By Stephen D. Reese, John A. Daly and Andrew P Hardy

Economic News on Network Television

Ten-year study finds information available to the public' And, economic news is significant in fact, research suggests that the public does learn from this coverage. Adoni and part of newscasts and is Cohen found self-reported economic news treated much the same viewing positively related to both subjec- as other kinds of news tive and objective knowledge of the economy.* • Nineteen-Seventy-Two was the last year Anecdotal examples suggest that eco- Americans reported Vietnam as the single nomic news has become even more prom- most important problem facing the nation. inent, on television particularly, in the late Since that time the economy has been the 1970s and early 1980s. Programs devoted dominant concern.' Corresponding with to economics, like "" and this shift in issue importance, television The Nightly Business Report" on PBS. news expanded the prominence and fre- have become popular, and regular news quency of economic reporting in 1973 and shows have added economic reports (e.g., 1974 to four times the levels of the 1960s.^ ABC's Money Matters" and CNN's This rise surpassed the relative amount of "Moneyline"). This economics coverage coverage newspapers gave economic sto- on television, however, is prone (if not ries, suggesting that television in the early more so) to the same criticisms directed to 1970s magnified the amount of economic the media in general. Economics journal- ism is charged with being factually sloppy, ' Sec Thomas W. Smith. -The Polls: America's Mosi Impor- tant Problems. Pan I Naiional and International." Public oversimplifying, sensationalizing; focusing Opinion Quorterlv 49:264-274 (Summer I9S5I He notes that on personalities over issues, discrete events economics has completely domiiutcd public concerns the last 10 years, ofteti captunnf 60% of the responses. over trends, the short-run over the long- ' Richard L Rubin. Prtis. Pony ond Presidency {Sf* York run, and bad news over good.' W.W Nonon. I9g|). Given that economics is a major com- • Rubin, op. dt.. p. IM). ponent of television news coverage and * Hanna Adoni and Akiba A Cohen. -Television Economic News and the Socul Construction of Economic Reality.' Jour- that network news has a potentially nal of Communication. fM 1971 pp 61-70. important impact on public opinion*" it is > William C Wood. "The Educational Potential of News important to describe the extent and CovenfC of Economics,' Joumal of Economic Educotion. 16 27-35 (I9«5). nature of economic news on television. A ' See. for example. Harold C. Zuckcr. 'The Variable Nature review of the literature, however, showed of News Media Influence." in Brent Ruben, ed.. Communico- that only one study has been done examin- iion Yearbook. Vol. 2 (New Brunswick: Tnnuction Books), pp. 225-240; and Roy L Behr and Shanto lyen|ar. -Television ing economic news on television, and it News. Real World Cues and Chanfes in the Public Afenda.' focused on business news only,' as have Pubtic Opinion Quarterly. 49:31-57 (I9«S) other studies focusing on the print media." '' Joseph R. Dominick. 'Business Coverage in Network New- casu.' /ournoliim Quarterly. 58 179-185 (19tI). J.T.W. Hubbard, "Business News in the Po(t-Water|ate *' Stephen D. Reese is a journalism faculty member at Era." Joumolism Quarterly. 53:48»-493 (1976); Ernest C ihe Universiiy of where John A. Daly is a Hynds. 'Buiiness Coverage Is Getting Better." Journolism speech faculty mcmtier. Andrew P. Hardy is with the Quarterly. 57.297-}6( (1980); Roben A Peterson. George Kozmetsky and Isabella CM Cunningham. "Perceptions of Market Research and Planning Department of Gen- Media Bias Toward Business." Journalism Quarterly. 59:461- eral Motors. Another version of this paper was pre- 465 (1982); S. Prakash Sethi. 'The Schism Between Busincu sented at the Radio-TV Journalism Division, Associa- and American News Media." Journolism Quarterly. 54:24(V247 tion for Edtjcation in Journalism and Mass Com- munication. Nonnan. Oklahoma. 137 138 JOURNALISM QUARTERLY More general studies of media economic an approximately equal number of news- coverage have been confined to how the casts from ABC, CBS and NBC. economy was discussed in the presidential Measures: The unit of analysis used in debates' and treated in newspaper content coding was the news report. The editorials. «> abstracts label separate stories in news- This study uses a broader definition of casts with an underlined heading describ- economic news than prior studies. In addi- ing it and listing the time it began in the tion to traditional "business" news, it newscast. However, within each story examines coverage of economic indicators there is often more than one report. These ("the economy"), foreign economic news reports were treated separately when they and the economic activities of govern- differed according to the categorization ment. This study also tests Rubin's asser- scheme described below. tion that television news has politicized Report Characteristics: Based on the economic news" by examining mentions Archive descriptions a number of gross of government figures in different types of properties of the news reports were deter- economic news stories. News coverage is mined. The length of each report in examined over an eleven year period in seconds was recorded from the time nota- order to evaluate changes over time. The tions in the margins of the abstracts. years from 1973 to 1983 encompass an Times for multiple reports were calculated important economic period in American by dividing the story time by the number history, including the energy crisis, three of reports. The newscast order of each recessions (1974-75, 1980 and 1981-82). report was also determined, and in the the spiralling inflation of the late 1970s, case of multiple reports each was assigned and the ascendancy of Ronald Reagan the rank order ofthe story in which it was supply-side economics. The following re- contained. In addition, the presenter search questions are addressed. (newscaster or correspondent), number of stories in the newscast and whether or not 1) What types of economic news were visuals were used were determined based reported and to what extent? on report descriptions in the abstracts. 2) What industries were mentioned and Each report was identified by month, date, how frequently? year, day and network. •> 3) How was economic news covered, in terms of the use of film, the UK of anecdo- Content Characteristics. As mentioned tal examples, and the mention of govem- earlier, the definition of economic news ment sources? used in this study is broad. A categoriza- 4) Did the amount of economic news tion scheme was developed which accounts coverage change over time? for a wide range of activity relating to the

Methods (1977). Atao. ice Herb Sieia, "Media DiMortiom: A Former Ofriciat-i View,- Cohimbia Journalism Review. Marcb/April, Sample: Data for this study were 197). pp. J1-». aai Ova Wellet, "Die Bleak WaMiand at gathered using the Television News Index Fioaneial Joumaliaai,* Cohimbia Journalism Review MK and Abstracts, which Vanderbilt Univer- wm. 197). pp. 4IM9. • Wanca E. Beebloldt, Jowpll Hilyard and Carl K. sity publishes monthly describing its *Aata4a Control ia Ibe 1976 Debaiet: A Camem Analyni,* videotape collection in the Television Joumalism Quaeterfy. M:6744W(I977>. News Archive.'2 In order to determine •• David S. Myen, "Edilariab aad liw Ecoaamy in (be 1976 PfoideMial Campai|i^- Joumatism Quanerfy. SS:75S-7M patterns of economic coverage over time, (I97«): and -Edteociali M tbe EcowMiy In ibe I9M Preridemial a 10-year period, 1973 to 1983, was sys- tematically sampled every fourth day. "%uhiB.ap.dl. Sampling yicldeid about seven days a " Tbe AbMraeu bavt been tbown to be a reliable Murct of content analytis dau in Hudiei of intemational newi (Jama F. month and, when substracting weekend Unon, Televisions Window on ihe World- Iniemaiionat nights when there was no program, 739 Affaies Cover^i on the U.S. Networks (Norwood, N J.: Ablei, I9M),) aad were eomidered lo provide enough informatioa to newscasts, and 2,483 separate economic •aliiry tbe needi of ibe present Mudy. news reports. A different network was •> For a more eabaiMive docripliM oClke News ArebiMaad assigned to each successive day, yielding uaing it for coment analyiis, lee tanca, op. di.. Economic News on Network Television 139 production, distribution and consumption this Study included the economic activities of goods and services. of government as well. These activities The four major categories are I) the were given about as much coverage (37% actions of government: spending, taxing, of total reports coded) as those of the pri- and interventions, 2) the private sector: vate sector (38%). Indicators (9%) and labor and business, 3) indicators: descrip- foreign economic reports (16%) accounted tions of the economy, and 4) foreign eco- for the rest. The specific aspects of nomic news. Specific sub-categories are government economic activity coded are listed in Tables 1, 2 and 3. Each report was shown in Table I, which indicates the pro- placed in only one category based on its portion of news devoted to five major dominant theme. An industry classifica- government categories: executive policy tion scheme was also used. If a report (e.g., Reaganomics), spending, taxing, referred to a specific industry it was placed interventions, and state and local govern- in the appropriate category (if more than ment activity. Specific aspects of each one industry was mentioned the dominant major category are also shown. Note that one was coded). Table 3 contains the list categories are arrayed in logical order; if a of industries. Descriptions of specific report could not be described by more categories are included in the results specific labels it was placed in a general below. category (e.g., general spending policy vs Reliability. To determine if these cate- defense spending). Most news about the gorization schemes effectively classified federal government's spending role focused news reports, three judges coded a wide on the general budget, with such contro- range of stories to check agreement. There versial areas as defense, social security and was almost complete agreement as to welfare spending ranking next in emphasis. which reports to select for coding as eco- nomic reports (C.R.=.99).'* Those reports The government's role as an economic were in turn reliably categorized by sub- regulator was also emphasized on the ject matter (C.R.=.89) and by industry nightly news. The dominant category of (C.R.=.98). "economic behavior regulation" included Two other content characteristics were reports about the Federal Trade Commis- also coded. If a report summary men- sion, the Civil Aeronautics Board, and the tioned one or more governmental branches Environmental Protection Agency. As or figures, it was coded executive, con- expected, network news emphasized gressional, judicial or combinations of the government at the national level. The three." In addition, reports were checked actions of state and local government for their use of anecdotal information. If a received relatively minor coverage. In news report included personal examples of Table 2 the proportion of economic news individual economic behavior or impacts about labor and business is shown. The it was considered anecdotal (e.g., someone dominant labor category was collective out of work or worried about the high cost bargaining, which included strikes, de- of living). mands and negotiations. This is consistent with the traditional television news focus on conflict and dramatic stories. In busi- Results ness coverage, the "general business" cate- Although economic news traditionally gory included reports about business and implies the activities of the private sector. its products, whereas business activity re- fers to plant closings, and other types of '* Ole R. Holsii. Content Analysis for the Sociol Sdences ond business decisions. The major news Ihe Humonities (London: Addison-Wesky. 1979). emphasis was given to the prices business " If a branch of the federal fovemmenl was mentioned or one of its members, it was coded accordingly. For example, an charges for its products and its sometime eucutive mention would include tbe preiident. any of hu suff inability to provide those products (e.g., or cabinet, a department, or any executive agency A congres- sional mention would include any member of congreu. or crea- oil shortages). Table 2 also shows the tures of congrea. such as the Federal Reserve Boaid amount of coverage spent on the tradi- 140 JOURNALISM QUARTERLY TABLE I Proportion of Government Economic Newg Devoted to Subcategoriet Category of Govemment Time Reports Time Refwrtt Executive Policy 5% 5% Spending 38 37 General Spending 4% 5% Defenge 9 9 Domestic Aid 6 7 Foreign Aid 1 2 Social Programg (general) 5 4 Social Security 9 9 Welfare 9 8 Medical Care 6 5 Unemployment 3 4 Veterans 3 3 Education 2 3 Housing 1 1 Budget (general) 34 29 Budget (gpccific agencieg) 6 6 Federal Employeeg 2 3 100% IOO%(N=348) Taxing II 12 General Taxing 6 6 Federal Taxeg 77 67 Saleg/Gag Taxeg 14 21 Pogul Rateg 2 6 100% IOO%(N=II3) Interventiong 36 39 General Interventiong 2 2 Regulation of Economic Behavior 57 53 Tariffs/Import Feeg 19 18 Wage-Price Controlg IS 18 Anti-Tnigt 4 6 Monetary Regulation 3 4 100% IOO%(N=368) State and Local Govemment 9 7 Spending 25 22 Taxing 20 17 Interventiong 28 32 Relationg with Fed. Govt. 17 20 100% IOO%(N=67) 100% IOO%(N=934)

tional objective measures of how the actions of foreign governments received economy is doing.'* about as much coverage as the traditional The cost of living was the single most subjects of labor unrest and strikes. The commonly covered indicator. Inflation government action category included deci- and personal income were both included sions by groups of nations, such as in this category since they both affect con- O.P.E.C., many of which had a direct sumer buying power. This study also impact on the U.S. economy (Table 3). examined to what extent television covers

news about economic situations and deci- » ladicaiort do not itMhide the bfirf caplioM wbieb tama sions in other countries. The economic networks diiplay oa the Miten bafoK bitakii« for coaaMfoak Economic News on Network Television 141

TABLE 2 TABLE 3 Proportion of Labor, Busineii and Economic Proportion of Foreign Economic Newg indicator Reporu Devoted to Subcategorieg Devoted to Subcategorieg and Proportion of All Economic Newrg Category Time Reports Related to Specific Indugtrieg Labor Category Time Reports Employment 9% 8% General Foreign 16% 14% Union Activity 4 4 Govt. Economic Actiong 18 21 Strikes/Contracts/ Labor/Strikeg 18 20 Demandg 21 21 Priceg/Inflation 13 15 Buginess Trade Regulationg/ General Buginegg 6 5 Tariffg 10 10 Buginegg Activity 9 9 N=245 100% 100% Priceg 14 18 Indugtry Shortagcg 12 9 Energy 30% 28% Sakg 7 7 Food/Agriculture 13 15 Production 4 5 Automotive 10 13 Profits 4 5 Trangportation 10 10 Political Activity 4 5 Munieipal/Sute Govt. 9 6 Bankruptcy 3 3 Mining 5 4 Credit I I Manufacturing 3 4 N=950 100% 100% Housing 3 4 General Indicators 23% 22% Financial 3 4 Cost of Living 28 22 Education 3 2 Unemployment 12 9 Media/ Enteruinment 3 2 Bank Rates 8 13 Federal Govemment 3 3 G.N.P 8 10 Sports 3 2 6 5 Medicine Health 2 2 PubUc Opinion 6 4 Other 2 2 Trade Balance 5 II N= 1,480 100% 100% Gold Rate 2 2 Productivity 2 2 N=402 100% 100% cifically, what proportion of reports are presented visually with newsfilm, what Industries to which economic news re- proportion utilize anecdotal illustrations, fers are also listed in Table 3. Of all the and what proportion mentions sources stories coded, 43% mentioned some spe- from one of the three branches of federal cific industry. Not suprisingly, energy government. All three characteristics vary received the most coverage, since the study significantly across the major collapsed period included a major upheaval in the categories of economic news. General sources and prices of oil. The coverage reports about the economy ("Indicators") reflects the relative importance of the dif- were least likely to be ftlm stories (25%), ferent industries to the U.S. economy. As while labor stories were most apt to be the largest single manufacturing industry, visualized. The majority (S3%) of business automaking is the modal "blue-collar" TV stories were not visualized. This supports news story, while energy, farm and trans- the notion that the resources of television portation industries have the most wide- news organizations, in this case the film ranging impact on consumers. (Federal, crew, are most apt to be spent on the municipal and state governments were highly visualizable, graphic stories of con- treated as industries, when news reports flict like labor problems, rather than the dealt with their employees, such as the mil- more abstract and general reports of busi- itary, bureaucracies and city workers). ness activity. Table 4 describes how different catego- Reports were also examined for anecdo- ries of economic news are presented. Spe- tal treatment. Anecdotal was defined as 142 JOURNALISM QUARTERLY TABLE 4 Treatment and Mention of Government Sources ag Percent of Evening Network Newgcast Report! Economic Newg Vigualization Approach* Govemment Source Mentioned^ Toul Categories: Film No-Film Anecdoul General ExecuUve Congress JtMieiary Govemment 55.9% 44.1% 10.2% 89.8% 67.5% 16.0% 2.6% 36.8% Labor 60.8 39.2 26.4 73.6 22.5 1.3 1.9 12.5 Buginegs 47.3 52.7 17.9 82.1 25.4 5.9 14 25.4 Indicatorg 24.7 75.3 8.4 91.6 36.4 1.0 0 15.8 Foreign 49.8 50.2 3.8 96.2 13.4 .8 .4 9.6 Toul: 48.8 51.2 13.3 86.7 100.0 X»=I27.7 X>=8OI.5 d.f. =4 d.f. =4 d.f.=l2 p<.OOOI p<.OOOI p<.OOOI *A report was coded as completely anecdoul if it conuined any anecdoul features, e reports conUincd multiple mentions, so categorieg are not mutually exelusivt. illustrating a report with the individual ness and indicators) only about 28% on situation of one or more persons (e.g., an average mentioned the executive branch, unemployed autoworker or a housewife and only about 3% on average mentioned complaining about high prices at the congress or the judiciary. This difference supermarket. If one anecdotal illustration in findings may be due to the different was used, the entire report was considered time period studied, or that government an anecdotal report. Given that anecdotes news tends to lead the newscast (and this are often designed to show how events are study examined all newscast stories). affecting people like the viewer, it's not It is clear that government news is not surprising that foreign reports were least the only category including govemment likely to include them (4%). On the other sources.'* The executive branch is the hand, labor reports were most likely to be clear economic leader, judging by its dis- treated anecdotally (26%). By contrast, proportionate mentions compared to con- more abstract stories of the economy gress and the judicial branch. The greater ("indicators") were least likely to include number of executive mentions in the anecdotes (8%). Not only does labor news "indicators" category, compared with the lend itself to visualization but to anecdo- others, reflects the tendency of the White talization as well. House to take the lead in releasing eco- Table 4 also shows that government nomic ftgures, projections, etc. sources are included in a significant pro- The changes in newscast time devoted portion of economic stories. As Rubin has to economic stories is seen in Table S, shown, in a study of economic stories reported as the proportion of total news- from 1963 to I97S, the national audience cast time devoted' to economic stories. of network news causes it often to link Government economic news received the stories to national institutions (an analysis highest proportionate percentage of time of the three leading stories in CBS news- (8.S%), followed by business (S.4%) and casts showed that 80% of economic stories labor news (2.9%). Combining the labor, had political referents). By directing atten- business and indicator categories shows tion in that direction, he suggests that TV that an average of 10.7% of newstime was news stories imply an "expectation of devoted to those stories. Only the indica- action" from national political leaders.'^ •' Rabui. op. <*. This study does not reveal the high level of •• Note ibal a few tovcmaem Moria did not bave aay political references that Rubin found. In fovenuMM aMMiow. A ilo«y aboM tbe impael at wage aad the three categories most likely to conform price ecMrok, for eaaaiple, aaighl Bol bave meatioMd aay ipe- eific aawmmm body or ofrKiat, but would be coMidend a to Rubin's "economic news," (labor, busi- OAOMW UMCfVCMttOM. Economic News on Network Television 143 TABLES Economic News as a Percent of ToUl Evening Network Time*, 1973-1983

Year Economic News'* 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 II yr Categories Average Government 9% 8% 11% 6% 11% 9% 10% 5% II 8% 7% 9% Labor 2 3 2 3 3 4 2 5 5 3 3 Business 7 7 7 4 5 7 6 5 5 5 Indicators 2 3 3 I I 3 3 3 3 2 Labor/Business Indicators Combined 11 13 13 7 9 14 II 12 13 II Foreign I 2 2 2 2 I 3 5 3 2 'Although time percentages roughly mirror report percenuges (Tables I, 2 and 3) using time ensures that changes in length of stories over the years do not distort the findings, •^nly "Indicatorg" and the "Combined" categories show statistically signiHcant changes over the period, examined by month, F(I3I) = 2 2. p = .02and F(I3I) = 2.1. p = .03, respectively. tors category and the combined category hostages were taken toward the end of (perhaps by the contribution of indicators) 1979, and when their release seemed show statistically significant differences imminent late in 1980. Between those over the 11 year period. None of the pro- times. howe\er, the economy was given portions, however, vary substantially from greater attention during the brief recession one year to the next, and no systematic of 1980. The election of Ronald Reagan trend up or down is evident. propelled the economy back into promi- The Arab oil embargo was responsible nence. The debate over the spending and for a major increase in the time devoted to taxing philosophy of "Reaganomics" is economic news. Economic news appears reflected in the peaks in government eco- to peak on either side of the 1974 reces- nomic news during the first quarters of sion, but takes a major dip to accommo- each year during this administration, date news about Watergate and the when budgets were presented. The cover- summer resignation of President Nixon. age of labor and business news became Following Watergate, however, economic proportionately stronger during the reces- news makes a steep comeback, the rise sion of 1981-82. falling off along with coinciding with President Ford's much- government coverage as the recovery maligned "Whip Inflation Now" program. commenced. Following the end of the recession, the period surrounding the fall of Saigon Discussion shows a strong dip in economic coverage. This examination of network economic News about the economy was further news shows it represents a significant pro- reduced during the Bicentennial and elec- portion of each evening's stories. There tion periods of 1976. A general rise in cov- does not appear to be any significant erage followed the election, coinciding change in total amount of coverage, but, with a natural gas shortage in early 1977 rather, the economic "newshole" is sus- and a period of strong economic expan- ceptible to competition from other major sion from mid 1977 through the end of news events. Events toward the end of the 1978 (the late 1970s were also marked by Iranian hostage crisis, for example, appear soaring inflation and interest rates). to have pushed economic news out of the The Iran crisis severely curtailed the picture altogether. Television news appears amount of time available for economic to treat economic stories in a similar news, especially when tensions rose and fashion to other topics. Labor stories (a 144 JOURNALISM QUARTERLY large part of which are strike-related) are mentioned. Whether this emphasis height- more likely to be treated visually and ens viewer expectations for corrective anecdotally than other economic catego- action from the national government is an ries. These stories no doubt lend them- empirical question left for future re- selves more readily to television's demand search.*^ for graphic events involving conflict and This study has sought to describe the human interest. More general stories variety and extent of economic news on about business and the state of the econ- television, beyond the traditional focus on omy are more difficult to visualize or "business news" or stories about "the frame in human terms. economy." Future content studies should The extent to which stories are treated examine additional attributes of such sto- anecdotally has important implications ries. It would be especially important to for the audience. Numerous psychological guage whether they evaluate conditions experiments have shown that concrete negatively or positively. Given the tre- (anecdotal) information is more persua- mendous political stake in how the public sive and more often used to make induc- perceives conditions, it is important to tions than abstract (general) evidence, know how news depicts the economy, and suggesting that concrete, emotionally inter- whose views are given most weight (e.g., esting information is more accessible the White House vs. Congressional crit- through existing schemas or "scripts."'* ics). Objectively determining how media People may be more likely to overestimate cover the economy is an important step in the severity of economic conditions if they both evaluating how media respond to see the plights of the jobless and homeless economic conditions through their organ- emphasized anecdotally on the evening izational imperatives and how that manu- news, as opposed to hearing just the objec- factured content affects audience opinion. tive indicators. X Richanl E. NUbclt. Euaenc •orgida. Rick Crandall lad Whether anecdotal or general, the Harvey Reed. -Popular laductiOK laroraaiiMi It Not Necei- impressions that the public cultivates from •ariiy laTonBalivc.' ia John S. Carrolt and John W. Pkyac edt.. Cognition and Social Behavior (Hilbdale. N J.: taurcMe the news media have important implica- Eribaua. 1976). tions for consumer psychology. Buying » ShaMo lyo^r. Donald R. Kinder. Jott A. Krouiick aad and voting decisions, in turn, hinge on Mark O. Petcn. The Eveniag News ami Pmidealial Evalua- tion*.* Joumal 1^Personality and Social Psychology, 46:T7M7 these attitudes. News emphasis on certain (19*4) and Shamo lyea^. M.D. Peten and D.R. Kinder. issues has been shown to affect the weight -Experimenul Demonalraiiom of Ihe Not-So-Minimal ConM- quenocs of Television News.' American Political Science those issues are given when subjects are Revieyt. T6:ia>SI (1912). asked to make political judgments.^ Cer- " Rubin, op. Ht. tainly, television news does "politicize" " The Media InKilulc content analyied televiiioo news cov- economic stories (although perhaps not as eraac of the enerfv ciiaea and published a report critical of the much as Rubin found^'), and that politici- relianot on fovemmeni sources and overemphasis on "non- •arkct' (i.e.. aovemment) solutions; the coven coocem wu zation is primarily "executivization." The that the coverage would enfcnder comparable audienee views. president and his branch are mentioned Leonard J. Theberr (ed.) TV Cover^e ofthe Oil Crises: How Well Was Iht Public Served? Vol. It (Wasbii^na. D.C: The of the time any government actor is Media InstituU. I9«2).

AMERICAN TV IN THE PHILIPPINES (Continued from page 72) viewers to consider pleasure an important imporunt than infrequent viewers. There value. Our typical respondent considered is some evidence, then, that frequent view- salvation, wisdom and forgiving to be ing of American television is related to imporunt values, but frequent viewers of some erosion of traditional Filipino values American TV (which does not emphasize in our samples. these values) considered them to be less