Minsk Declaration and Resolutions Adopted by the Osce Parliamentary Assembly
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Minsk II a Fragile Ceasefire
Briefing 16 July 2015 Ukraine: Follow-up of Minsk II A fragile ceasefire SUMMARY Four months after leaders from France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia reached a 13-point 'Package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements' ('Minsk II') on 12 February 2015, the ceasefire is crumbling. The pressure on Kyiv to contribute to a de-escalation and comply with Minsk II continues to grow. While Moscow still denies accusations that there are Russian soldiers in eastern Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly admitted in March 2015 to having invaded Crimea. There is mounting evidence that Moscow continues to play an active military role in eastern Ukraine. The multidimensional conflict is eroding the country's stability on all fronts. While the situation on both the military and the economic front is acute, the country is under pressure to conduct wide-reaching reforms to meet its international obligations. In addition, Russia is challenging Ukraine's identity as a sovereign nation state with a wide range of disinformation tools. Against this backdrop, the international community and the EU are under increasing pressure to react. In the following pages, the current status of the Minsk II agreement is assessed and other recent key developments in Ukraine and beyond examined. This briefing brings up to date that of 16 March 2015, 'Ukraine after Minsk II: the next level – Hybrid responses to hybrid threats?'. In this briefing: • Minsk II – still standing on the ground? • Security-related implications of the crisis • Russian disinformation -
Understanding Russia Better Through Her History: Sevastopol, an Enduring Geostrategic Centre of Gravity
UNDERSTANDING RUSSIA BETTER THROUGH HER HISTORY: SEVASTOPOL, AN ENDURING GEOSTRATEGIC CENTRE OF GRAVITY Recent events in Crimea, Eastern Ukraine and Syria have aerospace industries, made Sevastopol a closed city during brought Russia’s increasingly assertive foreign policy and the Cold War. Thereafter, despite being under Ukrainian burgeoning military power into sharp relief. Such shows of jurisdiction until March 2014, it remained very much a force surprised those in the West who thought that a new, Russian city, in which the Russian national flag always flew pacific and friendly Russia would emerge from the former higher than the Ukrainian. Soviet Union. That has never been Russia’s way as a major Furthermore, the Russian world power. This monograph argues that Vladimir Putin’s Navy continued to control the “” Russia has done no more than act in an historically consistent port leased from the Ukraine, Sevastopol’s and largely predictable manner. Specifically, it seeks to including its navigation systems. population, explain why possession of Sevastopol – the home of the Sevastopol’s population, Black Sea Fleet for more than 200 years – provides Russia containing many military containing many with considerable geostrategic advantage, one that is being retirees and their dependants, military retirees and exploited today in support of her current operations in Syria. remained fiercely loyal to Russia their dependants, and never accepted Ukrainian Sevastopol, and more particularly its ancient predecessor, rule – which they judged as a remained fiercely the former Greek city of Chersonesos, has a highly-symbolic historical accident at best, or, at loyal to Russia and place in Russia’s history and sense of nationhood. -
Resolution 2202 (2015)
United Nations S/RES/2202 (2015) Security Council Distr.: General 17 February 2015 Resolution 2202 (2015) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7384th meeting, on 17 February 2015 The Security Council, Recalling the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and reaffirming its full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine, Expressing its grave concern at the tragic events and violence in eastern regions of Ukraine, Reaffirming its Resolution 2166 (2014), Firmly convinced that the resolution of the situation in eastern regions of Ukraine can only be achieved through a peaceful settlement to the current crisis, 1. Endorses the “Package of measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements”, adopted and signed in Minsk on 12 February 2015 (Annex I); 2. Welcomes the Declaration by the President of the Russian Federation, the President of Ukraine, the President of the French Republic and the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in support of the “Package of measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements”, adopted on 12 February 2015 in Minsk (Annex II), and their continuing commitment therein to the implementation of the Minsk Agreements; 3. Calls on all parties to fully implement the “Package of measures”, including a comprehensive ceasefire as provided for therein; 4. Decides to remain seized of the matter. 15-02151 (E) *1502151* S/RES/2202 (2015) Annex I Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements Minsk, 12 February 2015 1. Immediate and comprehensive ceasefire in certain areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine and its strict implementation as of 15 February 2015, 12 a.m. -
City of Republican Significance. Number of Residents, Thousand People: 379.5 Total Area, Sq
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CITY STATUS: CITY OF REPUBLICAN SIGNIFICANCE. NUMBER OF RESIDENTS, THOUSAND PEOPLE: 379.5 TOTAL AREA, SQ. KM: 1079.6; (by land: 863.5 sq. km) DENSITY OF POPULATION (persons per 1 sq. km): 439 TOTAL NUMBER OF SETTLEMENTS: 29 The city of Sevastopol is an administrative and territorial unit of Ukraine with a special status, which includes four districts (Leninskyy, Nakhimoskyy, Balaklavskyy, and Gagarinskyy), city of Inkerman (city of district significance), and 29 villages and settlements. Sevastopol is one of the biggest non-freezing commercial and fishing seaports. It is an industrial, scientific, technical, recreational, cultural and historical center in the south of Ukraine. The city is situated in the south-western part of the Crimean peninsula on the same latitude as the Italian city of Milan and the French city of Lion. The distance from Sevastopol to Kyiv is 1,050 km, 1,500 km to Moscow, 85 km to Yalta, 490 km to Istanbul, 1,700 km to Rome, 2,100 to Marseille, 2,400 km to Paris, and 2,800 km to London. The Sevastopol region borders with the Bakhchysaray rayon in the north-east and with the Greater Yalta in the south-east. The region is washed by the warm waters of the Black Sea in the west and south. The total land area of the Sevastopol region constitutes 863.5 sq. km, of which 12% are inhabited, 29% are occupied by agricultiural lands, 41% are occupied by forests and noubtains, 25% are represented by the industrial and residential districts, and 6% (57 sq. -
Why Are Warm-Water Ports Important to Russian Security?
JEMEAA - FEATURE Why Are Warm- Water Ports Important to Russian Security? The Cases of Sevastopol and Tartus Compared TANVI CHAUHAN Abstract This article aims to examine why Russia’s warm-water ports are so important to Russian security. First, the article defines whatsecurity encompasses in relation to ports. Second, the article presents two case studies: the Crimean port of Sevasto- pol and the Syrian port of Tartus. This article proves that warm-water ports are important to Russian security because they enable Russia to control the sea, proj- ect power, maintain good order, and observe a maritime consensus. Each of these categorical reasons are then analyzed in the Crimean and Syrian context. The re- sults are compared in regional perspective, followed by concluding remarks on what the findings suggest about Russian foreign policy in retrospect, as well as Russian security in the future. Introduction General discourse attribute ports with a binary character: commercial or naval. However, the importance of ports is not limited to those areas alone. Security in the twenty- first century has come to constitute multidimensional relationships, so this article will approach the importance of warm- water ports for security by us- ing the broad concept of maritime security, rather than naval security alone. Previ- ously, the maritime context covered naval confrontations and absolute sea control, but today, scholars have elaborated the maritime environment to include security missions spanning from war and diplomacy to maritime resource preservation, safe cargo transit, border protection from external threats, engagement in security operations, and preventing misuse of global maritime commons.1 Thus, maritime security has crucial links to political, economic, military, and social elements. -
Unpacking Complexity in the Ukraine Peace Process
CSS Analyses in Security Policy CSS ETH Zurich No. 243, April 2019, Editor: Benno Zogg Unpacking Complexity in the Ukraine Peace Process The conflict in and around Ukraine seems to be immune to political settlement. The lack of political will of the parties and technical chal- lenges have led to a stalemate in the implementation of the Minsk agreements, signed under international pressure. Unpacking the complexity of the Minsk Process allows for a better understanding of the challenges and modest results achieved so far. By Anna Hess Sargsyan The armed conflict in and around Ukraine entered its fifth year with ongoing ceasefire violations and with no political resolution in sight. The multi-format peace process dealing with the conflict, known as the Minsk Process, has very modest outcomes to show for it, despite regular meetings within the Trilateral Contact Group for- mat, the mechanism mandated to work out modalities of implementation of the Minsk agreements. In the run-up to presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine, the implementation of the security and politi- cal provisions of the Minsk agreements, signed under international pressure, remain elusive. When a peace process lasts for four years without tangible outcomes, it becomes an easy target for criticism as being ineffective and irrelevant, and runs the risk of discred- The dilapidated pedestrian bridge of Stanytsia Luhanska is the only crossing point between government and non-government-controlled areas in the Luhansk region. ICRC iting conflict resolution efforts. Some schol- ars pondered whether the conflict in Ukraine would become yet another pro- tracted conflict that Russia would use to se- cure its stronghold in the post-Soviet space. -
Jan Zofka, Postsowjetischer Separatismus. Im Moldauischen
692 Book Reviews Jan micro-level of ethnic entrepreneurs, theirZofka, Postsowjetischer Separatismus. Die pro-russländischen Bewegungen motives, discourses, and strategies. Some- im moldauischen Dnjestr-Tal und auf what misleadingly, Zofka uses the term der Krim 1989-1995, Göttingen: Wall- ‘political opportunity structures’ here, but stein Verlag, 2015 (Moderne europäische his objective is not to make the case studies Geschichte 10), 437 pp., ISBN 978-3-8353- comparable (and to isolate key factors) but 1634-8, 39,90 € rather to underline the impact of the pro- cess itself and contingent factors. The com- What happened to Jan Zofka is the worst parison between Crimea and Pridnestrov’e nightmare of any historian or political sci- proves the futility of a comparative study entist: just as you are about to finish your of root causes. All obvious factors (history, PhD thesis, your object of study suddenly economic crisis, ethnicity, homeland, etc.) reinvents itself, effectively falsifying the would have predicted a violent and suc- main conclusions of your analysis. Zofka’s cessful secessionist movement in Crimean dissertation on post-Soviet separatism on Sevastopol’ and a meek copy in Tiraspol’, the left bank of the Dniester River in Mol- Transnistria’s capital. Referring to the cur- dova and on the Crimean peninsula, sub- rent Ukrainian crisis, the author points out mitted at the University of Leipzig in 2013, that despite the overbearing geopolitical argues that Crimea (unlike Pridnestrov’e/ manoeuvring by Moscow, local ethnic en- Transnistria) had never experienced a pow- trepreneurs are much more than puppets of erful, violent secessionist movement. Alas, the Russians. -
40 Individuals 1 Viktor YANUKOVYCH(YANUKOVICH
(Attachment) 40 individuals 1 Viktor YANUKOVYCH(YANUKOVICH) Former President of Ukraine Date of birth:July 9, 1950 Place of birth:Yenakievo (Ukraine) 2 Sergey(Sergei) AKSYONOV(AKSENOV) “Acting Head of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:November 26, 1972 Place of birth:Balti (Republic of Moldova) 3 Vladimir KONSTANTINOV “Speaker of the State Council of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:November 19, 1956 Place of birth:Vladimirovca (Republic of Moldova) 4 Rustam TEMIRGALIEV Former “Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:August 15, 1976 Place of birth:Ulan-Ude (Russian Federation) 5 Denis (Denys) BEREZOVSKIY(BEREZOVSKY/BEREZOVSKII) Deputy Commander of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Navy Date of birth:July 15, 1974 Place of birth:Kharkiv (Ukraine) 6 Aleksei(Alexey) CHALIY(CHALYY) Former “Governor of the City of Sevastopol” Date of birth:June 13, 1961 7 Petr(Pyotr) ZIMA Former Head of the Security Service of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea Date of birth:March 29, 1965 8 Yuriy (Yurii) ZHEREBTSOV “Counsellor of the Speaker of the State Council of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:November 19, 1969 9 Sergey(Sergei) TSEKOV Member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation (from “the Republic of Crimea”) Date of birth:September 28, 1953 10 Mikhail MALYSHEV “Chairman of the Electoral Commission of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:October 10, 1955 11 Valery(Valeriy/Valerii) MEDVEDEV “Chairman of the Electoral Commission of the City of Sevastopol” Date of birth:August 21, -
List of Persons and Entities Under EU Restrictive Measures Over the Territorial Integrity of Ukraine
dhdsh PRESS Council of the European Union EN 1st December 2014 List of persons and entities under EU restrictive measures over the territorial integrity of Ukraine List of persons N. Name Identifying Reasons Date of information listing 1. Sergey Valeryevich d.o.b. 26.11.1972 Aksyonov was elected “Prime Minister of Crimea” in the Crimean Verkhovna Rada on 27 17.3.2014 Aksyonov February 2014 in the presence of pro-Russian gunmen. His “election” was decreed unconstitutional by Oleksandr Turchynov on 1 March. He actively lobbied for the “referendum” of 16 March 2014. 2. Vladimir Andreevich d.o.b. 19.03.1967 As speaker of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Konstantinov 17.3.2014 Konstantinov played a relevant role in the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada concerning the “referendum” against territorial integrity of Ukraine and called on voters to cast votes in favour of Crimean Independence. 3. Rustam Ilmirovich d.o.b. 15.08.1976 As Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Crimea, Temirgaliev played a relevant role 17.3.2014 Temirgaliev in the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada concerning the “referendum” against territorial integrity of Ukraine. He lobbied actively for integration of Crimea into the Russian Federation. 4. Deniz Valentinovich d.o.b. 15.07.1974 Berezovskiy was appointed commander of the Ukrainian Navy on 1 March 2014 and swore an 17.3.2014 Berezovskiy oath to the Crimean armed force, thereby breaking his oath. The Prosecutor-General’s Office of Ukraine launched an investigation against him for high treason. -
DEPARTMENT of the TREASURY Office of Foreign Assets Control Designation of Individuals and Entities Pursuant to Executive Order
This document is scheduled to be published in the Federal Register on 08/07/2014 and available online at http://federalregister.gov/a/2014-18683, and on FDsys.gov DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY Office of Foreign Assets Control Designation of Individuals and Entities Pursuant to Executive Order 13660 or Executive Order 13661 AGENCY: Office of Foreign Assets Control, Treasury. ACTION: Notice. --------------------------- SUMMARY: The Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is publishing the names of eighteen individuals and one entity whose property and interests in property have been blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13660 of March 6, 2014, “Blocking Property of Certain Persons Contributing to the Situation in Ukraine” (E.O. 13660). OFAC is also publishing the names of twenty-seven individuals and eighteen entities whose property and interests in property have been blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13661 of March 16, 2014, “Blocking Property of Additional Persons Contributing to the Situation in Ukraine” (E.O. 13661). DATES: The blocking of the property and interests in property of the individuals and entities identified in this notice was effective on March 17, 2014, March 20, 2014, April 11, 2014, April 28, 2014, or June 20, 2014, as specified in the “Notice of OFAC Actions” section below. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Assistant Director, Sanctions, Compliance & Evaluations Office of Foreign Assets Control Department of the Treasury 1500 Pennsylvania Avenue NW (Treasury Annex) Washington, DC 20220, Tel.: 202/622-2490. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Electronic and Facsimile Availability This document and additional information concerning OFAC are available from OFAC’s website (www.treasury.gov/ofac). -
Situation in Der Ukraine: Verordnung Vom 2
Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research EAER State Secretariat for Economic Affairs SECO Bilateral Economic Relations Sanctions Version of 20.05.2014 Sanctions program: Situation in der Ukraine: Verordnung vom 2. April 2014 über Massnahmen zur Vermeidung der Umgehung internationaler Sanktionen im Zusammenhang mit der Situation in der Ukraine (SR 946.231.176.72), Anhang Origin: EU Sanctions: Art. 1 (Verbot der Eröffnung neuer Geschäftsbeziehungen) Sanctions program: Situation en Ukraine: Ordonnance du 2 avril 2014 instituant des mesures visant à empêcher le contournement de sanctions internationales en lien avec la situation en Ukraine (RS 946.231.176.72), annexe Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 1 (Interdiction de nouer de nouvelles relations d’affaires) Sanctions program: Situazione in Ucraina: Ordinanza del 2 aprile 2014 che istituisce provvedimenti per impedire l’aggiramento delle sanzioni internazionali in relazione alla situazione in Ucraina (RS 946.231.176.72), allegato Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 1 (Divieto di apertura di nuove relazioni d’affari) Individuals SSID: 175-27685 Name: Volodin Vyacheslav Viktorovich DOB: 4 Feb 1964 POB: Alekseevka, Saratov region Justification: First Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Administration of Russia. Responsible for overseeing the political integration of the annexed Ukrainian region of Crimea into the Russian Federation. Modifications: Listed on 20 May 2014 SSID: 175-27692 Name: Shamanov Vladimir DOB: 15 Feb 1954 POB: Barnaul Justification: Commander of the Russian Airborne Troops, Colonel-General. In his senior position holds responsibility for the deployment of Russian airborne forces in Crimea. Modifications: Listed on 20 May 2014 SSID: 175-27699 Name: Pligin Vladimir Nikolaevich DOB: 19 May 1960 POB: Ignatovo, Vologodsk Oblast, Russian Federation Justification: Chair of the Duma Constitutional Law Committee. -
The City of Moscow in Russia's Foreign and Security Policy: Role
Eidgenössische “Regionalization of Russian Foreign and Security Policy” Technische Hochschule Zürich Project organized by The Russian Study Group at the Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research Andreas Wenger, Jeronim Perovic,´ Andrei Makarychev, Oleg Alexandrov WORKING PAPER NO.7 APRIL 2001 The City of Moscow in Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role, Aims and Motivations DESIGN : SUSANA PERROTTET RIOS Moscow enjoys an exceptional position among the Russian regions. Due to its huge By Oleg B. Alexandrov economic and financial potential, the city of Moscow largely shapes the country’s economic and political processes. This study provides an overall insight into the complex international network that the city of Moscow is tied into. It also assesses the role, aims and motivations of the main regional actors that are involved. These include the political authorities, the media tycoons and the major financial-industrial groups. Special attention is paid to the problem of institutional and non-institutional interaction between the Moscow city authorities and the federal center in the foreign and security policy sector, with an emphasis on the impact of Putin’s federal reforms. Contact: Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research ETH Zentrum / SEI CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland Andreas Wenger, head of project [email protected] Jeronim Perovic´ , project coordinator [email protected] Oleg Alexandrov [email protected]; [email protected] Andrei Makarychev [email protected]; [email protected] Order of copies: Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research ETH Zentrum / SEI CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland [email protected] Papers available in full-text format at: http://www.fsk.ethz.ch/ Layout by Marco Zanoli The City of Moscow in Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role, Aims and Motivations By Oleg B.