou rte en Lo:.."ds, a~ Archbishop, a bishop, two 1bbo·cs 3nd 1 n~merous knights and gent1emen. This wlld land, as it WôS

regarded by the more civilized peopled of Lhe Latin nBtions, was to be governed by a Regent, the King's mother, Queen

~r..:1rg<3ret, who was also the sister of' the man who had sent !Ii;:; nrrnies to invade ne'_" hus band' s kingd.orr.. For Henr'y VIII v.~as not ;.;: man to r~11 vict:.l.J co familJ sentiment when hio natior.a:l. polie:2 was o L .3take. The ZP;lisb threat on t:ne outs leie, ana t:1e factions a meng the :1oDili t:1 which h1:lü

Jlways b~en one oZ the dis-cinguisning fe~tures oi' i:r..ternal

Scottie!1 afi'airs; bot:1 combineà. to mak~ Queen l'f.~&:::t;aret worry about how 3~e was to keep her son'a kingdom together so tnat when he came into his own he would have a kirzdom.

1. P.Hume Brown,History o:i.' Scotland (Cam'bridg~,l9ll),p.272. -2-

Across the North Sea far from the lonely spaces of the Scottish countryside in the flat and populous island of Sjaelland another king who had recently succeeded his rather surveyed his position. Christian II, King of Denmark, King of Norway, King of , Duke of Schleswig and part of Holstein was thirty-two years of age. His rather King Hans had also left him a realm full of troubles. Denmark was not, like Scotland, a hereditary but an elective kingdom. In its position as Kings of Norway, the was secure. Because of this, the eldest son of the reigning king was almost certainly assured of being elected King of Denmark, but this was not achieved without great effort by the reigning king and great concessions which the newly elected heir made in his 11 contract 11 (Haandf~stning) with the I,tigsraad; (Council of State) which was composed of the nobles and clergy anxious to strengthen their position as much as they could. With the coming of each new king the Danish crown lost more and more power and not until Frederik III proclaimed absolutism in 1660 was the scale tipped in the other direction. As kinga of Sweden, the Oldenburgs were in great difficulties~ Nomin­ ally kinga of Sweden, they had considerable trouble enforcing their authority which was exercised to all practical purposes by a Swedish Regent.

2. See Chapter II. 3. See Chapter II. -3-

Two kings against their nobles would naturally have had eomething in common, but there was an even closer and more intima te relatio:t between them. Christian' s Aunt Ma:r·grethe, daughter of Christian I had married James III of Scotland. 'l,ht;s Christian II was a first cousin of James IV and a second of James V.4

T:1i~ wa s the era of the discovery of the New ''//or ld and of the eyp~.ms:!.on of trade. Beth Denmark and Scotland were ver:v much interested in the latter. The economie situl!!tion in :>enmark was ch.anging ver;y rapidly. Temporal 1nd spiritual magnates possessed almost three-fourth~ of the land. This me~Hlt that the free peC~tsant was becoming moJ"e of a rarlty ss

these rnt~gnates came to own most of them 21lso. At the beglnning of the re1gn of Chri&tian II only twenty percent were free- holders. The ethers were not serfs but were under strict res-crictions as ._!Opyholders. .Since they be gan to be bound to their fttrms and enclosures a rise in ·che amount of grair.. production was noticed. This \'las due to the increased labour nm1 available~ This rise was lm answer to the growing demands of the day. The markets of and made more and more demanda upon the Baltic9 Not only did Denmark benefit from direct exportation of grain, but began to develop as the

4. M3rguer:1te Wood,ed.,Flodden Papers (Edinburgh,l933),p.29. s. John Danstrup, A History of Denmark (Copenhagen,l949),p.43. 6. Ibid •• p.46. --·--- -4- chief entrepot for trade with the B~ltic. It was in this connection that Scotland began to cultivate an active friend­ ship with Denmark as:.; i.Llterest in ':;he Eastland incre<9sed and Leith, Aberdeen, and Dundee bec~me centers for trade with such ports as K8nigsberg, ~anzig, and LÜbeckT Denmark wished to free herself f~om the grasp of the Hansa a~d to reàirect trade aw~y from the German cities, particularly from LÜbeck. It was towards this end that Christian II was to win renown ~.n Denmcn·lc as an incarnation of the spirit of the new ~ge~

Denmark and Scotland, because of thcir aize and position in European politi~s also h,~.d in common the fact that they were both a prey for the intrigues of powerful states. In

.3cotland it W3S England and , :tn Denmar·k the Hansa. Both nations were in need of an ally they coulci trust.9 Several staps had been taken in the formation of such an alliance 10 including a treaty of frlendship signed in May llJ.74. The aid given by one power to the other includeù both shipa and weapons~ 1

11 7. W.S.Reid, The Place of Denm~rk in Scottish Historyn Juridical Heview,LVIII (December, 1946) p. 183. 8. sëe-CfîaRter T:r.- 9. Re id, 'The Pla .:e of Den mark ••• n p. 185. lû. Ibid.,p.186. For further steps oefore 1513 see this article. 11. rnG.F.Allen, De Tre Noriske Rigers Hiatorie,(Copel1hagen, 1870),v.II,p.l26 we-fincf-th~f Christ1anhimself sent aiô. to James IV shortly bt.f'ore the dlsaster at Flodden: 11 Han sendte virkelig ogsaa adskillige Skibe med Vaaben og andre Krigs­ fôrmodenbeder til Skotl!nd (He also sent, ir.î--rea'T:rfy~various s11lpswith weaporïs --and other war materiel to Scotland). -5-

A series of negotiations concerning further aid was s t!lrted when r..Yogens Bilde, a Danish noble who served in various official positions in Scotland was sent; by James rv to K:lng Hans. :3ilde arrived in Denmark shortly after the death of the King on Febru!lry 2lst, 1513. The new king was too worried about the situation both internally and externally to contemplate taking any positive steps until he had been aclmowledged by tt..e Rigsraad (Royal Council) and been crol.

He merely sent a ~essage of good will to King James and Bilde had to return empty-handed~ 2

After Flodden both Scotland and Franc~ who was engaged against the English and h!!d recently suffered considerable lasses in , t<;ere in need of help. 'I'be King of Denma.rk,

Sweden and Norway oeemed likely to be one of the few mona.'C'ch3 in who might lend his aid. In a delil::erate move to ta~ce 30vantage of Scotland' s frlenci.ship vdth Denmark, King

Louts XII attempted to gain hie. aim. For sever~l yeare King

H~ns had 0een trying, without avail, to ot·L;ain the har.. ci of 3

French princes a for his SO':l. The Ft'ench ha.d he ld out for higher st!lkes than a mere Klng of Denmark but in their hour of need the dynastie flower would have to be sâcrificed so that the tree would ntill be able to flourish. On October 5, 1513

12. _Ib,~g., p .125-6. -6-

Louis sent the Sieur de la Bastie to Scotl~nd to pick up a Scottish envoy e:nd tilen proceed to Denmark. getting

Denmar·k' s a id, he would also be saved from helping ScoJ~lBnd directl'J. The Scots, who had been asking for Danish aid were no doubt glad to have t~e request of such a power as France added to their own. In his instruction de la Bastie was commanded, nto tell the Queen and Council, that the King has charged de la Bastie to go to the King of Denmark to declare the King's intention to maintain the alliance with the Kings of Scotlanc and Denmark14and to help the young King,

begging him to assist also. It seems good that the ~ueen

and I.~ords of Counci1 shouJ.d send some great persan to tne

sa me end • n 15

On October 21, 151316the Scottish Council selected

Andrew Brounhill, who haà. lived L1 Denmark and was known to King Christian, 17as its ambassador. He was instructed to refer to Mogens Bilde's embassy and to point out the crue1t-y of the English,

13. I~id.,p.127. 14. ôr-~r499. 15. vJood, Flodden Papers, p.88. 16. Robert Hanna:J,ed.,Acts of the Lords of Council in Public Affaira 1501-1554.~dinburgh, 1954), p.3. 17. Denys Hay,ed.,The Letters of James V. James V to Christian II, January 16,1514, (Edinburgh 1954). -7-

11 how they violated treaties, ravaged Scottish ter-r>itory, treacherously slew Scots of land and bea, and refused

11 8 redress ; make excuses for the Scottish defeats and to say that,

~'he trusts that help from our powerful brother ~md Kinsman of Denmark will not be lacking, so that the Joint forces of France and Denmark will suffice for .., nl9 pro t ect.J..on ••. and above all to l'equest arms, men, guns, ar.d powder and in return pledge Scotland' s pror.1ise that she would do the sa me if Denmark were in need. 20

Brounhill and de la Bastie had hoped to bring their mission to a close before the election on Aprj.l 30, 1514 so that they could negotiate tefore the king was bound by his

"contract'1 or Haandf~ stnin~. In this tbey were unsuccessful

as they also wer·e in regard to the marriage matter. King

Christian had despaired of a settlement with the French and hJd gone ahead with negot:ia'cions of his own with the Emperor, Charles V. By the time the princesse Madeleine, the sister-in­ law of the Duke of Albany 2 ~ was mentloncd, he had b~come 22 al..c~~1 ance d t 0 the E mperor ' s s 1 s t er E~i.J.. sa b ev-:1.~

18. Hay, Letters of James V, p.4. 19. Ibid., p. 5. 20. Ibid., pp.l}-6. 21. }ieu in line to the throne after the King and soon to tecome Regent of 3cotland. 22. r~Iadeleine herselt' W!S tc marry the Duke of Urbino and thus become the mother of. Catherine de Medlci. -3-

Whil~ the negotiation was taking place in Copenhagen, Scotland was embroiled a till further in trot:'bles. M.argaPet, the Queen Mother, was as much of ! Tudor as her mo~e powerful brother to the South. Wben ber Tudor spirl"'c l'lanted something it made no dif:'ere:.':'lce whet prBctical o1;)etacles h:y in the wa;;.

Scotland h!id been in a state of un~aLy t1~1ce between the various noble factions. The leaders such as ~ne Earls of Angus, Arran, and Huntly had been associated with the Queet.t fv1other in the council o~ regency. .i.lfow at one stroke, a civil disruption took place. l'L!lrgaret's one gre!t desire at this time was to marry the Earl of Angus wilo was no;:; -;}'et twer.ty. By this move she could not help but gi·Je her support and prestige to the Douglases as e[.Calnst the Hamiltons. The ultimate result of this was to be the calling over of the D•J.ke of Albany to be Regent, to save the countr-:i from the anarchy of rival warring groups into which tt had lapsed. With Albany would come an increesed French influence. 'fo prevent this, Henry VIII did w·hat he could to reg21in his sister's friendship.

Albany \"las the son of a brother of James III. As heir to the throne ~fter the King~ he was looked up tc by the various factions in S~otland. His great frencophilis~ made hlm popular with all who supported the llauld alliance'! und obnoxious to those who supported Margaret and Angus. From -9-

his observations of the Scottish situation, Christian II saw it as one of utter confusion end although he was favourable to

the cause of the Scots, he preferred not to do ~nything until

1,... • ti 2 ~ .eh was surer o f 111S pos~ on.~ In the meantime he woula d.o a 11 1"1e could to influence Louis to permit Albany to sa .tl to

Scotland. For in Chris~ian's ~yes, he was the only element

of possible st!lbllity in a very unst;:~ble situation. He wrote Albany in April 1514 to take over the guardianship of the infant klng. "King Christian suggests to the Duke of Albany as the nearest relative to take on the guardlanship of the 24 ~ro.1ns Scottish king. n He had written to Louis on December 24, 1513 suggesting that 21:; Albany be sent to Scotland.~ On his aide, Albany recognized that help might come from Denmark. On June 13, 1514 he wrote

to Mas ter James Ogilvy, .Ma.:~ter of Requests of Scotland who tad been sent by Margaret to tell him he had been chosen as

Gover~1or. nDenmark m:1st be approached anew and urgently for 6,000 men .•. The Duke's intention is that ln the event of war this force, equipped. and. paid for four or six months,

23. Allen, op.cit., p. 128. 24. nKong Christian II opfordrcr Hert·Jgen af Albany til som H2e rmeB te .Sla! stning at P~atage sig v~ rg~r:laa l~t for d-!'n unge skotske Konge. Il ~geste Diplomatica HJ.J3jorlae Daniae, fr. Hv 1 t_feldt, Dar.marks =Rie;es Kr#~ik, p. 1102, kV:. VII. 23, (Co';)eni'1agen, H3'il, Second Series, T:"2, r.1189 ~9SH55. 25. ~., F'iret Series, 11:3~7, I, p. 6It3, #5835. -10-

nhou::.d be procured by restorlng the lands pledged •JY

Denmark anJ the marriage ..v.ith James III fo1· lOO,OOJ 2 .t:tlo·l. l.. ·~..1..1. '1s •••6 2 Ht" also encou::~ the proposed F:::>anco-Danj.sh marr·üJ;;~e. 7 ·~·lhen

I~:lng Ch:.:'istiar. :1eard of the Queen Motner' s ma.::•"!"ia.~~e, he aga in

petitioned Louis XII to t Albany go to Scotl~nd so tbat

11 this tml1Jck:Jr Kingdom should not comyüete ly ft~ Il apnrt

11 28 ':l'Y internai dissension anJ. extel~nal aggresslon .••

Onl~! afte:r· pe~ce beh~een England a:nd Scctle!îd had been con-

cluded wa~ Albany permitted to sail for Scotland which he

, M 1 ...-]~29 reac h eu on ~y _, ~J ,.

Shortly before Albany's arrivai the council had sent a message to Clœ:istian~ 0 In it, it remind.ed him of the "tic.,;> of b1ood and alliar.. cel! ~nd requested h:tm to &e'1d aid ad saon as

posslbl~. Altt~ugh ~ilita forces could come in good time, en.rlie:-: naval help ~las r·equireè.. The cot~::lcil was anxiou.s tc 1mow Christian's decision before Alba.ny's E!t>rival expeciall-:;' wht!ther .he would send ~ mesE"enger t;:> Engl.end to dissuade King

Henry from force, and ii' tha t falled whether he wou.ld renew the tr~ZJt~~ of 146f.. Princess IV!adeleine, sister-in-law o::' the

26. Hay, Letters of James V, p. 10. 27. Ha:;, .2.E.,:Cit.,October 15l3 Instruct.ione from Ali::arry to de la Bastie, p. 2. 28. "at Jkke dette ulykke llg~..B:L'!.~~-.!:1.-9-ele~ln:lde ga3e t.~J. .f2Tud~_ .. under ind_re .Spliq._ og___J:_9:r~. Angreb .• ~llen, op. ci t., p .123. 29. Ibid., p. 129. 30. Let~ers James V, op.cit.April or May 1515, p. 20. -:a-

:Cul-ce of Alb;;ny, w!.ls aga in tl1e ::>awn in a dynast:'.c battle for it wos :::uggested thut Danish-Scottish friendsnip be cemented with a betro·chal between her and Christian 's uncle the Duke of Holstein (later Frederik 1) 31• This period was not entlrely free of ca.uses of compla int between the two nations. Accord- ing to the genert~J custom of the t:ime, privateering was an accepted aspect of a natior.'s economie acti~1ities. Ships of one nation were constantly being seized by those of another and each me:."'chant took an immense risk in importing or export- ing goo:ls. As will be shown later, the Scot3 and Danes were both adept at this 11 art" and complaints from one- nation to the ether became quite frequent. In MEy of 1515 the Danes nad com­ plt ined of Scottish seizures. rrhe counc il prornised Chris tian

"Justice will be done to Danes Comp1aining of goods an1i

ships intercepted, and de 1!. Bastie v-fj_ll strive to 2 procure simila::.. justice f'or them in France." 3 When he arrived in Scotland, Albany hastened to ausure Christ­ ian of his good wil1~3

Priv~ teJy, Christ:i.an hud good rea sons for wishing to help Scot1and 3nd also just complainte ;:,gainat Er..g1tma.. At

31. Ibid. j2. Ibid. 33. Ibid. p. 25, J·..1ne 16, 1515, Articles of Albany for Norge He ra ld. -l2-

Christian' s Jccesaion, Henry, :.re~ 1izing the situation, had made ove:."tures of friendship. 'I'he position of the r·e1ative power groups depended on the policy that Denmark would fo11ow.

Ey helping the Scots

Lyln& to the north oi' the Scottish coast is a group of islands which was one of the first Viking settlements. '.fhey had remained incorpor

34. Allen, p. 130. 35. Ibid.For the e1tu:3tion in Sweden see 0hapter li. 36. Itid. p. 131. -13-

1266 when, in '~he trcaty of Perth the Orkneys !~long w:l.th the island of l'vlan had been ceàed to Scotland in return for a yearly payrnent. True to the popular belief, the Scots gradually

11 "forgot él tout the payrnenta. Sin ce the trea ty, the royal house of Denmark had inherited the Norwegian Crown. It was not until 1468 that King Christian I of Norw~y tnd Denmark -::r brought up the matter-' ana requested payment of the debt which haC:. accumu1a ted for more th!m a century. 'l1his WliE a clue to the Scots who were not anxious to pay this immense sum. They suggested a mar:;."iage bet·.qeen the King, James III, and Priacess M

~)0,000 additional Gylden should oe paid as part of the princess' dowry. Time passed ar..d a till no pttyment was made. Beth in

Norwt.~y where they had not forgotten their island possessions and ln the Orkneys themselves, where a distinct norse culture still prevailed., sentiment w2's in favot.-.r of a union of' the islands with the motherland.

On his coronntion visit to Oslo in 1514, the King was continw~lly pressed to do something in order to effect this. Christian promised his Norwegian aubjects that he would take action. A herald was sent to the Scottiah court with letters

37. Ibid. p. 75. 38. Ibid. -1~-

to the R~gent and to the inhabitants of the islands. After appealing to their loyalty he was careful to remind them of

th~ir financial obligations to the not so well-off motherland. "King Christian II tells the inhabitants of the Orkney islands that with the intention to redeem to the Crown of Norway their land which is mortgaged to the Scottish

C:.."'own, he commands them in t~1e meantime, after ancient custom, to pa:,· the subsidium pallii to the Archbishop

of Trondheim~'~9

The herald was to tell the King of Scotland. that the islands had always been, in ecclesiastical affai!:"S, under the

euthorit~' of the Archbishop of Trondhiem and remlnd hlm that they must pay him~ 0 He was also to ask the king to ensure that the ancient l!!!ws and regulations of the islands be preserved and not supplanted by Scottish, and to ask that the spiritual

authority of the jrchbishop of Trondhiem be inviol~ble. He explained his position now by stating his intention to redeem 41 ~ h e i s 1 and s as soon as poss1"bl e. A't th"1s s t age, no seri eus discussions could be undertaken with the factions that posed

11 39. • Kong Christiern r:ç_ __ M~lderindb_~!:._l}e paa ~:t:'k~n~erne, at ~me_Q__~et _first~ ~~er ~t In3~~~ ti+_No_rge~ Kron~der.es til Skotlunds !r~n~~antsa~te Land, og Befaler dem Imidlertid eft~r~mmel Saedv~ne at yàe ~kebispen af r~ondhjem su1n~ra:IVfnî!381ït~·",,July 3i, 1514. RegeS'fi'",op.cit., Second Series, I:2, p. ll9j, HlO,OOg. 40. Allen, op.cit., p. 159. 41. Ibid. -15-

as the le ga 1 government in Scotl~nJ. When the Duke of .Albany ârrived , serious ct:.scussions ensued.

Albany h!ld rea son to be gPateful to Christian for his constant support while in France end his petition to Louis

XII. He wrote him a friend1y letter or~ June 1'5, 1515 ~.n which he stated that

11 ••• he promises to take pains that the question of the

Orkne~s wou1d be dec1.ded according to the King's wish,

but that for the p~esent he can do nothing since he

has just come into the countrJ e~d is unfamiliar with 42 the si tuetion ••. n Th :i.e who le question seemed to fe cie away due to the uneasy situation in Scotland end Christian's troubles in Sweden.

As time passed, t!1e dowry ·Nas forgotten and the islands permanently forfeited to Scot1and.

From 1515, relations between the two nations continued on an intimat~ b3sis. Albany kept Christian informed of events in Scotland and of his policy. When Queen M!rgaret's attempted eeizure of power failed, he wrote Christian ~. full narrative of the episoa.e~3 From evidence of accounts paid to individuals

42. -16-

it w·ould appear that he was alE:o lenà.ing Christ:1.an what tnight 1 be described as t!'chnical assistance. One of the men who was

p!id for his p!ssage to and f:x'om Denmark vn~s the gunner Ja~nes Warlaw~ 4 Christian used his friendship with Alb~ny to request

tha t Alexander Hay and ~gnus Mov.ret, trho were now exiles in

Denmark, be i'orgiv~n the murder of Alexander Bannerman and restored to the King'o grace~5 At first Albany aid not favou1' this, owing to his opinion that this woulJ encourage law- breaking. Also, he thought Bannerman's family might take justice into its own hands. But rnindful of his need of

Chi·istian' s sùpport, he ~-vas anxious to rel!! ch a se.ttleme11t 6 that would be in line wi th Christi2n 1 s wish ~ rrhe .natter W.!IS

settled in June 1518 when they were ~orgtven and had their 4 .... C.:!stlee ana goods restored. · :Ienry VIII tried to hinder tne

close relationsh:tp between l:enmsrk and 3cot.:and as much as he

ecould. He was cultivatins a friendsh.ip by repeated missions to Denml!lrk, but was not successful in these a'cternpts. lie even went as far, in 151 .... , as preventing Christian'a envoy from com:lnt:C to Scot land through Engl111nd. As a re sul t of this,

Jdb;:..ny thought t>:tat ~~h~ time for m:llitary action mlght be nea::--~8

The Enslict were of the belief that the Danes h~d ~eached a de::'in~te a~:reement vvitl1 the S~o~;,:; and tha~; t;tey wo1üd ooth

44. Paid -±.23.8.0. 3ir Jê:,lle3 Balfour Pacl,ed., ;~ccov"'lts of the Lord HiR:h Treosu.rer of Scotl~L1CL (Edinbu,..,gh 19GJ-190L)V, p. 77. 1: s. o0 t-.-9, ""I:?I7:-;l-:3:y--op-~ëTt., P. 53. lt j. Ib~.d. 1~7. Ibid., p. 61. 48. !bi~., p. 39. -17-

As Ki.:1g of Nor-<'~aji, Christian possesaed Iceland and Green- land in !lGJition to No:rwa:r and the F'!iroe islands. 'l'ne Crown had long had !l comme ~"'c :ta l monopoly over the se terri tories.

Now, with the edvent of gr·eat co.nmePciel in~,erest ;;y other natio~s, this rno~~poly was being encroached upon. Th~a wae p~1 iculzn::'.y true ir:. the cas~ of Icelanèt \!

The King waa anxious to stop this trad~, but co~ld not due to h!s pre-occupation with the war in Sweden~ 0

dweden was Denmark' s Irelt!nd. Ever since the .. mion of

Kalmar (1397) the Danish ~nonarch had had ~n une!sy Lold on t;·ds 1a::ld whici'i ·viaS fiercely proud of being .Swedish, not

Dt;nish. Du ring 'cne fifteenth centur:1 a na tiona 1 movement under the had grown llp with the result that when Christ- i;.. m cume to the throne, he waa King of Sweden aln.ost in nam\!

J.S. Brewer, cat., Letters and Papers Foreign and Dornestic of the Reign of He.1ry-VIIï"(London, 1864-Igooj, II pt. III, 1301-2. 50. Ar1 en, · 6 p • c I t . , p • 13 2 . -18-

or.ly. Christüm tee~ me àeterrnined to reassert roy.ll authority in Sweàen.

Aftcr unsuccesaful negotiations, he aaw that the only wey to achieve this vvould be by military aubj~ction of the Swediah 1 nl!ltion!lista? He approached his L."iends the Scots for !id. As e!rly as 1517 he sent John Elgin, a Scot long a resident in Denmark, to Scotl~nd with a requ~st for a thousand highland- ers to be sent to Copenhagen, in Scottish ships and at Scot·~ish r:::-, expen~e, to join his forces?- The s~ots did not grant his request for they explained that there w3s internai strife: among the highlanders and only a man of Albany's stature could bring this about~3and h'! was not in Scotland ZJt the moment.

'I'hey were having trouble enough ,~t ho~ne wi thout sending mili tar'J a :td to another power. l·1ore requests came, and more excuses were given by the Scots. When Christian requested gu.ns and amunition in 1518, the excuse was that they had just heard of his success.

3ut if he would only give them adl!:quate: notice if he still requL~ed help, tney Nor1d see what they could do. At the present time the~· had had too short notice?4 Excuses could not win bettles. Chr-istian declded to send ~n Ambasaador to per- suade the Scots peraonally. In his choice of a representative

51. For the detailed account of the nature of the situation in Sweden, plea3e see Chapter II. 52. Oct. 9, 1517, Hay op.cit., p. 53. 53. Ib:ld. -- ··- 54. Aug7 7, 1518. I21~., p. 62. -19-

he was to show that he had come to believe that tt would take

a Scot to deal Nith ~ Scot. Dr. Alexander Kinghor:l W!"B one

of the severt.tl Scots who lived :in Denm!rlt. He w~s greatly honoured by the King, belng his chief physician, Professer of Medicine at the University of Copenhagen, and also Dean of the Ca~hedral of Roskilcte?5 Arriving in Scotland in the early part of 1519, he bore instructions to obtain au.xili.ary troops to be useâ to defeat the Swedes. He was expecially to seek the permission to use Scottish nobles and criminals as recruits~6 This would be a unique way of gathering a fighting force if Kinghorn could convj_nce the Scotti::h council to gr

~gain, he !eked him to use his L1fluence on the . Albany wrote Christ :tan on March 7, 1519. I'.'l this letter he ttated that :'1e would send James Jtewart over to Scot land to ple!d hls case. tAe is cart'ful to remind Christian of the diffic~lties of sending any aiti due to the chaotic nature of Scottish po1:I tics5.7 '.l.1he Scots show~d th~mselves adept at making excuses for not assenting to the request to send two thousand trained foot soldiers (~t Scottiah expenee

:J~-5 • -·~::6 . -20- for four mont'Œ). They ë.id, hot,~rever, accede to the request that ma1efactors be sent out~ 8 This woulù relieve the govern- ment of rouch worry and expense. On March 30, 1519 the Lords of Council ordained that KJng!1orn and his agent Robert Barton of Ovirberntoun~ 9 comptroller of the King, cou1d enlist the support of nall manner of personis fugitivis, banist men, rebellis or uthiris undir ony accusatioun or cr"J·me within the rea1m of Scotland, except alanerbe the persona convict,

fugitive or de1atit for the slauchtir of sc~ir Anthone Derces senzeour of Labastie, and art and part tharoi'". ~0 to serve the King of Denmark and they could free1y come and g:> until they departed the realm. The carr~ing out of this pro- c1amation L1ad been delayed - due to a neglect of including a general remission of past offences. This was added to a new document wrdch wa s proc la imed on May 7th ~l On the 27th, James Stewart of Ardgowan was ready to sail to Copenhagen with all those who answered the pro~lamation~ 2 Sorne additional men fol- . 63 lowed at the beginning of June in a shJp armed oy Robert Bat>ton.

58. Ibid. p. 69. 59. ïtobert Hanne:J, ed., Ac cs of the Lords of Cou ne il in Public Affairs 1501-159f -(Edinburgh, 1932) pp-:---J.IP~-5. 60. !bid.------··-- 61. ----Ib:.d. p. 14-5.1 6'2. Ha~r-~ r. 70, iVIay 27. -~ 6 ...1 • Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, 1f6;- p. 57, a px. 2. -21-

\.) dlian was ds~pe<.:>ate for me11 to swell the ra~1}:s of

h:s forces. He did not entJrely cou~1t on the Scotti~h eovern- ment· but approached the nobles directly. The Eerl of Arran was given a letter by Kinghorn in which he was asked to supply additiongl foot forces. With a great deal of courtesy he . replied to the King that he W3S flattered by the ::'equest, but due to troubles in the les, it was impossible for him to 1 send aid? + He also negotiated lNith Francis I who promised to 6!) send h~m 1,000 men.~ In late June the Scots gave in and sent with Kinghorn the auxiliary force (to be in Scottish pay for four months) although they did not send the full number 66 requested.

At the tirne that Scot:and was sending all chis aid she was not shown full faveur by Christian. First of all, HenFy Harlow, David Och.l.ltree and ether merchants of Edinburgh and

Leith had been attacked by Christian's ene~ies on their #ay to Denmark. A1though Christjan' s subjects had '.:"escued them, they 7 received no restitution~ 'L1e f::econd incident is stranger to understa.1d. At the imperj_a1 e1e~tion of 1519, an English agent heard a strange rumeur from Margaret of the Low Countries.

S he had he.a rd that the Klng of Denrr.a rk "pre tends a ti t le to the

6i+. Ibià. p. 70, May 20. 65. Rëgesta, op. cit. First Series I, p. 701, #6515. 66. Hay, p-:·12. 67. 1Èld., p. 73, June 29, 1519. -22-

!l 68. realms of Scotland • He evidently believed that he would have sorne chance of making his c:aim good for both Henry VIII and Charles V thought it serious enough to try to dissuade 6g him from this claim. Christian's reasons for making this claim might seem strange, but to a man with the wild ideas of Christian, anything could be possible.

68. Letters and Pa pers Henry VIII, op. ci t. III.z.__E_!;. I, pp. 84-5. Ma"S' 21, 1519 (Pace to Wolse·yy.--- - 69. Ib1.d. pp. 119, 188-g. CHAPTER II

THE FAILURE OF CHRISTIAN II 1S GOVERNMENT 23

Christian the Second was a paradoxical figure. One of the most misun6.e::-stood mer. in Danish his tory, he is assumed to have been a cr1Jel tyrant. :aut "che secret of Christian II is to understand that he ha.d a double nature and to v.rork from there. On the one hand he was obstlnate, suspf.:dous and possessed of a sulky craftiness beneath which simmered a 1 volcano of t>evengeful cruelty. He was ruled t.y an iudomitable passlon for violent action which proved to be his downfall in the end? On the other ha nd, he was possessed of 11 cons~"derable 1ntellectu3l q·lalities, and inbounded courage 11 ~ He was imbued witb the spirjt of Danish patriotism and anxious to make Denmark's voice heard in European politics. In carrying out his policies he possessed a courage which only fai~ed him once· at the fa ta 1 moment of the l'evol t of 1523. In many ways he was the machiaveLLian renaissence pr::.nce who pm:; his aims higher than his means~· This concept of pm>~er guided hi:11 through the various struggles of his short (ten years) l"'ei6n. When he vis:tted the in 1521, he expresseu n:ts philosophy of power to Er·asmus dur·ing a conversation they had. Erasmus believed in abstinen:;e from violence and thought that Luther was too f'orceful. To this C.1ristiFm replied,

1. Encyloped1a Britanica, ~· 5, p. 627. 2. Allen, ~!_cit., p. 2G3. 3. A.M. To·ne, Tt:~_Scan~~navia!ls in_J!_~story (London,l948) p.SJ2. 4 . Ibid. -24-

'"Avec d·=s med:~caments doLx on n'arrive a J'ienë les meilleurs remedes et les plue ef'"'icacet: sont ceux qui ebranlent le corps tout entier·. n5

The K:tn;:- loolŒd hi.s part. He was "well formed., neither 1arfe nor small in persan, with a black beard and tl1e face h of an Ita1iann-: at his access:ton to the throne in 1513 he was th:trty-tuo years of age. Born at the ca.stle of Nyborg on Ju1:v 1, 1481 he fol1owed the uporinging and education of a Danish nooleT Since most of tbe I'anish court spoite German and most important affai~s were transacted ~-n this language 1t can be assumed that he had a fluent knowledge of this language as well as ~eing able to speak Danish, an ability wh:ich sorne of his successors never bothered to acqu1re. In 1502 he be came Vice roy of Norway, a pos i.tion he was to hold

~ntil 1512. At the early stage of his tenure of office, he went to Scotland to visit his cous1n, James IV.8 Whether he was sent there by KiniT Hans because of a feeling of kinship or whether he was sent to acquire certain s~ills, remains uncert::dn. James treated him very generousl~7 and gave him

,- ::;. Ludwig Krabbe, H:::..stoire de Danemark (Copenhagen, 1950),p.98. 6. D. Dunkley, The-f~forma~·~1on ln Denmark (London, 19h8),p.J3. 7. vlith the ndditlor_à1 elemen·Cof-having-been brought up ln the horne of a Copenhagen burgher. See Dunkley p. 14. Paul, Accou:tts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, op. cit. p-:-KC (Christopher_,·-thê ba::rn of Denmark). · - -25-

clothes~ ~o~s and ar~owe, saddlee, and even the serv1~es o? A doctot when he ~ad an accident~ In Nor~ay he proved himself an a'ble adminle:.,rator, stampi. o;_,t; rebelljon,

curbin~· t;he po',;er of the Hansa at Berger., imprisoning ·che bishop and allying himself' with the Dutch traders of' that nif-y lÜ 1.; y • It was at this s~age that ~e made one of the tal maves of his re::_gn, the liasotl ~Jith a -so,Jng D·,Itch girl, Dyveke. With his love for Dyveke came his roliance on her mother the widow Sigbrtt~ 1 11 It began at a da:1ce and in that dance he danced

a'I'J:J-y the trœee 1-~:'hgdoms of Deumark, Swcden and

Norv~av"v •

Be:t11g a renaissenc:e prince, ne shor;ed a kee11 interest in the 1n'.:;s. As s re sul t of this and also a desire to meet his brother-in-lai'i the -:.~mperor C.1arles 7, he tra'!ellecl to the Nether1ands in 1521. 'VJhile ·~here, he .s1lso made the acquaintance of Quentin r..tatys and A1brect DÜrer, the latter of whom becam~ a close personal friendl4

9- Ibid. For det3i1ed expenses see III pp. 92,93t.~5-103, ITI5;112,114,116,155,165,l70,182,380,301,302,30~,314, 316,319,321,322,334,337,345,3~1,363,370,387,401,188, 333,352,173,206,3 ,343,381,396,395 and 415. 10. ·royne, ~. c 1 t • p. 11. .See below. 12. From a comment of' a ~hronic1e (unnamed) To~'ne, p. 92. L€t_ters aJ:ld :ta:Q~_r:'.~-~-[)Iep.~;[__VIII, .2.2.·~~_!;. III. pt. II, p.560. Toyne, p. 105. -26-

'.rhe great issue of confl::ct durint:; the ::>eign of King Christ:lan II was his struggle for power against tl:e nobilit:y.

'l'his was the ae.;e when the dynasts, backed by the grot-lint; financ:lal power or the middle classes, l!fere trying to subject

the noî.Jility. hn extraordinarily s:imilar s~.tuation to that i:lhich Christian round himself in was O::!curing in the England

of the same per·iod. The difference between -che two was that the nobility with its concept of personal and feudal rights won o'... t in Denmerk, while in England the royal power and philoeophy of public policy over individual ~ights emerged victorious frora the struggle. Christian II attempted a combina·cion of Henry VII and Henry VIII. B;_,· a.Lienating foreign powers that had long coveted Denmark, "t.y alienatlng his St'iedish subject& and by alie:1ating elements of the population that could have been used in support of his policy, he was defeated. The conflict was between the old spirit of the middle a s and the new awakening of modern Europe. Denmarlo~ rUd not want to be awakened just yet. In his attempt to introduce various reforme he was bampered b;y the notorious instrument 1mposed on him whic.:h wae known as the Haan

11 ••• not to impose new taxes or to em-oark on war vdthout consent of the ccuncil and not to demand the recog~-11 tj_on of an he ir presumptive in his own lifetime ••• 111 ~

Christ~_an could not be sure that the nobles would not find an excuse to rebel against him for the Haandf'ae stning contained ,_..,.,~,:& tt1e pr•omise that,

'l •••• if the King b"'oke his agreements &nd re:?used to

accept :tnstrt.ct~~ons from the Council, the inhabitants

of the kingdom might take app~opriate action without 16 breach O.i.._ço t'r,e i r oat'n o f ...,., ea.1t y ••• n

In his at·cempt to change the oréter of' c;hL1gs :tn his real ms he did r,ot stand .3lone. T!Jere was a large group of ttose in the lowe r orders of' soc iet:v, es pee ia 11~ the peasants and burghers-' who were atternpting to break out from under tbe feudal and eccJ.es5.astica1 restrictions in \'Jh:tch they found themse1ves. In this they were spu:t•red on by both the ne~V' political and religious ic:.eas betng formed at the time:J-7

Christian excluded the nobility from a~l positions of advice and preferred cornmoners who agreeà witt his ideas to high-born

15. Dunkley_, _9j) ~.-c:i_!:· pp. 13-14. 1 G• Ib :id • , p • 1 1'1· • 17. Allen, 2.I?_~_

mistress Dyveke and her motDer Si~brit. Although he married Ellsabeth of Hapsburg in 1515, he was still devoted to Dyveke. Her mother Sigbri t i'Jas a very powerful woman and the King - regarded her as invaluable. She became his prime adviser.

Although sne was a ~'t,orn administrator and a commercial genius of the first ordern;8the taxes she efficiently imposed on the court ha't-e given her the reputation of being one of the most hated persona in Danish nistory~9 The King appointed her deputy controlJ..er of the tolls w!1ich were leYied on every ship passing through the ~resund which was commanded b:y the Danish forts of Kronborg (Elsinore) and Helsinborg. She eventually became the equivalent of a modern finance minister and was frequently consu1ted in her bouse (in \Alhich the Royal

Copenhagen factory ::.s ~10Tll loca teè.) by the king while 20 the nobles attending him would walt outside, reft~sing even to enter the house of:' the accursed Dutchwoman.

Looking at ber objectively, one sees that she did follow a ver-:1 harsh po licy, .Jut she had a specif:Lc plan that s:1e ho:)ed would benefit Denmark. It had long been one of Cnristian's aims to àisplace the power of the Hansa and turn Copenhagen

18. Enc~ïlopaec:iia :Sritanica, op~_ ci!_. p. 627.,v.21. 19. DunJ?le:;-r. 20. Ibid. -29- into the great trading c:enter of Northern Europe. He :1ad already shawn e?idence of this ~n his struggle with the

·-ranr:a ::.1 r::e:~~:en wh:Lle ;;e was Vh:ero~· of IJorway, and in his efforts to 8'l.:l ti va te traders 1 ike the Sco+Js. His pro jec t

•vr-:2 to or.::;an~.ze a Scandinavian commercial c:ociet~· on the 21 lines of the Hansa. Sigbrit believed in t!üs a:-td also in joini:!"lg up such a society with her homeland, Jo11and, ané.. therelry counterbalanclng the infJuence of the Hênsa.

Among his ether advJsers '>'lere tLe D:::tr.e, Hans r~U:kelson, enJ the Scot, Dr. 1\lexander Kinghorn. He made no distinction of r.a tionali ty or rank among tho se ~e wou:::.d choose ot't selected men on the basis of their usefulness to him?2

His love :'or D~ke proved the occasion for a further estrangernent of the nobility. When she died in 1517 after a

SL~dden illness, the rumeur -r1as spread that Torben Okse, ~ 1 'e noble who ~omrnanded the Castle of Copenhagen, had poisoned her êS a rest~lt of not s.Jccee:.iing in his affections for her.

At a ball the IOng as.;:ed Torben if he had desi.:--ed her 2ffect- ion a'16 Okse, with true I:gr.ish ca"ld.or, rep2.ied lhat he hacl, but she had never responded tc his atternpts. This infuriated

Chris tian, who had Okse suffc r the ind:.gni Vy of be ing condemned to death by a court compoEed entirely of peasants. Not even

21. Krabbe, op. cit. p. 100. 22. Arup, Danmâr~Historie, II, p.5lJ.2,quoted j_n Dunkley, p.ll+. "Christern 2 havde uden hensvn t:'.l nationalitet elier stand tnget de rnâe!iëii- sin tjenste, han ansaa for brugelige, og 1 l':F.n havde fundet de bedst __brugelige indenfor dansk borgerstand ; -30-

the e:forts of the Queen could save him. Eut the nobles were not to forget this affront to them?3 His detailed ~::-eforms were numerous, and showed a new soirit. He might be called 24 o:r:e of the first of t:1e enlightened monarchs of Europe. rrhese

reforms were based on the urban local governme~1t in which the influence of the nobility would not be predominant?5 In order to build up the countryside he brought over 134 Dutch families from the Netherlands and leased to them the land of Amager, just southeast of Copenhagen. he had been irnpressed by the

Dutch while o ..1 his visit h1 1521 and was è.esirous that these 26 familles teach improved agricultural methods to the Danes. The humanitar1an spirit of the age was shown jn hjs decision not to burn witches alive, but to whlp and expel them from the tol'ms. The Dan.lsh reputation for cleanlir~ess bad i ts origin in his request that the Danis1 housewives whose homes we.ce fiJthy at this time, clean their tables, benches and floors eve;."'y 3aturday and on the eve of feast days. Ir. the legal field, no plaL1t:tff was allowed "_;o appear ln court if he were ctr~unh, and above <.1 11 not to st.rike or provo1Œ the judge. He a lso saw that tho se who ~;ere too po or to pa y for a lawyer were provided wlth one. His legal code O:an9-elcve)28 whicl'. provided

23. J.rYJ:.S.Birch, Denmark :ln Histor:t_ (London, 1938) p.l!J-6. 211. Ibid. p. 152.-- 25. Toy~e, p. 105. 26. Ioid. 27. Birëh~ p. 152. 28. See Chapte.;." Dl, especiall~r for the religious provis:i.on. -·31- for the better education of thE lower clergy, restricted the pol'~tical act:i.v1ty o:? the higaer clergy a:1d forbade "che selling of peasants i"1 the same manner a3 beasts, stemmed

?0 froM a Dutch model~~ Also he ~rated copyholders in Sjaéaand the liberty to JJOVe~ 0 His main achievement was the reform of edt~catlon by the establiehment of a number of :1igh anC. primary schools~ 1 ln the field of trade, he attempted to concentrate all business in the towns and forbade trading to take place

~2 outsjde of them~ To encourage tracte, he forbade the ancient Danish practice of looting shipwreckecJ. vessels on the coast ênd sometimes mu.rder1ng their crews. The King proclaimed that the seamen were to be permitted to save their goods themselves and no uninvited Danes should stop them, under the threat of punishment. The goods should then be put in safe­ keep:lng in the nearest church and the salvagers would then have a reward~3 Th~s was a major advance in the safety of merchants trading with Denmark.

Sweden was the thorn in King Christian's plans. The militar~; meaoures necessar;y i::-1 order to reassert the royal autnori ty tl1ere made i t very diffj cult for him to concentra te h full attention on reform. The origins of the situation fac ing Christian in Sweden go back to the ti me of tl1e Union of ln 1397. Like Norway, Sweden was to accep~:; the Kin€,

29. En~y_l_Qpaedia_Arittanica, V. 5, p. 627. 30. Danstrup, op. cit. p~7. 31 • Bi re h, .2.P. •Cit:--- 32. Ibid.J p. 153. 33. Allen, p. 273. of Denmark as her own ~~ing and. be ruled by her ovm councj.l of state. Thus, the thr·ee ::-rorthern realms would have one common

king but he would be advised b:y a separate council in each r·ealm. ç;:_ueen Margrethe, who brought about the union, and reigned untiJ. 1412, was succeeded by ber nephew Erik of Pommerania

(1412-1439). King Erik gradually neglected ~is Swed.iah realm. His visits there became less frequent. This 'Çarticularly irritated the SHedes since there was no one to whom they could appeal with their grievances. Opposition deveJoped in the

Dalarna region (a core of Swedish patJ."'iot:.srr as \'las to !:Je

shawn in lts su~:>port of GJ.stavus Vasa, Gustavus Addphus, and

Gustavt·s III ir. the ir per:i.ods of tro:...:ble) when King Erik sen:.

as his represent3 tive in Sweden a Da ne lmown for h~ s cruel ty.

t:n:rel1Jl"ekt Engelbrektson, a minor noble who owned a m:ne in Da larr.a, be came the nue le us of a g'?owine; opposition. Tl1e King' s .representative continued his acts of •::r;.:telty to t1;e

:.; orpoa i tio:: of the people o~· th:1 J a l'ea. Joining wi th

lh1'el:t the;y peti tio:ncd the K:i.r:.t:= t'or reclres<", but King Erj_k

-v~as quite oapp~; in Denm0 and Jgnore~ the~~ appea 0-:1 top

of the ~pecific cha of thE' c--uel~y of the ro:ral

e _, ~he 31Aiedes L'3d o 1;her e: a uses or v-,;l:ich to Jom:r::<' · ':1. Eri:.C not œ .. l.y b~d !'.Jt sur.1moned the 0wcdj '::!L ,~o1':1c ~ 1 J.'o-r yea rs, h:.:!::;

also le ft the 1~~~-2 ::.est of'fj ~es of ti1e administr>atio~1 un:t'illed.

A type of anarchy p~evr~~ o~er mu(~ of ~~eCen. The only

reasons the Da:-iea took an:r inte:..'"'est 5,:.1 .:_>Jeden was to obtaiü

Pc· venue and they did not (!a::.'e wha t ~ne an.:; were taicen to do so. -33-

S!n~e ~n~0lbrekt was loyal to his King, 1œ employed eve~·

ler:a: l'rleo.1s avc.ilable to obtain red:':"ess tor Swedish g:rie-.rances. After· an unsuccessful trip to Corenhagen, he gave up thü.i

apr~ oacn éL1d tur:1ed to rdorc d;'amatic rr;east..res. 'L1e struct~le

fo~ power which ensucd ha:~ ~nfortunate:y~ ~een interpre~ed

in c tv:ent::.r th ._~entury out look as one bctwee .l. jemoc racy anù tyrnnny~ 4 but this would seem to be going too far for a

.f lfteenth centur:y co!~flic t. En[:e 1 brekt t~a s undoubtedly

grea tly in:L'luenc:ed b:/ the jnsipient na cio na 1 fee ling of the ti me J

but was pro~a'hly more :J10VE.:d by a wish for the strict observance of feudal law in rclatio:1shlp to :3weJen. If u-:>st of the nooles

lineù 1.:p aga5m~t him it was nor that they ret_::arded rtir1 38 a represeni.;rtive of democracy but at 'chat tii:1eJ Denmark \'Jas a power

to be reckoned wjth in Europe and tne 3dvantagcs of ~n::_on wi1:h su ch a ;_)ower were not to be passed over lightly. Even 3:­ jr. ~he comrodition o:::' the EilœdetY (parl]_ament) of Arboga in 1'+35, a strict fe'l:dal cor•porate rep::·esentation of cl0rsy,

no'oili t~·, bu:;.""ghesses, anét pea sants· i1; :'our cis tric 'c hou::: es wa 0;3 set up anJ :ln fact, kept until the refo"'."m of 18G6. Tllus, .SvJeüen, aftP.r England, posseEses :me of the most contjnvou.3 representative institution5 in Europe.

In 1434 Engelbrekt appealed tc the people who jolned together

~n an a rmy whic.;h EXPE: lleù the Daces frow 3 ~1_1 of Sweden except

34. See especi3lly Toyne, ~c~~. pp. 86-88. - !:' 3 .J• Jee below • -34-

Rolland and t.tockholm. King Erik did not delay long, but immediately sailed to where he was a"t:le to convince most of the nobles that a tribunal should be set ti.'[:: in order to a·:'bitrate between the King and the J·.1edes. He also declered that if anyth~_ng which could be proved illegal had passed, then they were to suggest ways of redress. Engeli re kt consented to these propositions altho~ch ne wss determined to set t~p nome type of Swediah institution, pr'eferably an assembly voli th :egis la ti ve power that could pro v 7.de a ba lance to the power of the Dan~.sh King. Since Sweden, like Denmark, was an elect::.ve monarchy in theo.ry he was a.nxiou~ ·chat tnis bod:y ir.stead of the royal counu::l (Riirsr~ad) should elect the king. Ir. January 1435 this assembly, called the R:tk.~da~, did meet 11 Ar':>oga. \iher. it met, it rursued. a radJ'ca:i. policy by éleciding that there ::;hould be a separ.:ttion of Denma1'k and Sweden althongh the nobles and ether estates dlffered as to

Nho should be king. ~~ compromlse v-:as reached in the election of En;~elbrekt and Xa!'l Knutsson, leader of the nobles who fav­ oureJ sorne sort of tie with Denmark, as joint regents. .Shortly afterflards Engelbrekt was assa3sinated by a noble. Knutsson carrled on the work of regent, althougn he was not recognized as such by Ki:1g Erik untll 14 38. Thus the framework for a complete separation of the two :i"ealms was laid. During the -35- rest ~f the :lifteenth century the King lost morE and mor·e ground in SwedEn until his authority there became non-ex:stent.

This caused internai dissentior: in Sweclen where two opposing groups 3o~n arose. The Unionists who favoured the po licy 3dopted in l'+ 34, a Ilanish King wi th a Swedish regent who was representative o~ the interests of the nobles, and the Separatists who believed in a complete separetion and. increased power of the Riksda&. On tte whole, the eituat!on varied as to who was in power and larg_-el-y depended on the personalit:ies of the Danish king and the Swedh'h leaders. K.nutsfor;. had been succeedcd by a succesEion of members cf the St~re family.

Sten the Elder r•lled. e.s kin._; ln a.ll b·xt name from 1470 until 1483 when Ch~istian's II rather King Hans offereJ the nobil:.i ty 1.:;[ e type of co·1stitution ~r.. ey ~ianted. .3ecause of this, oppostjion to Sture's policy grew untll Hans was able to enter Stockholm in l4S7, be electeJ King, and ha~e his son

Chris:San elected as heir to the throne. TI:e tide changed in 1502. In this year tbe Unionists an

Christian II' s charactei', concept of power, and desire for the advancement of Danish power, a 11 combined to rnake hlm decide to meet the question head on. In this he was opposed by a ....1 equally determ~_ned person, Sten Sture the You~1ger, who was now ::':"egent. Sture was profoundl7 influenced by the views com:ing out of the renaiesanee, particularly as brough;:; to

Sweden Dy Hen~ing Gadh, a Swedish philosopher. He believed that all elements in the nation should be subordinated to the state. The Regent was successful in him conflicts with the city corporations, and a section of the nobil:tty, bul wa:::: to run iYlto difficul ties in his efforts to cont:"ol the churcll. In 1517 one Gustev Trolle, whose family had long been at odds w:ith the Stures, v-;as made Archbishop of , Primate of

Swede11. Trolle was aom po.tc,"-; He came wic}, troops :in -17 to :c"'elieve Arr:r-~- bishor Trolle whom Sture had beseiged in hi~ caatJe o~ StMke

was ~efeatea by Sture at the bDttJe of ieoln ~~J compe~~ej ?7 tack to make f 1 ~ther rians~' During 1518-l'-1 to ;;:o to !.Jenmnrk - -

Toyne rp. f ·~ -94. J.!;rc;zlopaed:ts J?rittanica, op._::i~. p. 6:~'7. -37-

he was helped ln his task by comi~s in the guise of p~otector

of the chur~L. Cnristian 1 s rel1gious scrupleJ were not very

deep, but he ;,rar careful to use Emy form of' T"e::;.i or: wbcr: it might help him to achleve his ain~B Didrik 3l&gheck had been oent to !'1ome in 1:Jll: to obtain a Bull of EzcoMmunication a. gains t St:1r~~9 J.rmed wi th this_, C:!lris tian !ta de his ma in a ttempt to r-e ga in his Swedish rea lm in 1520. Things had not

gene well in the meantirne. At the battles at Branky:""ka in liO 4~ 1518; and ou te ide Stock!1olm in t:;l9 .. t:1e Danes ha j tvJicp ;;r,:f' -· fered e defeat from Sture. Crossing the SwediE·h frontier in

the fL~E: t week cf January :::;20, ChriEtian came well prept:!red.

He had final1y man;.;~ged to secure part of h:ts wife 1 s do:zry,

forca0 his people to co~tribute taxes, CJLtom Cues, loans, and Il? "'ree wLil of"'erings; ·-and hi:.. ed a considerable m;mber of Seo .t- 43 44 isb, F:>enchJ and German mer>cenaries. r.rhey made rapid p:.>.~o,~ress ma rchi11t;: northward, attachi1E che Pa:)al interdict on the 45 Swedish rebels on the doors of churches As they pro[ressect.

.Sture was mortall77 w0unded .1t the battle of Tiveù.en on Januar;y 19, 1S20~ 6 Now all of Sweden except one vital part, Stockholm, lay at Christian's feet.

38. See Chapter IV. 39. Dunlcley, op. cit. 40. Encylopaedia Brit.,IBiQ. 41. Dunkley, p. lB. 42. The criminal8 and the troops paid for a while by the Scott i2h go'lernment. l+ ~ Encylopaed.!_a Sri t ~L Ibid. 44: Toyne, p. 93. 45. Ibid. 4 5. ~lo]2_aed.!_~ 3ri t., r. 627. --38-

St;ocl{holm was valiantly defended by Sture' s -vviè.ow

Christiane Gyllenstjerna. As the year ~assed, she was no longer able to res:lst, and surrended the city tc the King. Before she had done this, she had secured an amnesty from Christian :or the safety of all those who had edhered to the

Sture cal.1Se. In late October Christian II cntered ~he city

.Ëlnd was proclaimed h~r.'edi~arY., (not elective) Ki:-1g of S\V'eden b;.• the Bl:ksdag. B::shop Trolle, who had been released from

imprisonment solemnly crowned him on Novemb~::·r 4th in the

s_~or1~yrkê_. Wh&t was to follm·-1 was the b:._ackest Jeed in the histor-y of Dan:tsn rule in S\'leden. At thè festiv:ities after

the ceremony, Trolle denouncej the re bels and succeeé.ed in getting a list of the main ones from Sture's widow. The gates of the castle were then locd:ed and at midnight of November ï- 8tr, the executions began with those of the bishops of Skara 4'"7 ,,...,._lJ -~' ' a nu i;) vrangnd s. In all, ninety nobles and clert;;rrr,en were executed in the t:reat :::quare of the city. The rt:sponsibility

for this deed seems to fall ùirectl:1 on the Kin,.;s. It is tr·ne

that he wa:J jnflucnced ty men sueh as Trolle a:1d Did1:>1l\: blagheck, who probably sug[ested it to him, but he himself was

th~ only person who could give such an order. The 1 ~blood

hqth of Stockholm'~ v.as neve.r forgotten by the .':;;wedes or the

Danish opponents of Chrjatian II for it ~as a gruesome and

creae; he rous a ct.

4'"". Ibid. n ••• The exec ,Jtions took three da ys and at .,he sa me tir11e

it was cont:inua:.ly raining, therefore, t~1e -t_,}ood wa~ spread all over Stockholm's streets, so that the whole ,.43 city sAemed to swim :!.n b lood ••. ·

The immediate r~sult of this was the final and successful

revolt of Sweden under Gustav~s Vasa. After h3vin~ been .:cized by Christian and imprisoned in Denmark, Guscavus

4'' 11 11 reached Kalmar in Nay 1').~0.::; ~:.re ::-,egan his War of Liberation in Jar.. uary of l:ï21 and def'eated the Danes at Vaster.3s in i"pril of' that year. In August he was elected regent a.nd finally

accepted the crmm of Sweden on June 10, 1523 snortly before 0 t~1e lBst Danish-held city in Sweden, Stockholm, fe11 on June 20?

A mo:..~e direct catastrophe ari3ing from the blood-bath

of Stockholm was the final spark it gave to revolt in Denmark. From the ver::r beginning of Christian's reign he had alienated

the members of the privileged ~las:3es. The lords knew that he

j ntendeù to rule over them and not a sl-~ for the ir 1dvice. On top of th:'ls, he was introducing reforme into the country and 51 improving the lot of their peasants. His Y'eligio..:ts reforms had also buil t 11p opposition in tbe ranks of the clerry. By

48. ;rDe henrPttede bleve l:tggende i tre Da ge uoe;~ravede, og, da der til samme ·-::id indtraf Reg.1veir, f'y{rtes dermed Blodet over alle Stockholm, Gader, 3aa hele Stade.1 11 et ayn tes at Sv y{ mme i Bled ••• Aller., p. 267. L: 9 • Par' a de~~ailed account, see To~me, p. 94. 50. Ibid. p. 95. 51. Arie-n, pp. 10-11. his appointme:1t of foreigners to important po.si tions of tr->ust he had alienated the national feeli~gs of the people~3 In his e:.:'forts to make De!'lma:':"k the cominercial entrepot of Nortl1ern Eurpoe he had also alienstecl the powerful hansa. The only ele- me11t in the populatior. which remained l"eithful to him were the peasants, but one could not ~on~rol a kingdom ty peasants, alone. All of the se dis..:::orà.F.Jnt element:> whi' h composed the o!)po:: i t.:on banûed together .. mder the leadersh:i p of his une le,

Duke F:-eJerik of Holse:J.n, to overtnrOI.'l' him. C.:hristie:D. and hia uncle got. nlonr; cordiall:r until 1521 when the K1n1; received the invedti t'J.te of the Du ch; of Holstein dil"'ectl:y from his

', rother-in-la·t~ the Empe~~or. :1 redcrik wa& not al1o•,Jed to co.l- sr~nl"" or r-efuse, 01~ e~1en informed of it and~ Jle rd.ed l t 2s t r:::.4 pE:rsonal i.1sul t."' La te ::n 152r~ tlie nobl~ i ty of Jutland, VIi hO

simil.1r b:Lood-~~alh ;:::. theL· S~ecE:.::h cou3

pro\J i ses i r. t :1el Haanu.1aes ~"' t n-'-ns;_o.: "' then off~red Lhe ~ti C rov·J"~ ~o Dul~e 1~·rcde r~1{ ~:ho :.~r~!!edJ_3 te ly ca tHe -sc (Tutlanci:' ~ King

Christ .tan went t:;here n ~.so to tr:i to ncgot:'.~'ce wi tn the re bels

1..~1t was unsu...:~eJsîLl. At ~his ~r:'t:i:"'l: morner:: of ~lis life, the COUI'3 w:1_ th which ne b.~d LI:! ceci ::.evere challenge& d.t1-~"ing

52. Sec Cnapter IV. :;;3. Gau, .QQ. ci~. p. XIV. 54. Dun1dey, p. )1. 55. Birch, p. 154. 56. Toy ne., 105. ,, , - -, .J.. ...

cio. Norwa:r, Skaane, ~:::tlund'vorg, ;•Jalr.J)i and (.;openha;:en

rt-nialned loyel bt:Ai; the revo1t ~1ad already :;,'l"'l'ead from Jutlar:J

to Fyn. He :::t lso kr.cw that LÜbeck, wi th whom Denmar!.<: had been

at war for sorne tirne, was planni~g an attac~ on Copen~a~en, and had maC:e an alliance witt:, DJke Frederik. He eaE'ily could have raised a 1o:;al army since he possessed the tey fortresses

of the kingdom, but, weakened by the second revo1t in ~ie reig~, he tho~..;.g!1t that ·ch€ onl:v aE.s~.f' ;:;ance he could. obtain Hou1d be

from obroad. 'I'he true rea sons :::'or his 1oss of face a~ t:üs

moment can on1y be assurr.ed, but whatever came over· him, :1e llaS no~ the b1ooû-tl1irst:,r t:1rc1nt of November l:,..;?O wher: on April 1::7 13, 1523~ ~e left his kingdow w:th his ~~re, three chi1dren,

Hans Nikkelsen, Sigbri t a~1d ethers. He dj d not go wi th the

tt0ught of having been jetnro~ed, but merel~ retiring for a w~1ile in o:r.Jer to strike back .r.. arè:e::.." and to es~a ;lish an here- .-P. üitary kir.g::ionJ upon ~1is retur1~~1.,;

On the whole Ctristian ca11 be s~id to have brought great benefJ..ts, in his reforms, to Denmark dur:tng hi::> reign. If there is a certain uncertainty, a certain mistrust, and a ceri. a ir tyran ica 1 a i:r• aboc

:;1.7 . Dunkley, p. 31. 58. Ibid. by the common people~9 1fhile he Kas in exile, a folk song

Kas 1-'rritter. ~'lhicll was sung by h:ts c.dheren~~s who dld not forget hi m. "Then the old eagle flew away

~ith his young so small, the other small ::>irc'is then became so mild tney knew no remedy

Now the high (notles) sit in the oak-top and flap their wings,

The othe::." sma 11 birds are in the forest Where misery forees them.

Now all the other smalJ birds sit

as silent as stones They have l3st their beautiful song Will God give tbem it again?60

59. Allen, p. 263. 60. 1!3or•.: da r]j}i den~mle~ Alt mea-SiJe-uKger saa Smaae ve anare smaae r~;-dc bleve saa vilde, Dë·vrasteëïëïn inL:;erl Raaa.-~

Nu sidder~en i Egetop ~~· Breder ud âine v inger rë andre -:_.;-m8ae· ?m~~le i-~oven ere, tran -mofine~aa -~!erlig- trae nge

Nu sidde alle andre Smaaf'lgle 6g til Qvaers'om.s-tene - De h?ve-mist' deres deilige §~n~, VfrGud__ de Faa~_liannem igj_e_!!_~ Ibid. CHAPTF..R III

SCOTTISH REACTION TO THF.. DANISH POLITICAL REVOLT -43-

~he criminals, the rugitives, and the hired troops paid

'Jy the .Scottisl1 Government, all added to Christian's Swedish victory of 1520~ FroM France and the German ~tates mercen- aries also came to swell the ran1=s of th€: victorious army.

France sent fifteen hundred foot soldi~rs with ,ravisions and pay for three months and six large pieces of' a:..1 tillerJ< ~ 3ut it was the Scots whom the enemy éireaded most. After the blood-bath of Stockholm in 1\ove::-ober 1:;20 and until it surrend- ered to Gustavus Vasa in J· .. me 1523, the Swedish capital twas in tt1e handc o ,:- the Danes. Among t:1e tl·oops occupying lt were ti1e Scots abou.t whom the local authoritit:s petitioned the

King to complain and ask that they be t:~.'"'ansferred to another ? town~ The Swedes 1 fear of them did not die dawn after they were removed, as they constan~ly expected tnat they wo~ld come again. In March (12th) 1522 Gustavus Vasa expressed h fear to Ifibeck of the danger of Christlan's !ntent

..• ~~ to de2troy all inha"bi tanta of Sweden and a ba in to inv3de the co·1nt.ry with Scots and D1nes. nh Even Henry VIII reqvestec.l t:1e Emr:eror to use his i..1fluence to ask his ·0rother-in-law, Chris cian, to banish the Scots

îrom his realms since t~1eir growing influence and power tl1ere 5 was great worrylng him. It therefoPe appears quite evldent

l. See Krat)be, oo.ci_t.,p.99,and Birch ~..E.~_c1-t.,p.1SO. 2. Letters and Pa pers Henry VIII, III, pt. I, p. 50-1 (Fi tzmullen to Wolsey, March 16, 1521.) 3. Stockholm' a Maya!' and Counci1 to the King, Ap..:->il 23, 1~·21. ~~.. bede at no~le af de Skotter, som l:igge 1 deres It:f_, màae v ive forslükhecïe .t -a-nd':"'e Stwë~""'"Regès.ta-ôp:cTt. FT::·st.SeJ?fe-8~-:t-. p:-18"4-7-;--:#0803-:- ---- · ·--·-- -- ·-··-···- 4. Dietrich Se;haffer and F'~'iedrich Techeu,eds. ,Hanse rlecesse (Leipzig 1899-1913) p.79, #59. 5. L.& P. Henry VIII, III pt.II, p.862-9, //2023. -44- that Scottish power v;as a factor to be reckor.ed with in

., ü.eallni Ni"C:l Denma:>k ot t1e time. Even thouzh this was tr.e cate, t~e Danish King ne c·ced to appreciate it by pa·;rin~; wh3t be owed them for the:lr help. In 1522 the Dui-ce o."'

Albany had to compla in thD t i1e nad not pa id Rocert Ba -::ton for the sh::p whicll had broug:Jt ove:c an aux::ï.l:!.ar;l l'oree earlJer.. ln. t he year.6

Re la U.ons be".:;vieen tne t·1>1o re:J Ims co nt L1ued qui te co::->dia 1 du.dng tbis per:tod of Seott:':.E11 support of the Danisd c2 use.

1'he inter-:o;Jmunic:a tio:--1 of ~ :E:f!e count.rles vva s s t ::'engthened -, ,.., '~onstnn.t com~_-y· rnd golng; of pe:r'~ot~~ l:>etweel: them~ Seots dtd not hesitate in aslc:in[ f'avours of the King of .Denr;Ja:':"~ ••

Cne :i.nsta:c.::c of this con~:er1s James Beator., P,r:; i~ri? c ... thi3 letter he stated thJ:Jt,

5etoun ·:_s ~"'esoJved to do dr.1 a:.,J' serv~ce in Scotland

t-~ben -·~ t ~-s judred advanta~:eous, Cl1ristian ha::. a epecial · and it is

,:he chancellor• s duty t;c seek his interven Lion a CE9 :2ns t

Ja~jn_, B~shop or Lunkeld, ~~o io aiming at promotLon

:-let' ry. c; ..œis ~~:'an is a sked to l'J'ri te to h -t s or3 tors

Repo s of ·Ghe 'Jepu~Keeper of the Putlic RecorC.s,4G,p.57_,apx.2. r,:---&~ P. Henry VIII, IIL, pt. II, p. 11';2 /12782 ... ·christian II 1,o Hen.cy· VITI, des ires :.::a feconduc t 1ôr 100 persona to ScotlanJ. _); 5-

at Rome and in~ede the am~itio~e and schemes of a prose ,oe d cx.1 . ~_.e .• . 8

1\l"o e~'f'ort wa s sDa :>:>ed 1 jl the c r::Jft; me of Scottis~ po11tics to ga tn n s one co•Jlcl for iA~Lowe Jer one cou 1d.

Engl3nd n3d ne ver gi ven uç her '3 ~ m of t i!1g to wir

Danj sh fl:"'j_endshlp and i. reak up t!1e Da-:1o-Scot ~1 sh entente.

AJ though she ~as tlff'ed :1.n her efforts, sl1e ma cie use of every o"crJs:!.on L~a:: presented :.teelf to change the Danish orienta eton Chrh:ti8n, on 1-Jls side, \Janted pea::e with 0 Eng·Jand a!1d tad no des ire to provoke her-; On his ~, ~ t to t:1e

Low Cou~·1tt>ies in 1521, he had gone O'-lt of h way to be polite to ~'fo1sev who was there 1t the same time. v.-olsey found him anx1ous to co!ltinue the peacefu1 I'e:iationship wJth England, especiet1J.:-' s::.nce his brotht',:r-L1-1aw, C!tarles V, was current1y al1ied to K~ng Henry. But he did express his view that he hoped Henr:' .vould do nothing against his ir;fant nephew of 10 S co tl ana, b'U..:; ' on t'ne contrar~',' wou 1-a b e a goo d une 1 e t o h.1.m.

He went ever further in Januarv of 15231111hen he sent

Kin;;;:l1orn, the Scot who had :.:een so auccessf'ul :1:1 the Scottisll nerotia tions of 1519 to Engla'1d !.,o try to brint~ about sorne type of peace between England and Scotland. Christia~'s policy was a verJ pra~tical one. He was suf'fering the disturbance of a

S Hay, p. 90 S See Chapter I. 10 L. e'~ P. Henry VIII, III, pt. II, 613-14, August 18, 1511, Wolsey to Henry VIII. 11. Ibid., p. 11~2 Ch stian II to Henry VIII. succeesful Swedish revolt and aJso engaged in a ~'lar with the

Hansa and Baltic cjties. If he \'lere to be able to obtain more a id from Scot land, he 1.·wuld have to draw upon '1er full

1.:>esources. Thjs mea ...1t that Scot nd could not be occuried in defending ·:1er border with En~land~ but must be free to give 12 E'ul~ support to Denmark. The English agents abroad saH treacbery in this for Denmark~ Fra::1ce, and ScotJatld were linked together and might uecide to use theL"' combined forces

1~ aga:11st Fngland, and sent warr.in~s about this to the King.--

Kingho""n stayed on for sorne mor!ths until he eventually proceeded to ScotlPnd. Altllough he was recei~1ed in En;slrnd wj_th great honour, and rowed to the royal palace in a ~tgniflcen~ barge, a11 he obtaj:·,Ed wer·e vague promises ·t:ha'c the Kint; woulu con- s ider teh reqt

Durjng the period K1nghom was ::!1 Englanu~ the revol t ln

Denrrark broke out and h~~s master found t1mself an exlle ::..r: the Net!1erlanas. Christian now lookeà for a id. Since he lBd already started some type of negotiation in Engh:nd he dec::ided

o exploit this b:y going over himse lf nnd try to ob ta in a J.d.

He .~.'eceived a pe "'ma 1ent safeconduct for J~.2~ mor.tha from Henry

VIII. The on1y ·~o.1di +;ions at;tached ta th:ls v1er·e that l!e enter· no English pert V'<1th his ahips Or' more than one hundred f'ollow-

12. Ibid., p. 1199 Sir Robe1t Wingfield to ~olsey. 13. Ioid. 14. '!b_id., p. 1218, 2'385. -4(- ers, or visit Scotland. \l·olsey was both worrjed and annoyed oy the approaching visit. It was clearly his hope that the cor.dltions attached to the safeconduct would be considered too

stringe:1t, and that he would not " .. g~ve them the trouble 16 of co ming at a 11 .. " Ch1'is tian wa s not to 1::e deter·red from h:!s project and no matter how humiliating he may have cons:td- ered the cond:t tions, he le ft for Englano. during the first part of June 1523.

In Englancl the King and Queen (Christian had deciè.ed to tring i:,eP a long) were shown gr·ea t ho spi ta li ty by the ir English hosts. The~r resided at Greenw:1.ch Pa lace for a whi1e, and then went on to occupy Bath Palace, at the expense of Henry VIII. l"' Christian was regarded as a bit of a fool by Wolsey who thought it absurd that he would have encouraged his enemies by abaî.1don- ing his re

r~new an old treaty of friendshjp made between King Hans anti Henry VII}9 althouf::h he was very guarded in other promises.

These were included :ln a treaty which the two nonarchs confirmed

., h ..L \.). Ibid., De P::."'aet and Marnlx to Charles v. 17. Ibid., p. ::314, 1334. 18. I'Jid. _, p. 1319. 19. Ioid., p. 134. June 20, 1523. -''r'18 ,-

20 on June 13th, 1523. Besjdes cle~ring t·p such past poir.. ts of

~ontention as piracy, fisherjes, traffic and sale of merchand- ise, it provided that

''if either of the two kings ~1ere at open war, the one

sha 11 e,Jcept no tt·uce except the ether be incJ.uded. Neither will harbour the rebelllous s;;:.'bjects of the other.''! ?1"-··

Thie visit to Engla:1d bronght for.::h rumours of all so:'ts conceming i ts pro'i::-a ble meaning. LÜ ..:>eck wa s fj rml~r of' the

•)eJ.ief that Ch:·ist~a.1 w:mtej to seli his t:itle to :le~:.~: and told the ~nglish that the Danish ~tnzship was elective and t-herefore cou:d n0 t; be s Qld. Un fo1·tuna te ly for Cnris tian, none of these rurnours had any su·.)stanciation and he vJas for~ed, bJ the end of Jul:r, to lea ve EngléL:1d ir: dlsappoin 'cment.

3ho~ a~'tt::r he reached Brui::: sels, he ser.~.~ er_ er.vo::t, ~1ls prJ va te sec retary r~ecrlior, to ::01'Y'.Y a3ktn2-; h::.m to use h~.s lnf1uenJe on the ~e to ob ta in the Er:pe1 OI'' s 2Uflpo 1.. 01 c:1e v.,bole, t.be Englts!1 eJ::c;Jhere for a::c:. Jif'e l'or

tm s do~ s in GPrman.; "o•1t had ~ lso appea red :tn the ;?;'J:l se 0f ·'J !:' papt.~ jefencer in hi3 campa:l.gn :l.n Sweder.:-..) Being thrust into

ti1e ve-;:-y cen·;er oi' the v;~drlinc v iora tionn of' u~e Heform~ t:i.on

he coJld not f~tl to contemplatc w~!it hf" sav; <:.'nd beard. Af::.er

!: proJom_;ed r·es ide nee in Wi ttenhur .=;, where he he a r'd L;; th er

p~·eae:h, 11e h~d t;1e Qtceen take ':;he ev~Dt;el ical co.;mmn:ior~é L1e

e~d fron t~e Elector.

In s!)ril•G of ~ ~:..: 2 the :::uke of A1' any h~d at ~eMvteC.

T'his wac .o ":le composed of the 1~in5 of' Denma:rk, the D'uke of ,..,. do2_stein, and the Hansa citj_es·:; fore t;!-ds pl:m coulJ

r:ar.cied ou'; there werP. several pr~cti.:.:al diffi..Julties that

had to be over~ome. Foremost è!lmong thefe wos the fè!lct that

the Hanse~tlc cities were now a+~ war with Denmark and could not possibly be è!lmic!~ly disposed enough to enter into an all~ance wi~h her. Albany thought th~t this was ~ minor

24. ?or his re ligious pol ic .\ ,1nd re ligio'.lS v:::.ews, aee ChJpter IV. 2S. Dunkley, p. 35. 26. L. &; P. Henr7, VIII, pt. II, p. 929-30. 27. Ibid. -50-

point since the Duke of ~uffolk, pretender to the English

throne, who was well ~nown to Loth aides could settle the àifferences between them. As an inducement to the iitlnsa,

Albsn~ promisPd to pa~ them t~e sum of 200,000 ~ngels, which

the~ were owed by EnglaLd. Thvs, they would lose nothjng 28 financiall) if they joined the alliance.

By this tlme Alban} was, throu~h his ~gents in Denmark

and througn the ~rencll, real1gf.tntr his own pol:tcy in agreE::ment with the growing strenrth of the Duke of Holstein. Efforts

were made to gain the good gt~ces cf this power that would

soon have to be reckoneo with. In this Alban:.- wae not on1y

ver:l c lever ~lUt showed i1is exa::roere ti on at the :cnmerous ex- cuses Christian II hnd put him off with during the last few

yearE:. Prederik was Pequested to send. troop3 and sl'"lips if' EnJland ett~ckect?9 Theee ~e~otl~tions cont~nued through the

w-inter of and into the next year. Evidently pro~reas

w~ s be~ r.g m.!!! de s ince the English ~ser-e no 1·J gettinr: worr·ied

about this !nd even though'c tl1a t King Christi~n was com:i..ng t:o

Scotland himeelf tn order to give the Scots person~l assist­ ance~O Altho~gh the Mlmours had b~ilt up the projected

2E. Allen, op. cit., IV, pt. 2, p. 116. 29. L. &. P-: Henry VIII, p. 1161, :/12764, Jar.m~ry 10, 1523, Wolsey to Boleyn and ~ampson. 30. Ibid.,~. 1110-11, Octobe~ 20, 15 , Sir Hotert WingfieJd to wolse;. -51-

~lll!!'lnce, it never came Cibout. The only positive results o-P

this was that Pra1cis I sen:; ~hristier a sum of money to be used ln his c~mpaign3 1 and the rumeurs th~t ~he Scots were on

t'1eir wa~' to help Denmark con·c:tnued to persist. This pa rtic­ u:5 rly rN"orri ed the LÜbeckers who 1:1 Febrlla ry 1523 wa I'ned

D~nzig to watch out for Scotl~nd's ships coming throvgh the ? SounJ a~d into the Balt~c.-3

ThereC'ore, the s"' tuation was very nebulot1s when news of the De~ish revolt againat Christian came to Jcotland. Christian bad left De·,"lmar-k on Arril 13th, but due to the slowness of comm~nication the Scottish reaction to the fiTst news o~ t;le re volt ~-:! s :"lot ser.t tm til Ma;r 20. Ja rJJeB Be~ ton,

Archblshop of Gltsgow, and Chancellor o~ the Realm, who h~d enrl·ier requested Chri3t:l.t.:. 's ald, wro'~e to hiw and expressed his arolog:le3 that d.t~e to t:1e sJtuatio,l in .Scot.'..anù and the eonth.ued English ·::-alds, it would be Impossible J..,or Scotl~nd ta help l:üm at th:~s ti.me. \t/i1at puzzled the Arclloisl:on wf!s the new::: brought by Scottish merehants about , rebellioJ.-: ir tenmar•k.

If the se reports were vY'',;e, Bea tell thousht the test thin]; for Christian to do lv01l1ù ,.;e to come to Se:otland_, v.-herc i1e had

31. Sct1~f::'er, Hanse Recesse op. cit., 8_, p. 330, Feb.21, 1523 Luteck~~ an -~-Danzig. --- 32. Hay, p. S2_, April , 1:)2:). -52- many friends and where he would be muc~1 safer~3 Scotland was not offering any direct aid, but would offer him friendship and as7lum. The Council in the name of the K:ng, offered the same excuses ana aJ.so offered asylum~ 4 Th€ Scots were excellent masters of the 8rt of complaining. In this situation as in the ru mours of a Franco-Seo ctish-Danish alliance, the Hans a w~s of the opinion that King Christian would help the Scots and then come back to re-conquer his kingdom with their aid~5

Christ:lan appeared to llave been d~splaced from power, the realities of politics dema~ded that the link of friendshir be replaced by one of power. With this in mind Scotland and

France tu~'ned to the new power in Denmark, Frederik I.

Frederik I was quite different from his nephew. While Christian was a man of the new aGe, and was interested in the new discover~es and ideas of the Renaiss~nce, frederik remain- ed a conservative German rrinceling. Ee had spent most of his l:t.fe in Holstej_n ~nd alLnough a son Jf a I:ing of Denmar!<:, l1e w~s Danish l;y reJ:!tion only. Frederilc was a quiet and. r·eserved rr:an ancJ. in m:'l:1~1 respects can be comp:Jred to Eenry VII~ 6 They were bach in the t~ckg~ound b~~ ~heir power was felt. While, on the other ~'l~uü, cnr~ ~ t,:'_;u:. II and Henry VIII bot11 possessed a~ urfe to ~e in tne forefro~t of things. T~e7 we~e products

33. Itid., pp. 92-J, ~pril 22, lj~~. J4-. Schaffer, p 0, p. 371, and L.& P.Henr? \-III, II:, pt. II, ?C::...,. ''2'"7~ r. l -.Jr t -:::7: ..L. 33. l'nnk1er, p. ].S. 36. ~b~~·~ p. 39. -53-

or the new generation t was no~ rJJing Euro 1.- in Den mark L:ings went

cvw yea:r o"J.d 'B'rederik W15S "'·:-:"ally ::->ecop1ized 1Jy the Ri -=-·----

·v-a L1 ;;te ad vent '::>.:' a nevj King, it wcs necessar::l to dra-v1

(agreement). Ao in the past, the nob 1ea seized t~e oppor'v:mi ty o~ 1 :!.mi tint:~ the roy31 pO'irier e''en more. 'Il:.:z t.tme they felt they had a ~ust rii:~ht '~o j_n so due to ti1e actions end po'"' :icies of Christii.l:'1 J.I !nd thej_r open

at Ros~ilde on Auz~et 3, 1523. This cor.tained some 1Joints whi.;l': were even re~arded as goj too f ~ r j n t:ha t period. I"irst: of a11, the assent of the _R_"" __ r_.c_!l_e_d. was to be ne,:es sa ry j_n ~ 11 tne :.:~suê! 1 bus ~.ness of governmen t. Secondly, and most important, the sevent~-fi~th article provided that al though the Ha_~~1üfae a t_.n..i_~Ji was sub jec t to ~ rrend'11ent by the

r:~2d with tile co:1f.!ent of the King, the KL1g could not

::~ rr·end i t wi "ch the raad 1 s consent. -~rede t:1e nob-es. He m-;red h:ls throne co them and had to follow t~1eir line throu2:hout his ten ~,;e~r (1523-1533) reign.

When Christjen left Den~ark in April, the Scottirh govern:nent los t no ti me in gett:!.ng in cont:!lc t; wi th t~:e new ~8 ,\) :regime. Two messa s had been se.J.t by .Ma:v 7-' to request help aga inst EqOand. The Scots were not onl~ as king :f'or

38. Ibid. -54-

troor::s, ~nd sm~l~. ~mounes of money, but promised tLat if 100,000 florine were sent they would restore the Orlme;.·s

to tbe Crown o+> :-rorv'ay39 'I"nis wé's a strong inducenent to

the Dar:.isrl government, but sinee Danes 3re ~lao known 38

people who tend to he ver-y carefu1 with what they Jo vith

;,_.hejr mo~"cy, they did not t:Jke 1...._p the offer. 'l'Le oJd story

of rebell:!.on :in Sweden (Stockholm did not surren<.:~er to

G;.1st~vus V:!!Ea until Jtme,) and oppos1t'ion ~!tt home (there were

3rna 1 J groups of Christ :la:-1 1 s s .Jpporters s till "'lolding out for him) combined to produce the usual result of no direct help.

Dut ;3cotl~nd and France kept on try:i..ng.

Il' ju:~,e or.e of the Dulre of .\lbany 1 s e;:woys and one of

K~ng Franc:î.s' secPeta:dee were sent on :a joint m·.ssion to

Fre:lePik I. Their emL~ssy was recognized as br>ine.;ing the

conr;;ratula cions of the ir mastef'S to t:1e new King, and recog­ nlz1r.g :1im as Kinf/1° Bu:; they ~lso had s more important t~s~{ which Nai:1 to in vi ce him to jo in w:: t:1 '.:;he King of France and

the K1nrc of Scotland ~nd the H1nsa towns, in ~idinE the ex-

+' l' 41 pec~i tien ·co Engla:1d -::>f t11e .D11ke of s u f .~.o K. 'rh:ls was anothet> of thoee many ~r~jects o: alliance Yhich did not take place

(although Frederik did say ne sent envo~s to Ltbeck to discuss 43 the Lea!J::t:e, "che only result seemE to ~)e an ~-J1crease in thE

39. A 11 en, rl, pt • 2, p . ll 7 • 40. Pre tender to the E:nglj slî throne. 4:. Wet;eneJ•, .212.· c it., 3, p. t0:2, !!nd Report ~_[_the J2ep~~L_!eepei'' or the Public Hecords, ~5, p. 9, apx. 2. ..,_t:' ~~r::---:r~-'· -=

ccn'J'ying on together). This emL~ss;1 rt:ised new feara in the

minde of the enemies o::' Scotl~md 3nd France. LÜbeck wa rned

3uatavus V~aa Lhat nThree Scottish sbips have entered the Sound, t'nd l!LC'e

f- b f d . . - 1 Il vo e e~re, cec!use more Wll- come •.. 44

Danzie; showed ~ fear t.hat Scotl()nd woPld he1p Christian, but

wël s .:'"'ea sEured 'by 1 ts ll gen·cs in the forcee be se iging Copenh~gen

th~t two Scots ~.n ElsinOT"e h~d informE:d them that not only would r~ing Christt~n not reeeive any help from Scotl~nd, but

Kin:s Frederik could h,~'Je ~ thoue~nd men i .f' he \':ould w~nt

t 'ne m.-4 :s

Chrls tian' s agents did not sit 1:·ack idly and w~tch this pass unnot:tcec~. Aftee h1E unsuccessful regotiatio·1s ir. Eng-

1~nd in the begJnning of 1523, Dr. Kin[.';horn 't'lent to Scotland where he soon got himself in trouble vdth ti'1e French in the

l.t~ 0 cou:1try~ w:1en news of the revolt reechea. hlm he .tmmedi~te wenc 1::-ack tc Denmark whe:.."'e he could do ~1othing, and the.(. to see Christian II in the Netherl~~ds. Christien hed 8 deep rcgerd :'or Kinghor·n' s 2tbll ity and seLt hin1 beek to Scotland to continue the fur·theranue of' his cauf'e there. w;1en Kinthorn se~ the change in Scottish policy and reelized that he covld do nothing to stem ~t, he started to get in contact ~ith the

!~4. H,ld., p. 43:::2. L;.5. 1~·-:,; P. Eenry VIII, III,p~~. II, p. 1252., /12974. 46. Har.n~y, op_.~_cit., p. 1'!6, Jul} 18, 1523. lieh, but was saon found out, brought before the Lordf! of

Cou;1c il a nd rr.ede to promise tha t he

11 suld nec!ir send writing nor word in Ing:land ••• without special1 license of the Lordis regenti:: and

of couneale gottin opte~lt t~Jrto undlr the pain of n4 7 tynsale o-r: l:U' and gud ~is · '

The year F523 drew to a close vd ~hout any cenere te a id

:~c Scoi,1and from Freder:tk. Early in 152z~ ;l.lbany sent another miseion t0 t.~r to implement the pJ.an of alliance he hëd euggest-- eè. in Jt:..ne~oi' the rreceding 7;ea1. SpeGifically he Nanted to

ve bim in the way of .s~1ips, arrrs, herse and 'oot, gunne~s and various ether soldiers, 1f

Frederil~ wanted co pay t!1e money owed for Q,ueen T•'iarg:c"'et;' a dowry and get ;)ack the Orkne, s, ii' the Ha ne-a to~tlns vve re .'eaûy

'Jo rea ::h a:1 a<~reeme:,t w:. ch S·;ot1and a:1d ~:~ /reder:".t. would l.ook favo·.::ratJ.y uro"' a rra2r:~a:.~e to ce;nen<, che )Onds of frienàsh::.p,

son o :· Ja~neo , the ~erl of Nor3~.

sent over frorü ~ .. le C:--.:L~.::. :VJ.a;:; ~er or Prt:o:J::.a, ::;'c0~ in Denwarl~. on theh Y.J3Y a

1,-:. H:~y, pp. 98-9S. '(._'4 :> ~. ~. d· ~· ~- • J '"'i' .. ~-li : .. e m::.t .• "e • _ re e .....t k l::l:.;: e,.;,., tb.:;; t, as us ua 1,

], erH. rou::r: ·:e 11 'J:r;toriot:..:..,''-~;; iNrH.~"": i

~chieved complete victo

Albany A-2;<'3::.n approaclled him and :.."'eqre:Jteù •.: t; aid tefore t~-:·e end of Jur:..;;. 'The Danes cont.·nued to avoiù givL'l[ it, but did gi.;e them tr1e:tr r.;oral eur;r:>rt in !:;l1e vario"L.s contra- ver::: ie s ~ha'; fo:.loNed.

'l.1 he nat~lre of V1ese wao a conttm~ation of the c.::mfused

3E a part of J.~fe bJ che rnerc::.ant~ of tLe tine, ~t :rè,_:]J. tro' c': t a bo;.' L compla ir: ts by tho Je v1ho had l':>s t :;hi pt or ottlsh ship wa:s seized a D:.1nz:tg in t:1e harbour of IV1arda in c:o Norwa:,--: To shmv r,er' go:>d ·v11:.11 a'1d pcrhapu as comper~.s~'t t ion for Dot heeciing the 1 eqüestD for he ln t~1a (-; she f;o often received, Dcnmark used her friendehip w~th the Hansa and

48. Ibid., p. ?9. t9. 3cl1affer, 8, pp. 676-6Tt. :;o. Ioid. -58-

I.laltic c:1ties to protest the zeizu::'e~l. Evider.tly1 .J

In the amovnt of trade to Denmark, E..;ot;land and the Netherlands were in strong competi t:i.on, even though the

Dutch controlled the majorlty of gooC.s goL:.g in and out of

r '1 the Kingdom, they could never discount the constant Scata~~

The Sco~s ~elt this competition strongly, especially in the ç;lJ. field ot:' clothing-::· .3ecause of this they we:::'e not :tbove seiz- their rival's goods when it was possible. Gince they were constantly either at war' v-lith England or obeeY""Jing nn uneasy peace with her, the Scots always had 3 considerable force of privateers in the North Sea.

Therefore, it was not at a improbable for the situation that aro3e in the early summer of 1524 to have arisen. Alberycht vlangork, a Duteh mErchant in Gope:1ha had ju:Jt had

r::"i- was owned bz,· ti1e Scottish prlvateer, Hobe ..:>t Foco·:""' Fogo is alleged to have then sold the ship and cargo i~ Leith for t:-6 1, 600 Da:.:1ish marks-.' vlh11e ~vangorl<: ",'las boil::.ng over his loss,

Edwa 1 d Crawford of EdJnburg:1 took two ships to Copenhagen

51. §.5:eo":::'.~-~~_!l]e p_~u __i~}' .iCeeD_c;:r o_f_!~e Public _R~ Ibid. 56. Ibid. -59-

ar.d one to Nor\'lay. The nNi<:__hol~~~~ and the"!!_o1,e" and the

l!,;:hr~:..s_~~J?h~" w~Jich were alJ. owYied by "rtobert Barton~ 7 This was the same :itooert Barton who in 1519 had helped Kinc;horn recruit troops in Scotland and had given ether help to Christian II. As Crawford Nas about to lea\'e Gopenhage.:1,

~he Danish authorities, on the prornpting of Wangork, seized

the ships ar~d cargoes, after severa 1 unsuccessful i.)eti ti ons, Cra""1ford manageèl to ootain permission to ret;_1rn to Scotland where he enlisted the aid cf' the Scottish Government in trying

to obtain compensatiœ.. rlarton had already beard of t~e scizure of his sh:ps in July and ~ad gotten the Coun~il to protes':; to Denmark and as'«: t.1at

r• ••• If those who claim the captured (Dutch) shins R!ll

appear, or send agents, their ca~e sha11 be adjLdicated

on as speedily 83 poesible·.-r·5~

In Decem~e ..... , Barto.1, i1imsclf pet.1 tioneJ ~ne Co une i 1 for red "ess fr'om Foii:o for· the damages he had suf'fered. Earlier, in October, the .::·ounc:.l l'lad .lrf;ed Frederik -~o free the ships and carzoes, and se.1d the people who had g:;:->ic;vanees about s~ottish se:1zt:res ,..c of s~ips to Scotlnnd so that tney might obtain j~etice~J

Nothing was do~e atout this irnmediatelJ but the case was to

57. Eep~rt of ti:le tepu9.' Ke§!_per o7.' the P~bl_i~ J.::e_~~rs!s, 4n, p. 58, apx. 1. !:.g --- . Hay, p. lOC. ~-9..; ' . See Chapter V. -60-

drag on for years and be a point. oi' contention between the 60 three parties involved.

At the same period, Scottish merchant3 were also suffer- ing los ses from the Hansa traders in Bergen. The Har"sa virt11ally controlled the cit,·· of Ber6en. In their special section called the "Br;;,ggenn, they ruled supreme \'lithout

regard to Danish law or authori~y. All t1~de to tne city was

strictly cont led them also. For sorne reason ~hey had

gotten ang::>y at sorne Sc:ottish mer·:: lEnts in July of 1521+ and 61 '"aJ.- d a t';;ac,{e 1 d , ro b'huea, . an d d rlven . tl1em ou·c' o....ço th..e cJ... t y.

V:Lncenc ius Lü.nge, the governor of tl1e c ::s:·l :~ was powerless to do "1nyt:dng, and was himself made fun of by the Hansa merchants. King Frederik ttJas angry at the who situation and tried to do what he could to help the 3cots eoncerned. He requested the

Norwegian Council to invet""tif'a èe the ~~a 1se of t:1e incident and

0 1 fl ••• 00 f ar·-- as" possl' 'b -'-e t,o ge:;i tt.,ue .::>co,-, Lcs f good s b ac· k w.it' ·n r'rj HUc. ;__:~e permi:::s:ion to go tack to :aergen .

S.t:e T;>.n~sh Counc:t· was also anxious to J.

u 63 3cot~ and do what could for ,,ne m.

As we Lave seen, an ente:1te ~ween Scotland and frederik waa tl1e delibera te pol:::.cy of t'1e 3co :i e:h Governme~1t from the

60. ~egestJ,Second 61. T:·:ct. exile oi' IC1n2: Chc:>::tstian up to the er cl

desert

stian û:ould. have 'c·een (;E!St aside whe.1 he 1ost power.

r;;en;~ n;n.:,' .:ave made such excuses as

l!Kine:: ;.;hr:i.stian has acted unL:ratefulJ:y wit:1 'njs allü:s

t ~he T~c. 1 re") :en wa s th3 t t:e >;Jan ~eJ. t!1e s u~rort o." the de

went ou~ or h~s wa; ta enlist ~ he Jad. Dr. K~nghorn arrested sc that he could not seek support :n Scotland for C~1r1stia'1.?5 H:!.s dr7 comment on the a:n~est of h-ts ol:l ,:-rlend's most trusted servant wa2 ne.l"ely "The dt"l(e

....v:T)' '["n' t .l...hG .ac j '":1,, reuer1l":' 'l wou ld approve t•l1lZ . course "66. -J.n an e3 rl:ler commun ~co t:ton he nad tolcl ~1 rederik t:ha t '! Pcrsonr1ally,

A1.ban:v is as devotc'C. to the Duke's (of Holstein) intere::t as

AJbAny v.:ac: tryjn2; to strLî.!"~ along Christian: Ell.i as 1ong 1s

co11ld i1 the event :.:hat Tw mi.r;::-Jt come in useful ··n the f·._.'tu:"''~. Cl:rist:..

SJt. Ièl:id. 65. 1'b5.d. 66. ~bid., p. S8, Fe1. 14, 1~24. 67. Ibid., p. l03, Aug. 8, 1S24. -62-

contained such sycophantic rhrases as,

n ••• The lo~1g and un broken a ll.ianc:e wi th Den mark and the

tie of èlood impel James to do what may ,;onduce to

Christ~an's honour, advanta , and pleasure ..• There is no prince so just, powerful, and renowned as to be ::_mmtme from re' ellious disturbance •.. Constant and true

friendetip cor~s to lig~t i~ the da~ of adverslt~ ••• No human force, therefore, Y.!ill dis trac c him from Lis friendship for Chtistian· with the help of God he will

fullfill all the obligations of an al and a near .. 68 k .Lnsman ... Looking at the whole ston· from Chris an II's side, one cannet help but el glad that Henry VIII put out his Land in the hour

opportuni t~1 of strildn;s at Franc:e, t'1a t this would gi ve En gland, and resolved to write to the Regent Margaret of the Netherlands

counce llor of the Emperoi' 1 and co LÜbeck. In addit !.on, al tilough vve have no ev~dence that .1e carried it o·Jt, be consiùered help-

jng hlm f'inancially. In order to cha:1ge -'.;tle ottish ;,>oll.c:y,

he wou1d 3lso ve Christian a safe-conduc~ into Scotland and

1...rri ",:;e the Scots as king ~~hat they lend him rr.en and equipmen'<:; to 6 reconquer h:i· .s ..iCJ. "' 1r.:;aorn.""' q C'nr1s . t.;:!_êl1 d es.i rea. - more concrete measure3

68. 1. & P. Henr"y \TIII., pt. I, p. 3S3. 69. Ibid. f;uch as the 'H~e o.è Enr;::..ir=;h ports, and the per!niss1.or: f'or

Engllsh ::n:·o~ects ~o exercise pira.~y ara~_n::;t tile enemies70

.SL)ddenly 3 ~OPiplete revenJa 1 of' Sc oc c leh poljc~y OC;cured.

•rte Du-:Œ of' Alèz.ny felJ. :..'rom power, Kingtorn -;r.;as relea~ed nnd

t~1e Counc 5 l show ad :i tse 1f ."'av aura ·ole to Ch riE: t1an' s cause.

7.:n a 1.et'..:;e·.-. of November Il, 152'+, v-•rit,tet1 sho1tly nf'ter his

reJease, :ran€;horn told Cr;risti.Jn \'l>at had been happen:ng 1n

:kotland and l10\'I r~e had bee'1 imprisoned. Ee aise explatneâ.

ti1ai. ScotJ.rn,d' s po:.:lcy WJ.:::. now t::hanfied, let ;;crs Gi:~ec ted to

Frede•:ik had been l'c.~al.:_ect, 2.':1d that F.obert rton anrl David.

Fa lkDer ;J:::>Or.l:lsed hirr. 2h:l pe, and tha t (.hey wc re enl1sL t1p·

m.:mer·ot'S ne:. so fl.ght in Christian' a behalf. A ~1~w e:ra '-"as

opening up for Chr:l.s ~,ian I::::. CHAPTER IV

'rHE DANISH REFORMATION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON DANISH-SCOTTISH RELATIONS -64-

The beginnin~ of the Reformation was probabl~ the most far-reaching and influential event to occJr during the period

unC.er investi0ation. Botil DencJa~"'lc ana Scotland were to te profoundly affected ':Jy it but in different ways. There were rrany differences oetween the course and result of the Danish Reformation and of the Scottish. But in spi.te of this fact

there were many similarities. 1he most importa~t thing about

their ~elationship in this aspect was that there was such a relationshipmd that Denmark exerted no little influence upon

the couJ:•ae of tr1e Reforma ti on il1 S·:::otle.nd. In Den:na r·k, a :3

ooposed to Sco~land) the Re~ormation came from above. lt wa3

ti1e Kir.g a nd high officia 13 of S'ca te who played out ·che dra ma

of the reli~ious change. When it finally came, it was a(.cept-

ed i..:y the great ma jo ri ty of the population. 'l'ho se \1~10 opposed i t we.c•e le ft to suffer· in silence. In Scotland on the ether hand, the Reformation occurred from the bottom up. It was a

popu.lar novement in direct oppos ~t::.on to the poli·:::y of the

3overeicn. ':'he factiov.s diviE:ionB and feuds t~1is cave rise

to produced a fv:>ther C:.isturbint; eleuent 1~1 t~e alread;y dis- t.urbed clLnnte of Scottish poli'cics. Alsç,, the Reformation o..:curred al;nost a 1luarter of a ce.1tur;y earlier in Denmark

th an ~ü Scot land. Loo king at thE; Danish Refor·ma ti on, we will

see how it was used by tne K:l:1g as a tfOVernmentaJ. ?Clic:; to ~~plen\ his d.epleced fina.H.:e~ and -Go t:;ain suprcrt o:.; the re­ ish -65- allocation of church property. This is not to suggest that religious ideas were not part of the cause of the Reformat­ ion, but that they were not the deciding factors in the story of religious change in Denmark.

Shortly after Luther began his fight against the abuses which had crept into the Church during the preceding centuries, his idea! became known in Denmark. In his attitude to relig­ ion Christian II was mainly motivated by the desire to achieve his goals of an increase in the royal power against the nobility and the commercial supremacy of a united Crown of Denmark, Norway and Sweden. The Lutherans were just begin­ ning their fight and could not offer any concrete support to him when he needed it. His main task was to subdue the Swed­ ish rebels. For support he turned to the rich coffers and wide influence of the Papacy. The King bad already shawn himself more than willing to gain papal faveur. The Pope had sent a Legate Arcembold to Denmark to sell indulgences in 1517. Bath the King and Queen were among the first to buy from him. Arcembold won Christian's faveur and was sent to Sweden to negotiate with Sten Sture. Sture proved much too elever for the prelate who was won over to the Swedish causel

Even after this experience Christian still showed h:'Lmself willing to use the prestige of the Paoacy when he

1. Birch, p. 148. -66- could. In his campaigns of 1519-20, he entered Sweden armed with a papal bull against all who were or supported rebels. Basically, Christian's religious policy may be said to be based on his renaissence character and penchant for reform. In his Haandfae sti'!_~n_g of 1514, he had very much restricted his powers in relation to control of the Church. The main religious provision contained his promiee not to tnterfere wi th a cathedral' s or monastic chapter' s freedom of choice in the election of its bishop or abbot~ This left the way open for the absolute selection of officials in the Church in Denmark to be made by a foreigner, the Pope. Al though Christian II was very partial to foreigners himself he did not like the idea of a foreigner exerting a power which he himself could not control.

The combination of these factors and the fact that the tide of reform had begun to rise in Germany stimulated the

King to issue hia ~yre.tten and Land~_t!:en (Urban Law and Country Law) in January 1522:J The Byretten enumerated certain thinga that the clergy were forbidden to do and was thus an effort to raise the church up from the level to which she had sunk. The Land- retten set up additional duties for the bishops who had grown quite lax in their duties~ These

2 Dunkley, p. 13. ~ Ibid., p. 26. 4. !oid., p. 27. -67-

reforma showed great idealism but were not acceptable to the nation and became merely an ideal that would not be trans- e:; formed into realit;,< The question arises as to how far Christian really intended to go in his religious reforma. He was evidently not intending to introduce Lutheranism, nor was he even anxious to set up a national Catholic church on the same plan as that of Henry VIII. His plan was then one of "pre-Lutheran hû.manism116combined with an insipient national spirit. The only concrete effects of his plan were the pro­ hibition of ordaining candidates who had not studied at the University of Copenhagen and the setting up of Court of Ecclesiastical Causes at RoskiJ~~ This court was composed e of both clerical and lay members and their decisions could 8 not be appealed to Rome. It seems that the main purpose in the establishment of this court, which was to prevent large sums of money leaving Denmark,9 was not a defiance of the spiritual authority of Rome, but an aspect of Christian's plans for the commercial supremacy of the three Northern realms.

As to his own views, Christian did not show any change until his exile. Several years earlier the Elector of Saxony had sent a Martin Rlinhind, at Christian's request, to spread the Reformation in Denmark, but néither he nor his

5. Ibid., p. 28. 6. l'6IëL 7. Birch, p. 153. 8. Ibid. 9. bunkley, p. 29. -68- successor Karlstadt made any impression on the King. Since

they both delivered their arguments, to the Dane~ in German, they also did not get anywhere with the people!0 Now that Christian was in exile, he began to show a keen interest in 11 the reformed faith. While in Wittenberg he heard Luther preach. As a reault of this stay he commanded his friend and adviser Hans Mikkelsen to translate the Bible into Danish. Mikkelsen only translated St. Paul's Epistles (from the German of Luther's translation) and gave the rest of the task to Christern Vinter. Vinter used the Latin version of

Erasmus as the basis for his translation, which he ~ompleted in August of 1524~ 2 When Christian II saw that he wasn't getting anywhere with thP Lutheran princes and saw a slight chance of aid from his brother-in-law the Emperor Charles V, he lost no time in abandoning his Lutheran convictions and 13 returned to the fold of the Roman Catholic Church.

It was not until the reign of Frederik I that the Reform- ation began to make considerable progress in Denmark, Fred- erik I owed his throne to the revolt of the Danish nobles and was therefore committed to support their views. In the field of religion as in politics, they were of a very con­ servative nature and wanted to rid Denmark of the elements of reform which had come in during the reign of Christian II.

10. Birch, p. 153. 11. See Chapter II. 12. Dunkley, p. 29. 13. For the political background see Chapter V. -69-

The Church was immediately restored to its position of independence vis-a-vis the State. Heresy was to be eradicated from the realm and "Lutheran disciples" 14were not to be allowed to attack the Pope or the Roman Church~5 This policy was implemented from a fear that Christian II might reach 16 an understanding with Luther. If this were so, they believed that any Lutheran' ·· in the realm would be against the govern­ ment.

The Lutheran danger did not only come from Christian II. In Holstein Frederik's eldest son, Duke Christian, had es- 17 poused the reformed religion and was urging his rather to do the same. On one hand Frederik found himself firmly tied to the policy of the nobles, on the other he waa greatly influenced by the constantly growing success of Lutheranism among his subjects. He had no other choice but to go along with both aides as far as he could. At this moment his throne was too shaky to risk the alienation of either of these groups. A result of this was that his policy grew into a compromise one, and he attempted a system of national catholism independ- 18 ent of the Pope. Throughout Denmark convinced Lutherans were gaining converts to their cause by their untiring efforts.

14. Birch, p. 156. 15. Ibid. 16. tbtd., p. 158. 17. Ibid. 18 ï5unkley, p. 39. -70-

Foremost among them were Hans Tausen in Viborg. Tausen waa a former monk who had been able to win over the nobility in the area around Viborg~9 Frederik had granted him a letter of protection in 1526 and also appointed him his chaplain. Armed with these and assured of the King's support, Tausen, together with Sodolin who was one of Luther's closeat friends, 20 succeeded in gaining Viborg for Lutheranism. From his action in protecting Tausen in spite of the protesta of the biahops and nobles, it would seem that Frederik was doing more than move with the tide in regard to religious change. He showed himse1f to be actually in favour of religious reform. This was a lao shown by his Pê'j8bt'i.6nen t of the Pope' s nomination 21 of J9rgen Skodborg as Archbishop of Lund.

The Reformed religion was becoming more and more wide- spread. Both the clergy, who wanted it stopped, and the reformera, who wanted government support, were anxious for the King to stop granting one side support and then turning around and doing the same for the other aide. Frederik thought that the beat way to solve this difficulty would be to follow the example of the Emperor Charles and summon an assembly or Diet. The Diets of Odense, one in 1526 and one in 1 , failed to reach a permanent solution. At the Diet o~ 1526 the bishops were compelled to agree that they would

19 Birch, p. 159 20. Ibld. 21. Ibid , p. 158. -71- receive their appointments from the Archbishop of Lund, and not from the Pope. Since Frederik was also interested in ob ta ining the ir finances, they were thus to pa y the King a 11 22 revenues that they had formerly pa id the Pa pacy. This Diet ended in defeat for the Roman Catholics but they did not give up or even acknowledge that they had been beaten. On the contrary, they used this time to build up their position by bringing ~n German priests to argue their cause~ 3

Seeing the success of the reformed party at the Diet the inhabitants of Jutland (in which Viborg was situated) had revolted against the payment of tithes and various other - obligations. The nobles were furious at such an action but the King came out in full support of the rebels. His answer to their complaints was that the people had as much right to complain as did the clergy and that he believed that eve~~- 24 one should be allowed his conscience. Frederik was taking one more step along the road to a complete Reformation.

It was now evident that a very serious situation had arisen The concept of a Danish national church was break- inΠdown. For several reasons more sections of the populat- ion came out against it. It is going too far to place an undue economie interpretation on the Reformation as it occurred in Denmark, but one of the main reasons many of the nobles and merchants looked favourably on the reformed religion, was their desire to obtain as much of the wealth

23- Ibid. 24 T5Tà. -'72-

of the Church as they could. The National Church movement 25 also failed because of lack of papal support. The Pope did

not at all wiah to be dè-r)8sed ~; from hia position. Deserted by both aides, it was only a question of time until the National Catholic Church was pronounced dead. At the Diet

of 152 7 the pa:.rment of the ti thea, etc., was substantiated, but was applicable only to the peaaanta, not the nobility. The main prov:lston to emerge from the discussions was that freedom of conscience waa established. The King summed up his position as followa,

11 • • I am King and judge over the li fe and property in 26 the kingdom but not over soula ..• '' Thus the situation remained until 1530 when the bishops, who had seen what they regarded as the succeas of the Diet of Augsburg, insisted that a similar assembly be held in Copen­ ha?en. Unable to resist this demand, the King summoned this Diet but it was an utter failure due to a complete deadlock between the two parties. Although things were outwardly favourable for both aides, Frederik I was slowly and cautious-

1~ infringing upon the rights of the Roman Catholic Church.

During the laat three yeara of Frederik 1 a reign, many of the Danish monasteries were dissolved. In Denmark, as opposed to Eng1and, this was an extremely gradual process. It was

so ~radual that sorne of the houses were left to die out after

25 Dunkler, pp. 39-40 26 Birch, p. 161 -73- the Reformation itself had been adopted by the governrnent~7

At the death of Frederik in 153~ all the main centers of Denrnark except the cit;: of Elsinore were controlled by Protestants But with the confusion caused by the disputed succession, a new era of religious struggle was opened up. The reformer might be in full control of the urban centers, but the countryside was fundamentally Roman Catholic. During the period of the Count's War28the Royal Council dominated by the Catholic nobles, was in control. It opposed the establishment of freedorn of religion and attempted to return to the policy of a full papal restoration. One of the reasons it refused to accept Frederik 1 s son Christian as King was that he was regarded as being too much of a Lutheran. When Christian eventually gained fu11 control of the realm he was determined to impose a final settlernent of the relig­ ious controversy. In August 1536, at a secret meeting of the lay members of the Council, he announced his plan of abolishing the temporal power of the bishops and of confis­ cat:tng their estates. Furthermore, he decreed that clerics should no longer be members of the Council. Gaining the support of the lay mernbers Christian proceeded to arrest the bishops. When they promised to surrender their castles and properties to him, he released them and sumrnoned what he hoped would be the last Diet.

27. Dunkley, p. 57. 28. See Chapter VI. -74-

The Diet of Copenhagen of 1536, held from the fifteenth to the thirtieth of October, deposed the bishops. In place of them the church in Denmark was to be governed by !'super- 1ntendents". These superintendents would have far less power than the bishops had had. The State took over all the

vast holdings of the church and in r~turn took on the res­ ponsibility of maintaining financially the new church organ­ ization. Tithes were still required to be paid by the peasants but now went into the state revenue.

In addition to these reforma the State undertook to maintain the University professors at the University of Copenhagen and also the various teachers who went out to teach the Christian gospel to the populace. The existing monasteries were allowed to continue, but since monks were given permission to leave them, it was hoped that they would gradually become deserted and the remaining monks die off. When John Bugenhagen, a German Lutheran, consecrated the first superintendents of the Danish Church in January 1537, a final break with the past occurred. For he was only a 29 presbyter and not R bishop. By this one act the reformation severed Denmark from ber catholic past for the new super- intendents, later to be called bishops again, had not received the apostolic succession from the bands of consecrated bishops but had, in a bold act of faith, proclaimed the start of a

29. Gordon Donaldson, "The Example of Denrnark in the Scottish Reforma ti on~ !3cq_ttish Historical Rev_iew (April, 1948 )pn. 58-59. new r& It ü: 5n th ü·: spcct tuat the He hm in ni_ii~lr'lc

rE f.corn the one: in pt~ altho qu

, the apostoJic succession ana can c:d as a

ne: t ional c::::. tho lie chu .·ch as ppos ed to No., v·ict,ia'l

no clai to a:ryth , but produc t[ of

politica1 and

.:e r·c ..L r~a tu th~~ occurred between S ot

i t 1 s ~1 o t ~ ur· p r j_ s i er rea lr:. ~:: nould. affecte a

d doct 1~1eE rs fôund to

iD circu tion in 8 ot ~no.

11 .Jf Lu :;_ 'êlrl. i t: ~il icn ••• be the u,a tcn '::hi ch r in.ou t fuse

ing to the powaer tou d off the

in uenc t

L)'-/ .L to chant::: ho v:cre en

Lutn ran J.iter-atu Ecutlanè. 1 s stucL~ntf:' 1.•1ho ru.d studjco

t fcrei~n Uni\ersiti s, particular at the Uni rf i of 31 ië. Ti"le ir;:portation o.t' Luti.'J :an litc·at dur· nt i et' . B;v 1 3 i t : 1ad ~::ac n ca

inst

11 ,J .S. lû, Lu Cl'3.DiS:,: in tnt: Scottien ion" VJeEtminster Theo , 1945 L P. 1.

31. Ibid., p. 95. 32 Il ••• s t r·2 anâ viho ir!JJOl't d ret ica L)OOkS. Il

11 11 33 herctical doctr et: \Jhilc i:'1 E..cotland.

e E.. ots 1:.1i1o ~ cs iûea i L'-- theran ccnters ana

icu ar <:: a cted 1.AJi th t L 1 cleas ana at tec~ptcd to tnese to the notice of Scots at rlOuJ~ in spite of the law of 1525. The year l

CJf copi ~' of T;;,nda 1 s Ne1:1 Tectau1ent in SCt)ttish E'hips the Nethcrlands toSt. A~drews, ee, and .-~

as noticed tne go\f("'f'YH.JE:nt hich passed an c~ven :::tricter

in 1 Tnis repeat d the ~aw of ~525~ and in adaition pcov idc:d th at al nat j v c Scot::: 1d10 Vlere j n fa v our of neres:y

:; t:., wou la pun1shea.• - :l _, ,../ The law d not etop tnis hcresy

j It reactJcd ite high point c::.u;·ing -cne second lf of t n in 15 trick Haffiilton, who be en faune, gu il ty of hold1ne, 11 Lutheran he sie~' 11 t:Ja_s bu ned at

J b tns /\ugustinian and

Dcminican houses had a ir share of thos Gai inj Lutheran

32. ID 33. Ibid. 311. J. G·:::.u, Th tcht Vay tL The Klngdor:1 of Hcujm; (.8:dinburgh anu. London, 1888), p. xv. 11 11 3 ~..J--. 1':;p,~ , 1 U t·-her·anH3r;J, . •• , iJ, 5. -77-

s~ far, tne influence and writings ign.

1532 book appe ;Jhich v;as the trfi:cst fOl'tLal exposition of c:; Pr:·ot stant doct ine in the Scottisfl tonguerr~ ( Tnc r·emarkable tl1ing about is fact tnat it was not direct influcnccd a Gcrtî;an ode l, b~' a Danüch. (" author '-'Jas a certatn Jc.hn Gau. Gau v:at' a Scot v-Jl!c' n le ft

Scot t lat fift n twenties.

2 t t e d in i'-1a. Co pen-

1~a2 the r:iain cent of j_sh t 1,; i til S ot land.

8 thus contained Sc tü::n popu ion ich had bce:1 tnc~:r.-c e inc the of King s III. ~~ince

j~ h-:>c• c e it '-'-'-' en s ctcd ./ that Gau went out to Den-

c~ .,.-~ tn r to ._. '~ 3.E C~Hlpla to the ~·cottjeh rchante tl1e Not ~uch is known sbout Gau and the on abov::c iE ::::uppor::cd :i::: ULtt it ;me quit ustul fol' S otti:::r1

tf: to h e tn ir C'Alt1 cnaplatœ::. It is knovm

e1 cxü:ted o.t t Sr: ott ish conTlU'1i t j ee in B1·uges and f![.:;lO.cilebu .. had e an a of'

V or- re i::: ion vJae t'aJe

3 :t:btd. pp. ~· 3 Gau3 p. XXiiii. 3d. Ibici., D. xji. 3 . Ib i ô. • , p • x that one of t e chaplains of the church a Scot. !\ fte r the fon:;a t ion had "> ca.rr cd througr1, Gau vJas g;i en E: uch an appoin nt jn this 2 edi ce.

Fi cht Vay to the Kingdon' of Heuine. 11 translation of a w ill Hier:lr:ler

Cnristian P<.::'t J.t:En v:ho vJas on of the r•. aü1 forr.;e 1'2 in thr:: e :i. ty of fvla Pet r~en, nad been a 1 follovwr of

C · i::ti_an II, and 11 i_nto uxile 1:Jith bir.. J3;t on &

1 to tl as allow d to return

'co h:8 in 1532. still i::--1 exi trld.t Petcrsen publish ù his \oiO:-:'k in b·Jerp in 153 sho\•JS eE:·;eral or jna l:IntE of though'c, it is r:;ain t ~-·ar1s- lat ion 2.nu e:x ns ion of a German v:o:ck, ~x po:::: i t ion of the:

hac1 '" n ]m b 1 i shed j n

3. Only one c Gau's work is stil in existence and it .'.L2 is jn cot land. · PI·' or 1 th i2 :i t v;ould appc t~w t the .Léll.c~ of

J h2.U en s ict en cea.

T1e FJ t Va~~ tc) th Kingdo::; of Ht-::uinc is in th fcrrn ct catcchjsn1 of Luthecan do rlne. It IJa in

-:.JU. Ibid. Ib1a., p. xxji. id,op.cit.p.l the E upre ;;:acy of tt1e Bi ble as tlll~ r·u c of a obedience,

~ rj t justification fai ' congre tion ta choose 1 te mt.Jn paeto anet the e::;p

iod. Gdu' s fllain contr-ibution v

In additj_on to Ga~;'e effort~ va:r·iou::: otr1er ces of

ü:r1 :inf nc:e of r-eligioue nature car.e 1 duri the fift2an thirties. This ~ae, as we h e se n, of

of forruatiün t

ristian 1 E settle nt of l53t. During ri od 1: o:ce ev :i denee of grO'.'/ing dü:per::::ion f Lutheran

nt in Scot Prosecutio'1E for

t th n rE of heretics rat r to

? Ki en ruling in rJ:i s uvm

i t sine 1 ep

can1F; vGry rnuch wor·r·Jed about tllc:; E ad of Lu eranis in

Ec lana and bout thF t course i was ta~

tinent. p B UJ' j on h i p03 i t i on a.e 'l i ns rfèan of Iüng :rj];;:, 113 c l'Jr·ot i COèî i :3 j n ce )C l

L gj i ng; a s of 0\!J ~-~ rl v h? C3.UP: of e ch )

.i

inc incd had be n

.("l,, .., -, about ;]_ r~,_:., t 2- J.f he :.1

c• 1 i ctcd th ir hous E ana (c" n OL:t () r t, D~:iXl :i >-' 3.

l12n to to j pos :i ti on tssue

his cet ion. jolen d to

' Q wh ho consj cal j -:-J_e: cf t ' J ~ cppos 5 LJcn vJae jr::d o the poi of ' to cons i a Danjsh

11 fea~ of Scot nd's ng :ln ete cl VJ 1 ne x

11 tl'"'' Lutl.101 nr·:lrlc nn j hou. -

t a.t en Scotland but \·vds ",_

to c t th

T{- 3 . -L ~~' also en C11 'd:,--- J t n in N· r:} ( ·. l lMiDF no ·'' p 23''.L-e, /') Dec::: or Nove• 25, 1532. p '1 ~5 . L. & r:;· VIII, II, . ) 1, ) 1'-3".L:,) C:, -81-

c::ccleE'tastic l US LEl1 p r Cl C cU i1

jnst t c: sect

cases, n oth rs pc tua.l !tu

and perpetua· exiln Ie enablf: banish ;

s jg~ht c out vio nt::_

int intaining; w lit of

the en~roachr nts of c1Ub 2

c: c'erg;~ hec ld not 1p bu bE' i ES d by he f .!1("8 ~ of

L ,C'__ : King is III's hod of ali 1\) j l,, i bi 01JC In

1) UÔ.C to th

'3. +; for cl to do

E:cntl:=mc1. r·c a'l d, in spi e of the i en, to en UD

nts tn the s·c HLWS (Ho

V'h j h br-' us to ep c of Si. NJn ~n in the v F Lié> Ki

us d ' he S ots wer~ to contjn to 1.ain ain tv\IO ds (

(\ 1 .. 3 "--' ' , "J 1

' ,~1 i f:' , op . c J )~ lJ, -, not he on n i ·' (" P'J in t

J. j a. "1 i n?, ca l c:

llS, VJl1CJ one of~ at . _C'ttr) until he was fe ccd to f Sc J.anc1

f n

't l :il in Ii ts --''·' not

en (ur ::n f'!a of i son on :ccsult of inter eseion of th K 1 ng of Dcnr.ark

to do this fv1ae l , 11c.,

intor- r·e t icn. _, in i:::: g:i7en to th 1 j 2 h

en jd dovm. Js Of?

rri.cd ,,

1 J_ J t h s t t ; c' · nt j n b cc l ~ n i "(·0 l • ·.::.n ,c;x a-

J.ncl bot 'l cl

CT

C3.C n cJ 1 :Len

l t . Ji}. ~. ef of' thr; couni~ CHAPTER V

SUPPORT OF CHRISTIAN IJ'S LOST CAUSE The new e of frt up vvi t}t

For the n Ge'vCD ycar>s~ the old Jatic•nsh that haà

EX5:::>ted be Christian 1 s overthrow in

T~lE' Catmc :I , in t n of the ki ne:, tc;d sst1rc~d

istian of its support in contras t to his earl r 1·eques ts for a , he now received cancre n1JlJ eupport.

Kingnorn was stil e ch f representative of th exiled

but due t hJs long s in Scot 1Nas r.ot exact au cou with Christian's situation. In 1· to r:;ake his sit- uation l' known to th Scots, Christian sent over Commiss-

l Fror:J eir reportE,

opüüon that n is exi v~J()U last mu ch longer

1 • "Chat he vwuld surely and short re cover· iîlS In a

r:::- let ter of r.lay 31, 1 _) J it EO far as to invite Cnr·istian to come to Scot1and so they cou ta over the course

f action to There is no evidence tt1at istian ever to up this invitation 1 his ene

l that NOU1Cl do f'' 0.

tter, the council grant istian

1. Hay, p. , Jal;: es V to Christ IL 31, l 2. id. ,~,ost exten5ive aid ne had reccived f'ron; Scotland since 15

Bea Scottish volunteers to eerve in Christ f s cause and l;rovid for their transportation in Scott h sn s, his ces eived the unusual ivilege using s ish har·bours to ing in any ships tney t capture, and to t free with the inhabitants of the Scottish 3 real~n.

d 1 t talee l for ie nevJs to r·each Freder 1 s

il. first of June e;;' had h0 of Scottish aid being given Christian vvere eBpecia1 vwrr by 'ii'lhat

ey thoug~t was Scottish aid of ei t or n sn to Lllbe cl{ in return for the ri t of trad iD Bergen or even in e ,1+ Scund. Th rurr,our v1as l1 igh unlikely as the Llloe

inet Christian II we tu show j_s by con- tinually tur his and his allies' sh 1\id Ch:r·is- tian 1 c cauee i:Jae al:::: o coruJng fr0111 non-gover·nt;:ental ~ ourcee.

Hebert on who ass s o. in th cu:ccrnent of tr·oo;-~e

othe:r he lp 151 -2;J, vvrote Christlan on June 2 that he p1edged h ün ll vote service and was pélr

• '. 1 f t fle t to supp ment r1s~1an s orees.5 I pem·s th at

Ba2ton had hel pi ing the perioa of bany's

3. Ibid. 7 ~~. Sc idJr.~..c>er··-,,~ 'r.v y,·, o' • 1 'T • 5. J p. 122. support .Freàerik n this lettcr he cotr.plaineâ. that he was still owed 2, ld florins a ship, trw Lyon, 6 on's Le h sold Cllrietian. Ae no eviaenc BartL.J·on can founu fore this, th action r,~u::;t nave been du::'

Al :egirne.

Chrü::tian cou to look out upon a faint inrner of h s lmvly and til en s la r· la:.:·ger·. His nts j n the various p&l'ts of B.:urope

!11!:1 r:~ess s oi' enc son

" ... the Danes anei e~)_ans favourab

t the K of the aid of ehi

cou hope ta get uc, c UV...L·- 4- ' a·1a'l • " (

looked quit favourable 1· th Kint:_: but tt1ere were s tt1a t a LL was not c or:;p l right. The ships lo:;,;al t Chr·istian viere sprcad throu out the Nur·th S and in icular near th Nor"vveg.ian coaet. Becau:::e this tne

::o of !laa en unwilling to pay taxes to

GGL1 2ee an rm\) of F

i. Norge2 Guns tige Steir.ning for Konge:l m.J som Kongen kunde ha:1bc at faae But Lfibcck show d on which s hel' sentiments lay by

captur bath Christian's shi the eh of the 8 ing cnr tian Scot Tnjs sentsd a

pro ble the 1 of fic ia1s ü1 ured

s 11 vrere brought. was outwardly on a friend

relationship with Scotland, even th ing

Cnris tian II. The zled officiais d not act to e tne

Sc tish ships or to condone their ture but rely

Pre der for instructions.

James' encouragements (written the il in his

name) to Christian II we masterpieces. In ten.ber

wished h in,,

11 ••• vict and pcace. J:<'r hip, as t Stoics s

is proved in prosper He

s izee v; i th ris tian his exile, moved eir

ancicnt inviolate lliance, tje of ood and.

th desire to ct a ... Christian will be a

shin le all kin 1110

:.:(\!; 8. .2.p.l3'[4, l JVJ',;i,

10. r 4, 5. But he also wisned that Christian would a little nJore in iative in c his ~ans without wait tne forci a that he was constantly expe ing.

The Scots who coul~ of this ing frie hip exploited it to ful st. The Archbishop of

St. Andrews expressed his confidence in Ch istian 1 s cause conve d to hiri: the vdeh t .Scottish gove:- ll assist his with a ne r-ous During the n;onth n act sued for Christian 1 s support in his atte~pt to obtain 12 a ina e. Kinghor·n s d hin, and u rlincd lJis support by writi Christian Arch bislJ bad been the one wno had he out for Christian's cause ing the t of f\ 's friendship with derik. bis

1 anxj.ous to obtain is t iar S E Upport for rle be iev eO. th at t he woulci obtain the s of ror Charles

V, who was Christian's tn-law. retu -n for thi:.: s , the Archb hop waE also preparcd tc hs Chrtstian mat ial , if on l1 vJ olik.i a rnore reso ll. Ib .p.l27,Se .5, .Archbish of St. to Chr tian TI 12. Ibid.p. ,Oct. , r Kinghorn to Christian II. 13. As evidence of his friendship Scot ristian sent over an alchemist in Dscer,Jber. Gunt r von Lauicll recciv d by the king and was sent to ins t areas of

Sc wherc gold had been discove icl1ig reported

. . ' "l"' could be a very profi ble ace 1on 1n ~cot..Lano..-'

e of the use of Scottish bringint:;

in s i[)s ich Christian 1 s men had d to difficulties

\'1 i th i powers, particular the a. c

nost daring and successful of istian 1 s ivateers.

His period of action ace s Utf;!ner and auturm of 1 and 1asted until tured by . lt; ., g 1n October. In May he was a using

Scottish bases as places of deposition his u:c-·ec1 gocds.

d King Frederik that,

11 ••• 1 t has re::: ce iv cd nev·ïS th at on t 3 t of May Klaus

ibhofleft Scotland for the Sound wi

armcd ith letters of and with a permieeion to l store his booty in Scot1and ... 11

4. . p. 129, January 2, l 15. ., p.l29, Deceu r 21, ges ta, Second Series, I, 2, p. ' #lJ, 1(. SchHffer, 9, p. 1t4, June 30, . Hanburg an F'riedrich 11 K• • "TOn\i v~ d. nema"·,,, . l. ' • -90-

His sei zures conti_nued throughout tr1e sur,,li:<~r. In la te

June he seized a ship ovmed by Brcmen although i_t was provided l'' v·Jith a pass. ° Christian hoped that Kniphof vwuld pr·ovide the nucleus of a force which would be assembled in Scotland and 1:! go to conquer the fortress of Norby.- which had held out for

Christ Jan for ~nore th an a ;'/Car unt i 1 i t vms conquel ed by

Freder·ik 1 s force2. He vJas to confer v~itl1 Kingilorn in Scotland as to the exact plan of action. Meanwhile, Kinghorn would be cndea·vouring to obtain tvw sr;~all ships froc; the ScotE. It was Christian's intention that the ScottistJ trcops should not 20 take part in the kLLling once Norby had boen captured.

vJhile these plans vJere gradually being for,"ed the Hansa and the Baltic cities did not sit idly by and watch their ships be ing plundered by Kniphof. They not only atter.:ptcd force, sut they tried to ncgotiate with the Scots. Dan~ig was of the opjnion that since Kniphof couldbring his buoty only to

Scotland, the proper cource of action cwuld be to approach the

1 Scots \>\1 i th the intention of re covering 11Jha t r,;ms talœn fror:, them~

18. Ibid.p.l65. Bremen an Christian II,July 1, 1525. 10. Ibid. p. 308 ( footnote) 20. Ibid. 2~. Ib'id. pl-).308-309., July 12, 1525. .1 -j..L-

5cottish politics we a very na.s of ife. People

ought notl1 of ing sicie::: of a Llere v1hir.1 or of

dcserting one'::: friend::: wi out the sl test e~ing of re t.

One of the

ou:c·able

in Christ 1 s cause only a few months earlier. The know edge

of all of Kni of' s ( rü:tian' s) in t

too rwch of an attraction for His Grac . In July, th afternoon

of e thict enth, he suit before the s of Council

as to "''ll ther Kni of' f:' priz s could con::: iderH1 gal or not. The LoruE of Cuunci stateà that tho~ 1;Je , seei tiw t

Kniph wa::: pro v id Gd vii th en:; of !d3. Cnristian.

It as a o prov û th c,;ristian's r·epres ativef! could sell the sh s in Scotland, but t the p ovost, bailiffs,

counci1 of inburgh "'Joule first bid.

fl.t the same .;.;ting_, Kni o through Robert B2rton,

titiontJ tnat l'iagnuE Bilee, ai;;bassador Ki1g J st hinuerinf; hiri. undcr penalty of la~rJ. T:1 Larue t~l·anted this.

A l of thie only provided a atcr cause ,foll,v and

par·t of Cnris tian 1s c::ne:llü\s. Lllbcck to

2·;.:; Hannay J Ibid. -92-

King Frederik of Kniphof 1 s equipment in Scotland and of the danger of an attack on Norway even though the Hansa was doing its best 24 to capture Kniphof. Kniphof showed himself to be the rascal he was thought to be. Instead of following the instructions as to the method of disposal of his prizes, he sold them independently. This infuriated the Lords of Council who proclaimed on August 3rd that they, " .•• command and charge the saidis capitanis and Denys, sen thai ar nocht obedient to oure soverane lord and his lawis, that thai devoid thame, thar schipis and gudis, furth of this realme incontinent undir the pane of deid; attour that nane of oure soverane lordis liegis tak apoun hand to by, sell not intromelt with thame or furnis thame with vittalis, schippis or any uthir stuff or munitiouns in tyme to cum undir the pane of deid and escheuing of thar movible gudis 2 to oure soverane lordis use". 5

The Scots had had enough of Kniphof and his doings. James explained to Christian that sorne differences had arisen but when 26 he tried to discuss them Kniphof left. How far Christian believed

24. Schgffer, 9, pp. 312-313. 25. Hannay, p. 226. 26. Hay, p. 127, Sept. 4, 1525, James V to Christian II. -93-

this story is not related. Hhatever happened, it was apparent that

relations between Christian and the Scots were not what they had

been. Kniphof was abandoned by Scotland~ 7 All of this caused

Christian to renew his commission of, and his faith in, Kniphof. He

stated that it was a shame people regarded Kniphof as a pirate in

spite of the fact that he had a lŒter of commission from him (Christian: 28 and was engaged in an honest quarrel. Whether he was honest or not

soon became of no importance for he was captured by Hamburg off the

coast of East Friedland~ 9 Frederik was overjoyed at this end to his troubles and requested Hamburg to examine him closely on nis activitie~: With Kniphof himself out of the way, tne problem became one of getting

his loot back from tne Scots. As would be expected th proved to be

a difficult task and one that could not help but be unsuccessful.

The case of the ships that were seized by the Dutch in King

Frederik 1 s realms dragged on during this period. After several

months the case lay moribund. It was revived, for a time, in May

when the owners of the Christopher, which had been seized at Mardo, 31 Norway petitioned the Lords of Council for redress~ 2 The Lords had

27. Regesta,Second Series,I,pt.2,p.l377.#11,633.(Claus Kniphoff og hans Fplge ingen Understlttelse har erholdt i Skotland •• )Claus Kniphof and his followers have received no support in Scotland. Vincent Lunge,governor of Bergen,to King Frederik,Sept.22,1525.

28. Ibid.,p.l378,#11,639. Oct.l,l525. 29. IOIO.,p.l379,#11,646. 30. SchHffer, 9, p.388. Oct.24, 1525. 31. See Chapter III. 32. Hannay, p. 220. -94-

been shocked at the obstinacy of Fogo and Barker (who were owners

of the 'Litle Martyn which had attacked first) and stated that perhaps

the Dutch had just cause in their attack if such was Fogo's course

of action. Therefore, on December 14, 1525, they decreed that Fogo

and Barker appear before King Frederik and his council to answer

the charge that the Dutch had against them. If they did not appear

there before the coming Easter their lands and goods would be seized 33 as a payment for the damages. By February 1526 Fogo and Barker

had still not left for Denmark. This caused a slight uneasiness

among the merchants who could not be sure that their cargoes would

not be ~zed by the Danes or Dutch in lieu of payment by Fogo and 34 Barker. Crawford was about to take another cargo of merchandise to

Denmark but before he left he petitioned the Lords that Fogo

" ... should be responsible for any damage he might suffer in con-

sequence ••. 35

On the seventh of May, Fogo himself appeared before the Lords

and produced a document from King Christian giving him his commission~E

This changed the picture considerably since if this was the situation,

Fogo would be one of Christian's supporters and could not possibly appear in person before Christian 1 s enemy, King Frederik. In June

Fogo protested that since he had in the meantime appearàà before

King Frederik by proxy, and no accuser had come forward, the pena]y

33. Ibid., p. 233. 34. See Chapter III. Hannay, p. 239. J~· Th;rl _ n ?~? -95-

proscribed by the Lords in December should not be imposed~ 7 The

proceedings came to a standstill until December when, on the third,

Fogo and Barker petitioned the Lords not to campel them to appear

before King Frederik because of their support of King Christian.

They were, as they declared, quite ready to answer to the Lords for

their deed. This did not satisfy the Lords who felt that the proper

place of such an accounting would be in Denmark not Scotland. Fogo

and Barker were given until June 12, 1527 to present themselves in

CopenhagEn, or else they would have to pay the fines p~scribed in

December 1525~ 8 The case was finally settled the next year after

Fogo and Barker still refused to appear before the King of Denmark.

They were fined"9,000 golden guldingis" on Novernber 26 to be paid

to the owners of the ships s2ized by the Dutch in 1524~ 9

Ships and controversies about their damage and ov-mership pro-

vided the main subject of contact between Scotland and the two

Danish groups during this period. In addition to the dispute over

the ships seized ty the Dutch, there was the case of the Peter Van

Hull. The Peter Van Hull was Kniphof' s flagship in vlhich he carried 4o on his privateering in the North Sea and along the Norwegian Coast.

37. Ibid., p. 244. 38. Ibid., p. 253-4. 39. Ibid., p. 271. 40. SchMffer, 9, p. 339, Nov. 1, 1525. -96-

After Kniphof 1 s capture and imprisonment by the Count of East Friesland Christian sought to free both him and the Peter Van Hull. He sent as his agent Herman Poll. Poll was to ask the Count to free Kniphof. If he did not, he was to proceed to Scotland to ask the King to use his influence~ 1

He obviously expected positive results, for he gave Poll a message for Kniphof. In this Christian thanked him for his good service and enclosed credentials for him to present to the

King of Scotland. Christian 1 s plan was for him and Dr. Kinghorn to try to get permission to use Scottish bases as they had done 42 before the Lords of Council prohibited this in July. At the same time Christian wrote direct1y to Kinghorn in Scotland informing him that he had been successful in obtaining the release of the Peter Van Hull. Kinghorn was asked to petition the King for the resumption of the former privilege of the use of Scottish harbours as bases and that, to avold the difficulty which was the cause of the revoking of this privilege, Christ­ ian1s men be free to sell their prizes whenever and wherever they wished. As he was a bit worried that Hamburg would not look with kindness on Kniphof 1 s release, he also instructed Kinghorn to have James issue them with letters of protection so that

41. Regestat Ibid.~ p. 1385, #11, 695. 42. Ibid., fflr,-5"90. -97-

43 the Peter ---Van Hull would not be retaken by the enemy. Kinghorn proceeded with h negotiation but did not t very far. deri1<: 1 s

envoy told his master that the King of Scotland had decided not to

grant Christian's requests and that he thought Christ vJould noN

turn to England for help. To forestall this, Frederik propos to

LÜbeck that they send envoys from the Netherlands to England to 44 prevent this.

'V/hile Kinghorn had en negotiating in Scotland, K~iphof had

been busy privateering again. Along the Norwegian coast he had

captured a ship with a cargo worth 9,000 Gulden~ 5 Then following his

usual course of action, he proceeded to take the priee ship to one

of his bases in Scotland. Natured showed herself to be inst him; 46 for just off Aberdeen the Peter Van Hull was wrecked during a storm.

This occured in 1ate March, 1526. In one of his early reforms

Christian II had seen to it that ships wrecked near his shores

wou1d be ab to recover their cargoes by their own effort and the

help of the inhabitants. This was unique in a wor1d where the

despoilation of ships that were wrecked and sometimes even the

murder of the crews was the usual ru of commerce. Scot1and

was no different from the rest of the nations and soon various

43. Hay, p. 130, Jan. 18, 1526. 44. Schgffer, 9, p. 401. b. 15, 1526. 45. Ibid., p. 409, April 12, , LÜbeck an Friedrich I. 46. Hannay, p. 254. -98-

people came to lay claim to the cargo of the Peter Van Hull.

Kinghorn protested this and in the late fall petitioned the Lords

of Council to restore to him the goods of their ships and those of

the prize it had taken in Norway~7

The relationship between the di rent parties became slightly

complex at this time. The Dean of Glasgow, for example, petitioned

the Lords that if any of the cargo were given to Kinghorn or

Christian's representatives, he should be awarded goods in

compensation for losses he had received from the Dutch near the

Isle of Man78 The Lords of Council did not take the Dean 1 s request

too seriously and on the next day, December 5th, they decreed that 49 the goods be 11 restorit and deliverit 11 to Kinghorn. In th case

Kinghorn had once again proved himself invaluable for Christian.

Even King James wrote to the exiled King to tell him how excellent 50 a defender of his Kinghorn had been. After Kinghorn received the

goods and sh , he proce d to sell the prize cargo to the 51 provost and citizens of Aberdeen. This was not the end of the

complications brought about in connection with the Peter Van Hull.

47. Ibid. '-+8. Ibid., December 4. 49. Ibid., December 5. Hay, p. 134, Jan. l, 1527. Ibid. -99-

The provos t and ci t izens of Aberdeen had. not be en sa tis fied vJi th buying the cargo offered for sale by Kinghorn, but procee~ed to seize the tackle, sails, guns and personal property to be found in 52 the wrecked Peter Van Hull. Kinghorn brought suit against them in

August.53

The case was not immediately decided but dragged on and on until August 1529 more than two years after the incident. In the final se ttlerner.t i t ltJas agreed to submi t i t to English arbitra tors who would be presided over by the Bishop of Ab~rdeen. Tl1ese arbitra tors avJarded Kinghorn ~400 but he compla ined th at he Nas due 54 at least ~12,000.

Christian was also interested in obtaining what he had always desired from Scotland - troops. To this end he sent his chancellor,

Godshalk iksen to the Scottish Court in the summer of 1527.

Eriksen was a keen observer of the scene and was not coloured with overt enthusiasm as Nas Kinghorn. At times Kinghorn's enthusiasm would carry him away from reality and would cause him to send

52. Hannay, p. 264. 53. Ibid. 54. Ibid., pp. 314-315. -100-

exaggerated reports of expected aid to Christian. Not so Eriksen.

He seemed to realize that most of what the Scots promised they were

unprepared to back up materially. On April 15, before he left for

Scotland he wrote Christian that although Kinghorn said that

Scotland would support him with the aid of five thousand men and

sufficient ships to transport these men, he himself would doubt

that this offer could be relied upon~ 5 Eriksen 1 s views could very

well be regarded by King Christian as an expression of rudeness.

Kinghorn had served Christian well for many years and had also told

Christian what he planned. For this reason, bath Eriksen and his

companion Hans Mikkelssen (another of Christian 1 s trusted advisers)

deemed it advisable to apologise to the King for their views although 56 they explained that they did think them to be the case. This did not deter Christian who instructed Eriksen to go to Scotland anyway.

In July he landed in the kingdom where he was very vJell received by King James. He also fdund support of Christ1an 1 s cause from the

Earl of Angus and Christian's o1d friend Robert Barton~ 7 When

Eriksen arrived, Frederik's envoy, the herald Hans Elgeyn had just left. Elgeyn's task had been to seek the renewa1 of the treaty of friendship between Denmark and Scot1and and to try to obtain pesses- 58 sion of the Peter Van Hull. Eriksen was not getting any positive

55. Regesta, Second Series, I, pt. 2, p. 1425, #12,056. 56. Ibid., #12,057. 57. Ibid., p. 1430. #12,098. 58. Ibid. -101-

resulta. Christian II again wrote him in August asking the envoy

to see if he could get troops together in Friesland but that if

this proved unlikely, he would continue his negotiations in

Scotland with the abject of enlisting two or three thousand men

there and with these he should set out to capture the Norwegian 59 port of Bergen.

Christian thought that this would not be difficult for after

the initial attack they could easily negotiate with the Hansa mer-

chants and obtain permission to spend the winter there. The one

concession that the King wished to obtain in return was the handing

over of the fortress of Bergen. If Frederik 1 s officials would not

do this, Kniphof vms to see tha t the Hans a he lped in capturing i t ~O

These intentions were saon known by the enemy. Danzig's represent- 61 ative in Denmark knew about it berore the end of the same month.

They need not have worr1ed so much, for tne civil strife at this

moment in Scotland was such that it would be impossible for him to

get such aidas he needed .•. Kinghorn reported this to Christian in

September. He also noticed that although the Douglases, who were now in power, were favourable to Christian 1 s cause, the merchants who counted on trade with Denmark and the Hansa were beginning to

59. Ibid., p. 1431, :/112, 105. 60. SchRffer, 9, pp. 543-544, footnote #L~. 61. Ibid., p. 543. -102- grumble at the losses they were taking from the government's pro-

Christian II policy.

Kinghorn further noticed that not only were there other groups which were in with Frederik, but he himself was being beseiged by Albany's agents in an attempt to re in Christian!s support.

For sorne time there had been a rumour that Albany was about to return. His agents were thus seeking any possible fr that 62 they could. It would seem highly unlikely that Kinghorn could have contemplated any serious support of Albany after the treatment

King Christian received from h during the period. of his support of King Frederik. Eriksen pt on and gradual amassed an arsenal of munitions which he gave to Christian's old friend

Rober:t Barton to keep as security for money which Barton had spent in Christian 1 s behalf and to del r up only on the expressed 63 instructions of King Christian.

From 1527 up to the preparations for his fatal attempt to regain hi~ crown in 1531, Christian II had many occasions to come in contact with Scotland and with Scots. In addition to the aid he was expecting from the Scottish rnment, the King had again high hopes of a o receiving aid from various individua in

Scotland. The Earl of Moray ple d himself to support Christian's

62. Hay, p.l42. Sept.25,1527,Alexander K~nghorn to Chr tian II. 63. Ibid., p.l42, Sept. 23, 1527. -103- cause and to protect Kinghorn from his enemies. The Earl of Angus was even more anxious to see Christian restored. Writing to him in February, 1527, stated that Christian's exile was an insult and that he would undoubtedly rece help from the princes of 64 Europe. As the year passed without any aid forthcoming Christian began to wonder if his so-called "friends" in Scotland would come to his aid. cuses began to roll in. Angus excused himself for not fullfilling his promises due to "annoying distractions" in

Scotland. However he stated that if Christian would make a more concrete move towards regaining his throne, the King of Scotland would send him or sorne of his associates to give personal assistance~5

This was, need ss to say, most encouraging to Christian. About that same time Kinghorn was attempting to bring about a cementing of the alliance through a proposed marriage of either Christian and

Angus' young daughter, or of the Earl of rJJorày and one of Christian' s daugh rs.

Mikkelsen and Eriksen doubted that Kinghorn 1 s proposal would bear fnnt?6 By 1531 he had been able to conclude a private agreement vv i th at le as t one Scot. In January of tha t year they s igned a con- tract with William, Lord Kilmaurs by which Kilmaurs undertook to provide Christian with five ships and six hundred men with necessary

64. Ibid., 134, Decernber 12, 1526. 65. Ibid., p. 135. 66. Ibid., p. 140, ptember 23, 1527. -104-

supplies. If these men were needed after the King 1 s restoration

they wou1d be paid by Christian. In return Ki1maurs was promised

the possession of the Norwegian castle of Tonsberg or another

cast1e which he would hold, together with its 1ordship and crown

rights, free1y for his lifetime~ 7

One of the characteristics of the ear1y s ixteenth cent ury v.Jas

the uncertainty of commerce. If ships were not sunk at aea, wrecked

by storrn, or boarded by pirates, they could be seized as a means

of po1itical retaliation, as has been shawn in the case of the

Scottish ships seized by the Dutch at Copenhagen and at Mardo,

Norway. Such incidents kept on recurring throughout the period

under consideration. The year 1527 saw two such incidents. First

of a11, in ear1y July, several Scots seized two Danish ships and

brough t tr1em to Lei th. In retalia t ion for this_, the Danes carried

out a widespread seizure of bath Scottish merchants and merchant

vessels at Copenhagen. Even before the merchants of Edinburgh had h

heard of this, they began ta doubt whether the ships brought in to

Leith were prizes or not and causeà the captors to put up security

for them. When James heard the news of the seizure in Copenhagen he

vœote Frederik to request those \tJho cla:irned the ships to come to

Scot1and and he would see that justice was carried out~ 8

67. Regesta, op.cit., p. 14 , #12,060. 68. Hay_, pp. 186-187, Jan. 10, 1531. -105-

The second incident was of a much more complicated nature. In

July the Peter, owned by Davj_d Fal:e:oner, was carrying a cago of

goods, including a substantial amount of grain belonging to William 69 Symor, David Ferre, and other merchants of Edinburgh, to Bergen.

Just outside the port it was seized by men who were at first thought 70 to be from the fortress of· Bergen, but who later turned out to be 71 in the service of the Archbishop of Nidaros (Trondheim) who had

a habit of engaging in such non-clerical affairs as pi~acy.

James immediately complained to Captain Lunge who was in

command of the Bergenshus (the fortress of Bergen). The king was

furious at such an outrage particularly because of the treaty of

friendship between Scotland and King Frederik and demanded that

Lunge see that the ship and its cargo were restored as soon as 72 possible. Lunge wrote back that he was as deeply shocked about

the incident as James. He had, furthermore, tried to reach an

agreement with the Archbishop's men but they would not come to

terms. When they saw he was determined to take their booty away,

they fled to Trondheim but in their haste left sorne of their men

behind. Lunge was holding them ,for punishment unless the Archbishop restored the Peter to the Scots.73 Lunge's efforts, when combined

69. Ibid., p. 139. July 15, 1527. 70. Ibid., p. 139, July 28, 1527. '71. Ibid. 72. Ibid., p. 141. Sept. ·24, 1527. 73. Jbid., p. 139. -106-

with Fal~~ner 1 s, eventually proved successful. Thomas Gardner and Thomas Hutcheson, who represented Falconer, concluded on March 10, 1528 the sale of the ship to the Archbishop for 1,500 74 Rhenish Gulders. The ship was disposed of but compensation for the cargo had still to be dealt with. Falconer and the Archbishop were able to work out an amicable settlement by which the Arch- bishop restored most of what his men had taken and in return Fal~- oner was to see that the Archbishop obtained certain goods that 5 he needed!

Every now and then during the next few years reports would come in of Scottish ships wrecked on the Norwegian Coast but al- though the crews were sometimes held for a while by the local 76 authorities, confiscations became rarer. The danger came from privateers at sea and the actions of the Hansa both on land and at sea. In arder to protect his ships trading to Denmark from privateers, Falkener wrote letters to the French to appeal to 77 them in guarding his ships if they were in danger.

The Scots were very elever in their policy. From the evidence extant it cannat be doubted that the policy during this period was one which definite1y favoured King Christian II. But with their

74. Ibid., p. 141. 75. Ibid. 76. Ibid., p. 154, June 15, 1529. 77. Ibid., p. 155, June 24, 1529. -lOT-

traaa and securi at s talœ tile Goulu :1ot afford to let

derH::: off v~ i th a o '' p 1 e te ak. The doo~ to

Cope n was alway~ kept open and ti s it would se rn as

g-overnr:ent intende to ·,~alle through ir tian

nirn::: lf I'eceived an explanation frorli theS ot2 in th name of

t Ki as to why th were negotiating with Frederik's

representative::'. Jan;es condenined Frt::;(erik buts d that in

order to have a good reason for justi ing his active a2s tance

to Christian, he wou try to negotiate with FrGderik for the

restoration of Christian to h on;. If the se

negotiations were to fail (which he suspected would be the case)

he would then not re se Christian anything that he mi t ne d.

Frederik was quite anxious to take up any eler tl1at tt1e

::;cots rnight eend oLt. ll.fter all, Scot land ,~>Jas bei us as

a base for operations in~t his real~s and was the chief friend

of King Christian. If he could issuade them from this lj

at an influence bad .. in Scot land, Frederik '.Vrote to Francis I to use his influence

to prevent the use of Jcottish aid o help Christian. r:articul-

ar he was worried about nobert Barton David

~~s. Ibid., p. , June 15, 15 -Ibj_d., p. ll+O, .1\UgL'St 2~, 152'7. -1

Franc .i s 1 ad vice i:vaE to be augrLented tr1at of 1\lba.ny.

i\1 thoug;ll novJ in e 11vi th no chance returning to Scotland~

;'\lbany 11ad both h contacts there and nie influence

cr: ain ci cles. e poli ha cl n one of favouring Frederik's

cam: e r;:~,,er fl i_:1ce the re1:o 1 t of 1523_. l\11 the i:1fluence th at he

still possess d was now ple d to stop Sc tish J. fr on ing

H::: vH'Ote bJth J

this. If ne is to be lieved i t ·,ns he alone who prevented

Christian's coming tc Scot j, issuing currency there~ ana above al a royal r:JEtrr bet\'veen Ja1nes V one of istian 1 ë daugz1ters. is was no doubt an exaggeration in order to lend

increased weight to the possible e ct of his letter to

This t i t was JatnE;:::: h self vvho ltJOU rnake t decision.

Hs had final been successful in ove urning the Y".l of and the rest of Douglas clan. His v s on Danish question had the appearance of really wanting a just settlement of the

issue. Fre ~ik's tter was answered by th0 King on October 10,

11 In thie 2d th at ••• ';jhen JJ'iS ;}Ounger~ too freque s ar:ron~; h iB counse 1lors le à to pol icy not a

. . b . lt , n30 coneistent '>li th hie· honour. .l\11 t· 12 nmv e 1ng a eree;.

' . d ] )1 )1 so. I :J 1 • , p • -·-t ·t , ,Jant..iar>~T , L. & P. Ht~nry VIIL IV, pt. 2, p. , //31303. \'-JOU ~ot b6 moved by mere 2 üie " but by ,justice.

~11 of Kinghorn's and Erikserls emotiona1 appea1s woula not nove hi from this. In arder to carry out his investigation of reasons fo:n Christian 1 s deposition and to tr·y and bring about a peace fu1 se tt rnent of the conf11ct he; wished to f::e his envoy 81 to .Jen The yonthfu1 King v~ as 'very t:mch stir:ul e·-J

ITiOV<')d by the higtl ide a he tlJOugh t shou the maxi~ns of a lcing. Tirne vvas to teach rlim that the eut- roat po1icy dernand'?d by the exi ne s of the s te was t only Ot'le poss1b in h :.e vwrld. e next day the Queen-Mother, Queen Margaret, sent an extremely friendly letter to King Frederik in which she told him that she thorough1y agreed with Albany 1 s views and pronised t she would do a11 she cou1d to further his cause. Her only request in return was that Frederik ~hould always show friendsh:p . 32 for her son, the King, and shou1d come to his aid 1f neccssary.

fiJeam-Ihile, Kingrorn v-.Jas l1aving more tr1an h share of troub s.

He was ~ain1y worried Frederik 1 s overturef made by ~is envoy,

John E1gyn and King Francis' herald. Kinghorn was very suspicjoue of negotiation::o theee men v.1ere ca ing ')n vii 1 t King. It

1-vas alrr:os t too ï1U :;h for h irr; >

Ibid., pp. 147-148, Sept. 18, 1528. Ibid." pp. 1J.+8-14'), Oct r 10, 1528. -llO-

vJ ithout bringing Frederik and Jarre::: clo:::er together :::eemed hard for him to believe. With his temperament he did not conceal this

from the King but, on ~pril 2, 1529, presented his views on what had been happening. A~ong the:::e he stated that he hoped that

1 Jarœ;: vJOuld not be taken iD by PrE. derik ::: obvious trap and that

if Christian were suspccted of any wrongdoing it would be better for them to write it out ~ather than to hint at it.

JaLJes tried to calm hirn dovm by telling him that he had granted certain help to Christian by letters patent and would certainly not revoke these and if he really wanted to know what

they were whi:::pering about, it was the only complainte about 83 Christian was his inertia and inactivity. James spared no words in condemning Cnristjan's apathy. If the man wi:::hed to regain hi::: throne he should take rome action, not just sit around and write letter:::. He was sending envoys to visit the Emperor who were also provided with instructions tc vi:::it Christian and hi::: family. Kingnorn was warned to tell Christian that he had better be prepared for the rn. A ft er hearing this, Kinbhorn was a bit 1_ "

83. Ibid. -111-

In this same letter to Chr .~ian Kinghorn brings up sorne

other of h many troub e., Hle -..1~ 8 having plenty in Scot1and. In tne case of the Peter Van ll he 1t tnat not on1y nad ne

been purpose swindled in tne prjce the judges compe11ed the prov- 8Lf ost of Aberdeen to pay, out that the sum was not be pa. To

t off all of these troubles, Christian nad lost a considerable

amount of money \tJhict1 he had entrus ted to H.obe Barton. Barton

wno was one of tne most ithful of Cnristian's supporters in

Scotla~d nad conti~ued to be heavily in debt to tne Crown. wnen

James forced ~im to pay this, the only money with which he could

meet such an immense SUL', /.Jas that vvhich Kingiîorn collee d for

Christian and with v>~hich he had entrm: d him. By is, Christian

lost qui a bit of h resources. Barton told ~inghorn how sorry

he was about this pror:Jised h continued service ta King

rist and offered ta re the sum with interes •

James was certainly not going to obtain any of his needs

from Christ 's disorganized group. In the last analysis it would depend on his relations with the kingdom of Denmark and

Norway. His need 1529 was gunpowder and skil d men. For

these he sent to Freder Frederik 1 s excu:se for not sending

C. F. VJe ner, op. cit., I , p. 152, #33. 85. Hay, p. 151, April 3, 1529, Kinghorn to Christian II. 86. Ibid. -112-

wae required w&s most original! He stated he kept all

of his gunpowder in a certain cast , and unfortunately it and

all gunpowder in it had been destroyed by fire. markably

enough such an excuse did not Jeter s who mere repeated his 87 request. During the next year, Christian 1 s cause began to pick

up. arder to obtain the support of Emperor, reaffirmed 88 his support of the Roman thalie Church. This last fact atly

pleased the young S ottish king o was particularly ve ment

towards the Protestants of Europe. But this did not lead to h

givjng immediate help he was, as he wrote Christian, in a

diffic situation in Scotland with intri in the borders, the

s and on part of h dangerous neighbour, England.

Across tne North Sea Christian II had begun to st from his

thargy in the Low Countr s. He -saw that if he were to re his tlœone must act in one bo ld mo v e . r:I'he slow mar. ipu iom:

cf pae:t seven ars vwuld ve to be n up in favnu~ of one

expéjition. He was encouraged in this not on by such of his advisers as KinghJrn Mikkelsen, but by what he believed was the lo:{al ty of Danish people towards him. In addition to their loyalty he had had active support cne Spren Norby who

lb ., p. 150. 88. Ibid. 89. Ibid., p. , July 31, -l

had held out actively for him until lw v>Jas defeated by one

J:i'rederik 1 s most le mi li tary comrllanders, Hans Rantzau.

this happena~, Christian's cauee cou only gain victory tr1

foreign a

\'Je h,.ve seen9°his atternpts to v'lin the supp)rt of bath

Lutheran pr s and Henry VIII. se did not produce

resulta. H one remaining chance was h brother-in-la~ the

Emperor. Ae s was, due t o bath his views and his position,

very much oppo2ed ta Lutheranism Chr t decided that he haù

bGst wash off any tinges of it that rn t be clinging ta him.

With Charles' lp he was now able to e ip a sizeabl2 fleet in 91 HollaLd. JarLes r1 is rea lm were o drawn t igh :~el' into the

n3t. In May, it was suggested that he one of Christian 1 s

daughters. Since he was now a declared Catholi0 again,

James'previous cb etions to such a marr were no longer valid. 93 the year and the

beginning of the next, but by that time Christ was a1ready a

prisoner and sucll a marriage \'10uld be disasterous from a po1itica1

point of view.

90. Wegener, III, Jan. I, 1531. 91. Allen, op.cit.,II, pp.284-286, see a o Chapt.II of this thesis. 92. Chapter III. 93. Birch, pp. -114-

As preparation for the expected invasion was speeded up,

James rece::.veci a complaint frouj 1h"'eclerik. In his reply of

August 1, 1531 he gave tr;e sston of be anxioue., as has

been previously statea, to bring about a genuine reconciliation

betvJeen the two Danlsl:1 kir::.gs. His E:;Xplanation of 1-vhat vJe :{nO\iJ

was close assistance g n to Christian by the Scots was a 94 deli nate effort dissimulation. Christian was seeking to

obtain bath all tlJe cash he could and what supplies l1e !nd

accumulated in Scotland ing the las t feirJ ars. The provost

of A rdeen still not paid the surn he O'Jed froril the Pe r Van

ll. this could obta d C~ristian could purchase useful

equlpment for the expediticn. on had contlnued to play Chr t-

ian lse. Tnis time he was relue to g up the guns and

a~ powder that Kinghorn stored with hj~~J To effect thcse aims,

Hans Bogebinder was sent to Scotland on half of tte exiled Ki

His mission was not succcssful for he sot d dovm in try ing 96 to obtain the equipQent from Barton. istian also expected lp

from Wllliam Cunn , the Mas r of Glencairn, but he, as was

case with many of the Scots who made such prom es, eventually

excuses why he could not help at once.97

L. & P. Henry VIII, V, p. Hay, p. 2QL!- • 11 96. ••• he cannat understand s~spicion that he is supportlng Christian, es Fre heard that Christian haf quently sent envoys to Scotland on busjness. 11 Ib .,p.l96. Ibid.,p.lg8, August 20, 1, James V to Christian II. -ll4..a....

expedition was at last ready to sail in Oct r, 1531.

was not entirely unexpected in Norway for the news of Christ- ian's paration::: been rumoured for sorne time. Henry VIII was worried that thes2 ships might be used for privateering and refused to allow English ships to sail the North a until it became clear where Christian's men were go On the

stian's et of twenty-five ships and seven thousand men sailed from the port cf Medembl The destination was Norway.

Most of the fleet did eventual reach Oslo where they were able to \'Jirl the support of mo2t of the Norwegians. Tr1e NorvJegian . . lOO Council went as far as tc send rik a le r of denunc t 1 (Jn.

The ships which did not reach Norway were mainly driven up on coast of Ecotland where they were well looke~ a er by King s

• ~ 101 h ' .;:> tL and b 1naer. T e rest; Oi 1îe s~ips seemed to have engage~ in 102 ivate2ring o the ~:English Coast. Christian 1 s al tnistake in

campa had been to go straight to Oslo without at n;pting an initial conquest or the /\kershus, the m3.in .:"ur·treSf3 in the region vJhich lay just to the 'tJcst of the old city of lo.

Ibiù., p. , August , 1531. lOO. L. & P. Henry VIII, V. p. 230, , October ' 1531. 101. Dunkley, p. 63. 102. Al n, v, p. -115-

When he eventua11y attacked it in May 1532}03the arrival of

a strong Dano-LUbeckese fleet compel1ed him to negotiate with

10L~ its commander Knud Gy1dem:tjerne.

In al1 good faith and upon instructions from Copenhagen

Gy1denstjerne induced Christian to come to Copenhagen for a

persona1 meeting ~Jith his u:1c1e PrederiJ<: so that they cuu1d

sett1e the ir dispu.te perr;1anent1y. In return for this Christian

agr>eed to the inJ!nediate disbanùment of his forceë. ~vith the

trickenc that '.vould have been r~ore typical l)f Christian's

conduct te'1. years aga, Frederik ordered his nephe'.~ to bè s 2 i zed

E~s saon as his ship ':Jas in the Sound. He vJa~: eventual1y tn,prisoned

in S,Q{nderborg cast le on tl1e island of Als vJhere he d l::;d in 15~19.

Christian's arrest, as flagrant a violation of trust as it was,

did provide the way to a friendlier and more normal relationship

between Denmark and Scotland.

James v1as not so foolish as to seel~ to liberate ChrlstLm II,

but accepted this situation, and tried to establish a norna1

relationship with Denmark. For a start, he attempted to secu~e

the saf-2ty of Scottish rnerchants t;rading to Den1r:ark~05Then he

103. L. & P. Henry VIII, V, p. 278, #609 and Hay, p. 206. 104. L. & P. Henry VIII, lÊlQ·' p. 351, #73(, Jan. 22, 1532. 105. Birch, p. 157. -116-

wrote to obtain compensation for so~e Scottish ships which

sought refuge frorc a stcrm in a Dan h haPbour but !lad been

seized by the Dutch who a a mu~dered the crews. A s u;r, had

n decided upon by the DaniEh C'Jurts, but had not yet been paid~ 06

Soon after this letter was sent, James received the news of King

1 Frederik ;:; a Anxioue to ep on go·.)d terms with Jan:es, the

Danish Cozncil instructed Joachim Ronnow, Chancellor of Denmark, to ·vJri te h im th at they v-iere anxious to 11 conserve the old and 107 so_emnl t rea t y , b e t ween t'ne t wo na t.10ns. James rep 1 ie,d on Ju l y 108 20th, that he was also anxious to pre2erve the treaty of ship.

Thus be a new era in a Danish-Scottish re tian. How confused til also was to be, was yet ta seen.

106. Allen, Ibid. 10'$. Ua;Y_, .pp. 220:-221, Iv1ay 8, 1532. 108. IbicL) pp. 238-239, Mar ch 21, 1533. CHAPTER VI

A NEW ERA -1

Denmark 'l'lélS in an extrernel;'l chaotic state from ths ath of

Preàerik in 1533 until Crœistia"l III' s entry into Copenl1agen

in ligion and politics combined to bring about 2, situation

in whj st ility and peace were unknown for almost three years.

The situation w~s more dangerous by the events in neighbour-

ing states. Llibeck at this period vJas. undc·c thE: ru of J5rgen vJullenweber who vvaf~ anxions to restore Lllbecl{ to the power she had been gradually losing and who was cked by an immense popular followinc. In Mlinster, power had been seized by Anababt ts and they ~ere also making themselves fe in Northern Germany and

the LOV'J Countries. In ~)enr'lark i tse lf, Copenhagen Mac l.,_._ll,U... u '''C're"''i.., , control d b~ the popular leaders Ambr~sius

l Kocl':: vcl~tio~ wa2 in t air.I.t on 11ad to grasped at.

The root of the actual outbreak of hostilities was the question of a succc:::::cor to th.::: Danish throne.

According to hi::: of 1523, Frederik I was not permit d tomrünate hie eucceseor during hie lifetLrie. F'r·ederik had had four sons, and there was a considerable number of years between the ages of the eldest, ChriEtian, a~d of the three youngest.

In addition tc these poseible c irnants, there were ethers such a::::

Coun'c li're rik cf the Palat:::.nate, 1.~ho vms the husband o.f' Christ .ina

II's daughter Dorothea Joachim, Elector of nburg, i'Jho

1. Dunkley, p. 67. -1

2 1 was the husband of Christiar II s sister Is 1 J Christian II

himself ,;md even Henry VIII who v1a2 offered the crovm by LUbeck.

In choosing a successor., the ish council faced several

problems. First of all, it wis d to stem and even ~'everse the

grow Lutharanisrn vJhicr1 been sc noticable during the t

f0w yeare. This would automatically rule out Christian for he

made no s::cr:::t of h5.s ccnvinced Lutheran vie';JS. He V.Jaf.' aleo

unac":epta ble to the cou ne 11 for another reas on. 'vJ:: th each new

powers of the Crown, as expressed in the

were ~ore and ~ore li ited. If Christian, who was known to have

a very strong temperame , wera 2 c d they were rure that he

vwulè not east ly rsuaded to accept 1 ~tations on t~e 3

limi d royal povwrs. On the other ' if trJ

one of rik 1 s younger sons not only wou he be pliab in

rec&rd to pol5tical matter~, but could be molded into an unrlinch-

Roman Cattolic. Meanwhile both Christian and the Council pre- ferred to wait a whi before moving. One cf the main reaso~s for this wait on the part of t~e Council was to fi out a

avoid. a separation of the Dutc of Sch swig-Hola in from the Dan h Crown. This wou r1appen if e Duke of Schleswig- . 3 Holstein~ Christian~ were not choser 1c1ng.

2. Ibid., p. 68. 3. 1.& P. Henry VIII~ VI, pp. 19il-5., ~ fv1ay 1., 1532;. -1

They d not to worr~ long for the matter was :::oon

ta1cen out of the ir bande. 'iv'ul nwener of Lllbeck \-Jas angry at the

commerc:_al privi s which had en granted by King Freder to

Lllbeck's enemy, the therlands. Th bad en a reversai o:."

Freuc:r 1 s pol of friendship with Lllbeck and the Han::;a. VJl1en

council refused to grant l1is request for a return t;o the

previoue poli and on the contrary a thirty years defens

alliance vJi th the Netherlands7 he be carne violent angry and

termined to ave himself on the Counci . He an ag;:eement

with the mayor of Copenhagen to place Duke Christian on the Dan h

tnrone. Christian, who was an extremely c ver politician, was un- ô to accept the throne under these condition:::.

on the point of civil warin spite of Christian 1 s refusal. Tne only

q11estion that remained was where it viOuld ak out.

n by Count Christopher of Oldenburg, 2

1 ~ousin of Christian II. In May + ne made an ment '.Jitr1

LUbe to corrmand a force of msrcenaries t~at would invade Dsnmark

in order to re::: tore Christian II to his vhr·one. 1:\.t the :::acne tiL

LH ck ë.t d Ho in tnen rr:ovGd her i'le::::t on to at

Denrnark itself. V'ihat ie kno.vn as nThe Count's 1;Jar 11 hç.d now begun.

4. Birch, p. 163. 5. id. 6 • Dun-dey, p. EG. 7. Birch, p. 163. -120-

'l'hey L1acie id progress and saon controlled Copenhagen, Ma:m8,

and the island of Funen. This drastic sjtuation forced tne

Danieh Council to act. Mue~ to its displeasur~ für the Council-

w t were signing away Catholicism, they chose Duke

Q Ch s tian as King in the village of ny on Jun L~th~

Christopher' s forces haCl continued to gain 1:1ore

territOT'Y· Chr tian II 1 ë old privateer Claus Kniphof \'JO.B still

a round and v;; i th help of the peasants and burghesses of Jut

ined control of the city of Aalborg and most of the peninsula.

When they were almost in control of e whole country, 1e picture

suddenly changed - CnriBt III ha.d en ab to negotia a treaty

of peace in re to Hals in vJith LÜbeck. This gave hir,J troops which were urgent nee d to subdue the rebels in Jutland.

a short car.1pa they succeeded and tten cruelly pun ned the

inhabltants and defenders of the main cit~r of Aalborg. From then

on, it was apparent that Christian III would be Jictorious. He

saon obtained control of Norway.

was able to lay seige to Copenhagen in 1535, and concluded a treaty with Lilbeck (which had in the meantime deposed Wullenweber) by which she re ined cor:;r:;er•cial privi ges sile tad forrnePly

8. Dunkley, p. 68. -121-

held in nt!lark in return for recognizing Christ I as King.

ar, 1536, Copenhagen gave in and rece d ve

ab luding a general amnesty. Count Christopher left

ü the rule cf King Christian III began~

Scot land, by v ir tue of ller pas t re lat ionsh ip VJ i nmark,

soon found herself embroiled in the Count 1 s War. Christian III

sent an envoy, ter Suavenius, his secretary, to Seo'; and

to accomplish certain aime. In regard to Scot the se

con ce obtaining of oen and supplies whi re to of England 1 s t concerned ending the current coursG c · pro-Lilbeck

poli Ch stian III v.Jas particularly worried by Lllbe 1 s

previous offer of the Da~ish Crown to Henry ln return aid

aga t r ene0ies. Suavenius rsached first

bruary 1535 and stayed until the se

H instructionE were to present for Henry 1 s approval possible

rme of a of peace betweEn Denmark and Lllbe to t 1 h to st:;op he1ping LLl.beck and opposing DentlJar1-c7

's help rnust 11ave been quite considerable for Christian 1s

rs to I:h.:mry in return for a ce~:sation of th

Not only would England be granted t

Le Norway, but wou1d a1so recelvE as a

9. p. 164. 10. pp. 164-165. 11. of tte Deputy Keeper of the Public c ,op.c ,p.l5 apx. L -122-

money and ships to be given to Christian, either the island of Bombolm in pledge or, if Henry wished to pay the dowry that had still not been paid Scotland, the Orkney islands. If these offers did not satisfy him, Christian was also prepared to pledge lee­ land in which the English had a considerable interest due to the spèendid fishing off its shores.12 The negotiations with England lasted quite a while, but produced no positive results. What Scotland would have thought if they had succeeded in reaching a settlement which contained a transfer of the Orkneys to England is not hard to imagine.

After his mission to England, Suavenius sailed to Norway and then to Veere. From Veere he reached Dundee on May 4, 1535. He was welcomed ashore by John Campbell, representing the King. After telling Campbell the purpose of his trip they set out for Edinburgh. In the diary of his mission to Scotland, Suavenius wrote down his impressions of the land. It is remarkable to see how credulous he was. He was sure, for instance (and in this Campbell substantiated his belief), that Scotland contained trees which produced birds and when they fell from the trees into water, they became animated. He was also amazed that there was 13 a place in Scotland where the sun shone both day and night. Evidently he did not go very far North when he was in Norway or he would have heard and seen the same phenomenon, even better in that country.

12. L. & P. Henry VIII, VIII. pp. 456-457. 13. Ibid., and Report of the Deputy Keeper ••• Ibid. -123-

Upon reaching Edinburgh he earnestly set about ./ nis task. Christian had gi ven him explici t in'structions as to his mission there. It is interesting to note Frederik I's hemming and hawing. When he wanted something done he went straight to the task instead of getting involved in an endless round of polite talk. Suavenius was to tell James of conditions in and regarding Denmark. He was especially to report Lllbeck 1 s offer of the Danish throne to Henry VIII and Henry 1 s help to Lllbeck which included the loan of 20,000 pieces of gold. As he thought the agreement between Lllbeck and England would be dangerous to the security of Scotland and the joint interest that both Denmark and Scotland would have in crushing these plans.

Christian would therefore like certain forms of aid from Scotland. As Denmark was sufficiently strong on land, he was most interested in naval aid and requested James to permit Robert Barton and Robert Fogo to lend them ships and men. He would also like James to send five or six ships equipped at his own expense and to write Henry, his uncle, and try to talk him out 14 of his present plans. While in Scot1and Suavenius was given several assurances of support from o1d friends of Denmark such as the Archbishop of St. Andrews, who recommended severa1 others 15 who had been serving Denmark 1 s cause.

14. Report ••••• Ibid. 15. Hay, pp. 310-311, Feb. I, 1536, Instructions of Christian III for Peter Suavenius, and Henry VIII, p. 456. -124-

On June 2, Suavenius appeared before the King and Council and gave a speech in which he conveyed his instructions from Christian III, and requested Scottish help~ 6 The response he obtained was not quite what had been expected. On the one hand the Scottish parliament approved the request that the King write to Henry as requested and also that he should send a messenger to Lllbeck to find out the cause of the current war~ 7 But on the other hand, although he repeatedly requested James to give him material help and was using all of his contacts in Scotland to do 18 the same, James would only go as far as writing the requested let- ter to Henry VIII. He even waited until July 31st to do this. 19 He was also willing to send the envoy to Lllbeck, but just as he was about to sail, James received news of Lfibeck 1 s defeat in Fyn which 20 meant the end of her efforts there. The reason James refused to accede to the rest of Christian1 s requests was bound up with the course of Scottish policy towards Denmark during the past twenty years, which had always been, except for a short period, one of favouring Christian II. He was still alive, though imprisoned, and as long as he lived James said, he could not help anyone else with troops unless Henry VIII was attempting to gain possession of Denmark?1 On June 28th22 Suavenius left Scotland a very dis- appointed man.

16. Report ••• Ibid., p. 16, apx. I, footnote. 17. L. & P. Henry VIII, p. 461. 18. Ibid., p. 322. 19. Hay, p. 290, June 10, 1535, Suavenius to the Archbishop of Glasgow, chancellor. 20. Ibid., p. 450. 21. Ibid. pp. 301-302. 22. Report ••• , 45, p. 16, apx. 1. -125-

In Denmark Christian III won his kingdom through the Reform- ation settlement, and was eventually crowned King, on September 2, 1537, in the presence of the estates of Denmark and of foreign representatives among which was a Scottish delegation~3 Christian III showed his resolute will in the negotiations for the Haand­ faestning. Although it still severely limited the powers of the monarch by its inclusion of a clause which guaranteed the right of the people to rebel against the royal power if the King were to violate the terms of the Haandfœ stning, it was st111 a consider­ able advancement from that of Kings Christian II and Frederik I in

/ that the King was now permitted to nominate his heir-presumptive who would then be elected by the ~i~sraad~4

Christian himself was succeeding in rebui1ding his rea1m after the disasterous war it had just gone through. In this he was aided by his abi1ity to be above the factions which had arisen in his rea1m, and above al1 he knew how to reconcile the various classes?5 He himse1f was very much interested in maintain- ing good relations with Scotland and never lost an opportunity to win James' favour. One instance of this was his message of sincere congratulations on James• marriage in 1537~6

The time of the Count 1 s War was a dangerous one for commercial relations between Denmark and Scotland. Trade was carried on but seizures by the forces of Llibeck and other difficulties made it an

23. Hay, p. 290. 24. Krabbe, o~. cit., p. 111. 25. Birch, p. 166. 26. Ibid., p. 167. -126-

unprofitable venture. In 1534 we know that Scotland bought horses and metal from Denmark, but this is before the war got under way~7 When the war did get under way and the Hansa inter- fered in normal commercial trade James protested in no uncertain 28 terms to both Lllbeck and Count Christopher. In addition to protesting, James issued letters of protection to Scots engaged in trade~ 9 At the conclusion of the war, Christian granted the Scots their old trading rights i.n Bergen~ 0 In return, James usually granted his protection to Danes trading in Scotland.

These overt acts of friendship did not mean that the mutual seizure of ships, an everyday activity at this time, stopped. In 1538 within two days, James was writing to Christian to protest two such seizure, although both had occured during the time of the war. One was a ship belonging to Robert Sterling which had been seized by citizens of Malm8. Although Christian had command- 32 ed that they pay restitution, no progress in this was being made. The other ship belonged to Andrew Kinloch of Dundee who had also not received compensation for his loss~ 3 But the Scots were equally able to use their influence in Denmark to have the Danes seize ships belonging to their enemy, England. Such an incident 34 did occur during the war.

27. Hay, p. 329, Feb. 12A 1537. 28. Ibid., p. 272, July ~, 1534. 29. Ibid., 289. 30. Ibid., pp. 291, 312, 320, 330. 31. Regesta,Second Series,I,pt.2.,p.l718,#14,672,April 2,1536. • Hay, p. 332,. June 26, 1537 • 33. Ibid., p. 3~7. 34. Ibid., p. 348. -127-

The actual trade consisted mainly of powder and timber which Scotland imported from Denmark while the latter imported mainly woolens and other materials. The re are countless expenses listed in the accounts of the Lord High Treasurer for money ex- 35 pended to buy powder and timber in Denmark. Sorne of these were 36 even purchased from Scots residing in Denmark. Most of the powder and arms were used for domestic defense, but there is an instance of James 1 considering sending arms that he had received from Denmark to help his friends in .

Another item that seems to have been imported in consideratie numbers, but for the King only, were Danish tourney horses. As early as 1527 there is an instance of money being paid for, "A grete hors coft be the King fra Johne Elgin, the King of 37 Denmarkis Ambassador. u But it was mainly after James had begun to govern on his own in 1528 and the war in Denmark ceased that many horses began to be bought from the Danes. As this required permission from King Christian, James round it necessary to write him for 1t. Christian gladly gave this and Arthur Synclare was sent in April 8 1538 to buy a horse? It evidently pleased James for we find 39 that in 1539 he sent Charles Murray to buy another. In the next 40 two years more horses were purchased. Christian III even

35. L. & P. Henry VIII, XIII, p. 279. 36. See Paul,op.cit.VI,p.467,VII,pp.391,389,441,and VIII,p.l59. 37. Ibid., VII, p. 391. 38. Ibid., V, p. 322. 39. Hay, p. 345. 40. Paul, VII, pp. 257, 275, 49. -128- 41 presented James with tourney horses. The Scottish King also 42 purchased hawks in Denmark.

To return to more serious matters than hunts and tournaments, the years after the Count 1 s War saw an atternpt by James, ~ho had just married a French Princess to draw Denmark into the "auld alliance" with France. John Bertoun was sent by James to Christ­ ian III 1 s court in July of 1537. Christian was told in advance that Bertoun was merely coming to inform him of James' situation~ 3 But his real aim was to carry out a highly important piece of diplomatie work. James instructed him to offer his congratulations on his victory, to tell him how his marriage has added weight to the alliance between Scotland and France, and how both Francis I 44 and he hoped Christian would join the alliance.

This would not be an easy task for Bertoun for relations between France and Denmark had been strained during the last three years. At the moment Denmark was particularly angry because a French ship had seized the ship and goods of one of Christian's Norwegian subjects. This complete breach of Franco-Danish treat­ ies made feelings a bit antipathetic towards France. Before Bertoun arrived, Christian wrote James to ask him to use his influence with the French to obtain release of the ship and its cargo. If not, he would be forced to take reprisals. Due to

41. Hay, p. 388. 42. Wegener, IV, pp. 160-161, April 26, 1540. 43. Hay, p. 397. 44. Ibid., p. 333. -129- 45 James• influence, the ship was soon restored. This was only one of the reasons that Bertoun 1 s mission met with defeat.

When Christian gave him a temporarily negative answer in August, he hastened to explain his reasons to King James. His main objection was that after three years of war, Denmark was in no condition to take part in such a major effort as a military alliance. But this was based on a resentment for the way France had treated him during his recent troubles. When he had asked France for help King Francis had replied that he was too occupied with his own war to be able to do anything for Christian. Francis' answer had particularly irked him since he had been on such close terms with Frederik I. In the interests of friendship with Scot- land, he left the door open for further discussions on the quest­ ion. He only wished to know what obligations he would be in for if he were to agree. In order to do this, he would send an 46 emissary to France and would like James to do likewise.

While Bertoun did not return with a treaty, he did bring a most genuine message of condolence for James whose bride had just died. Christian 1 s words showed a more than polite concern over the effect this might have on the young Scottish King:

11 •• so unstable are human affairs that good fortune passes like a fleeting dream and the sweet is oftentimes unexpect­ edly mingled with bitterness ••• Christian is persuaded that

45. Ibid. 46. Ibid., p. 334. -130-

James had a mind fortified against all that befalls; yet he cannot but show his goodwill in this counsel, super­ 4 fluous though it is ••• n 7

The old complaints of seizure of commercial ships began to reappear. There were three main cases from the period 1538- 1541. The first of these concerned a ship belonging to Walter Symsoun in which Henry Merchant and William Scot of Aberdeen sailed to trade in Danzig in 1533. On the return voyage they were wrecked by a storm off the coast of Bergen. Luckily, they were able to save both the ship and its cargo. As they were about to return, the governor of Bergen got a hold of them, took h 500 worth of goods and threw the helpless Scottish merchants into prison. When they were able to make him release them, so that they could complain to the King, he informed them that he would compensate them only if the King commanded it. Since Frederik had died, the Scots decided to petition the Rigsraad which ordered the governor to give up what he had taken. But 48 as yet noth1ng had been done about it. James therefore wrote Christian in 1539 asking him to see that the matter was soon settled.49

The second case concerned a ship belonging to William Fore- star and Patrick Gardinar who were on a commercial voyage to

47. Ibid., p. 336. 48. Ibid., p. 335. 49. Ibid., p. 369. -131-

Norway when they and their ship were seized by a Norwegian pirate, Christopher Druntssen. After keeping them prisoner for a short time, Druntssen compelled them to sell him the ship at a ridicu1ously low priee. The merchants had no other choice. They were then put ashore at List where they soon heard that a ship belonging to the governor of Bergen had recaptured their ship. The ship was not restored to them at that time but they were promised justice if one of them would appear at Bergen at Michaelmas 1538. When one of them did so, he did not receive the 50 ship but on1y intimidation from the court. James was amazed that such a thing could happen and wrote Christian IIIfl the governor 52 53 of Bergen, and the magistrates and council of Bergen, request- ing them to do justice to his subjects.

The third case concerned a merchant of Leith, Thomas Fother­ ingham who had gone to Norway in 1540 to buy timber. When he reached Oslo, Fotheringham was arrested by the governor of the Akershus fortress and his ship confiscated. The reason Peter Hanse, the governor, gave for this was that in May 1539 Fothering­ ham had abducted an expert in gold-mining, Balthasar Rusler, and had induced him to come to Scotland. The Scottish view was that Balthasar had voluntarily asked to go to Scotland just as Fother­ ingham was about to set sail and that Fotheringham had decided to take him along only when one Ynguer StDoeden agreed to stand

50. Ibid. 51 •.Ibid., pp. 372-3. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid., p. 373, July 23, 1539. -132- 54 surety if Fotheringham were taken to law. Scotland, therefore, considered his imprisonment as highly unjust. James wrote Christian III insisting that he and his ship be freed~ 5 Christ­ ian III took quite a different view. He said that he had brought many German mining experts to Norway at considerable expense, Balthasar Rusler was one of them. Balthasar was put in charge of the men while the manager was away and in that position was to give them their wages. When he obtained these, which amounted to six hundred ounces of silver, (about three hundred pieces of Rhenish gold) he made his way to Fotheringham's ship where he was brought aboard by Ingmar Schroder. Christian thought Fother­ ingham rather stupid if he didn't consider such a stranger brought aboard 1n the middle of the night without passage papers as having something a bit criminal about him. According to Christian, Fotheringham ought to be punished, but to show his friendship for James, he was going to free both him and his ship.

Christian II was still imprisoned in Spnderborg Castle but remained a rallying point for several factions outside the realm. He also had never been completely forgotten by the Danish people. Throughout his reign, Christian III was in constant danger from the intrigues formulated by two of Christian II 1 s daughters, Dorothea, who was married to the Elector Frederik of the Palatin­ ate, and Christine who had married Duke Francis of Lorraine~ 6

54. Ibid. 55. Ibid., p. 412. 56. Ibid., p. 413, August 27, 1540. -133-

When Christian II finally renounced all his rights to the throne for himself and his successors, the danger was overcome. During the rest of their lives, (they both died in January 1559)57 Christians II and III enjoyed an amicable re1ationship.

Scot1and a1so heard from one of Christian II's daughters, Dorothea. She appea1ed, in 1540, to James V to obtain possession of the money and other goods that Christian II had deposited with Robert Barton. She sent her representative, the Norwegian Guato, to sue for recovery. In a counter-move, the heirs of Barton chal1enged her c1aim and made their own claim against her stating that they were creditors, not debtors. When Guato inspected this, 58 he decided to drop the matter for the time being. James assured 59 Dorothea that justice would be done. But she does not seem to hae won her suit. During the next year James continued a polite 60 correspondence with her.

The last years of the reign of James V were dominated by the approaching conflict with England. This was as true in his relationship with Denmark as in internal politics. On the whole Christian III had tried to establish a basis of firm friendship with Scotland. He had a1so hoped that this might lead to the redemption of the Orkney islands. A1though long negotiations

57. Ibid., p. 415, October 24, 1540. 58. Birch, p. 171. 59. Ibid. 60. Hay, pp. 402-403, July 6, 1540. -134- were carried on about this subject, it was never settled and the islands were thus forfeit to Scotland.61 Numerous little incidents showed the cordial naturet of the relationship. Many Scots already lived in Denmark and others were being sent over on business by King James. One of the latter was an Alexander Lyel who carried out his assignment so well that Christian made him a royal council- 62 lor and the Borgomaster of the city of Elsinore (Helsingpr). James used the influence he possessed in Denmark to request the restoration of the estates belonging to adherents of Christian II 63 who had lived in Scotland but were now anxious to return home.

In regard to military preparations for the ensuing conflict, James was successful in obtaining Denmark 1 s adherance to an alliance 64 with France. This was done in spite of the advice of sorne Danes 65 who thought that this would be asking for trouble. By the terms of the Franco-Danish Treaty of Fontainbleau, November 29, 1541, Denmark promised in case of war to close the Sound to Francis' 66 enemies in return for the payment of indemnities by France. The main reason Christian 1 s country finally decided to join with France (in addition to Scottish urgings) was their common distrust of Charles V who was now supporting Dorothea 1 s husband 1 s claim to 67 the Danish throne.

61. Ibid. 62. Ibid., p. 418, Feb. 5, 1541. 63. C.F.Allen,Hist~ire de Danemark (Copenhagen,l878),II,p.l4. 64. Hay, pp. 344i 3~ · 65. Ibid., pp. 4 8, 432. 66. See above. 67. ~egesta,Second Series,II,pt.l,p.51,#598,March 11,1540. -135-

With the invasion of Scotland by the Duke of Norfolk, aid was hoped for from Denmark. The Scots were to be sorely disappointed for the only things they received were of a non-military nature. In November, after great difficulty in evading the English, a 68 Danish ship unloaded a cargo of rye. The next month James V died, on December 14th, and his reign ended in an atmosphere of d1sap­ pointment.

The relationship between Denmark and Scotland during the thirty-one years considered had been of a very close nature. Yet it has been one which has not been thought of too oo1ch. It is quite true that in comparison to Scotland1 s position vis-à-vis England or France, it was less important. But when we look at it, we see how often it provided the determining factor in international questions and how many Scots were in sorne way involved in actlvities relating to Denmark in tracte, privateering, military forces, or in helping Christian II, Frederik I or Christian III. It becomes apparent that the island kingdom between the North Sea and the Baltic possessed a significant place in the thoughts of early sixteen century Scots.

68. H. F. R~rdam, Residents Francais Pres La Cour De Danemark Au XVIe SieclB (Copenhagen, 1898~.-g20.----- APPENDIX SCOTTISH SHIPPING THROUGH THE ~RESUND 1528-1542

The records of the Sound Tolls Register are very incomplete during the period of the reign of James V so that one only has partial figures. They were not noted until 1528 and due to the Count 1 s War and other disturbances none exist from 1528-1536. But from them we can still get an idea of the scope of Scottish tracte to Denmark and beyond. In one year (1536) the small king­ dom of Scotland accounted for 1/2 of the total shipping passing through the ~resund. Year Number of Total Number Home port of ships Scot.Ships of s 1528 40 982 Dundee lO,Dunfermline 2, Dvsart 6,Edinburgh 3,Kirkcaldy 2,Leith 9, not stated 8. 1536 100 737 Aberdeen liSt.Andrews 14,Dundee 27,Dysart ,Kinghorn l,Leith 55 Queensferry 1. 1537 72 1897 Aberdeen 2,St. Andrews 6,Dundee 29,Dysart 5,Kinghorn l,Leith 24 Montrose 1,Queensferry 1. 1538 52 1638 Aberdeen 3,St.Andrews 9,Dundee 16,Kinghorn l,Leith 21,Montrose 2. 1539 8 76 Aberdeen 4, St. Andrews 4,Dundee 33,Edinburgh 2,Kirkca1dy 2,Leith 29, Montrose 2. 1540 62 1467 Aberdeen l,St. Andrews 7,Dundee 2l,Edinburgh l,Kinghorn 2,Kirk­ caldy 2, Leith 28. 1541 59 1226 Aberdeen 2,St.Andrews 5,Dundee 18,Edinburgh l,Kinghorn l,Kirk­ ca1dy 2,Leith 24,Montrose 4, Queensferry 2. 1542 96 1422 St.Andrews 13,Dundee 30,Dysart 4,Kinghorn 1,Leith 44,Montrose 4. (1/4 of one from Leith be- 1onged to Sander Leie1.)*

*Nina E. Bang, Tabe11er Over Skibsfart og Varetransport Gennem .@resund 1497-1660. I. (Copenhagen, 1906) pp. 4-11. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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