RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL LIFE OF RELIGIOUS MINORITIES

A CASE STUDY OF BAHÁ’Í AND PARSI COMMUNITIES OF PAKISTAN

Abdul Fareed 101-FU/PhD/F08

DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE RELIGION

FACULTY OF ISLAMIC STUDIES,

INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD

RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL LIFE

OF RELIGIOUS MINORITIES

A CASE STUDY OF BAHÁ’Í AND PARSI COMMUNITIES OF PAKISTAN

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of

Philosophy (PhD) in Comparative Religion

By

Abdul Fareed

Registration no. 101-FU/PhD/F08

Under the Supervision of

Dr. Muhammad Imtiaz Zafar

DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE RELIGION FACULTY OF ISLAMIC STUDIES, INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD ١ذو القعدة ١٤١٦ من الهجرة /Submitted on: August17, 2015 C.E

Statement of Undertaking

I Abdul Fareed Reg. No. 101/FU/PHD/F-08 and student of Ph.D. Comparative Religion,

Faculty of Islamic Studies, International Islamic University Islamabad do hereby solemnly declare that the thesis entitled ‘ Religious and Social Life of the Religious Minorities: A case

Study of Bahá’í and Parsi Communities of Pakistan’ submitted by me in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Ph.D. is my original work, except where otherwise acknowledge in the text, and has not been submitted or published earlier and so not in future, be submitted by me for any degree this University or institution.

Abdul Fareed

APPROVAL

It is certified that Mr. Abdul Fareed s/o Abdul Raheem Reg.No.101-FU/PhD/F08 has successfully defended his thesis titled: Religious and Social Life of the Religious Minorities:

A case Study of Bahá’í and Parsi Communities of Pakistan in viva-voce examination held in the Department of Comparative Religion, Faculty of Islamic Studies( Usuluddin) , International Islamic University, Islamabad. He fulfils the requirements for award of the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy (Ph.D) in Comparative Religion

Approved by:

______Prof.Dr Anis Ahmad Prof.Dr. Safeer Akhter External Examiner External Examiner

______Dr Bilal Ahmad Dr. Muhammad Imtiaz Zafar Internal Examiner Supervisor

______Dr Qaiser Shahzad Dean Head Faculty of Islamic Studies (Usuluddin) Department of Comparative Religion International Islamic University Islamabad

التاريخ______:Date PREFACE

In the name of Allah, The Beneficent, The Merciful

All Praise be to Almighty Allah Who is the Creator of the whole universe and the Benefactor of the mankind. Allah says in Holy Qur’┐n, the last and the ultimate source of guidance: ‘Such is the admonition given to him who believes in Allah and the Last Day. And for those who fear

Allah, He (ever) prepares a way out. And He provides for him from (sources) he never could imagine.’(65:2-3) The blessings and mercy of Allah be upon His last messenger, Mu╒ammad, the Prophet of mercy for the whole world. Minority studies especially the case study of the minorities which are living in the diaspora is a multidimensional topic of research. Bahá’ís and

Parsis can be listed among the minorities which are living on this land for centuries before the creation of Pakistan. Both similarities and differences can be figured out between the above- mentioned minorities. The significance of these minorities cannot be gauged by the numbers which is nominal but it lies in the unique and attractive culture and tradition of the adherents of the duo.This dissertation is a result of almost three years of study and substantial research in the field. After completing the Ph.D. formal course, the researcher engaged in discussions with the respected teachers and indebted colleagues regarding the area to focus for research. Thus, the topic was selected. After the partial completion of this research, it seems essential to pay my gratitude to all those who motivated my interest in such an important topic. The researcher's acquaintances proved to be beacons who kept him motivated to complete the dissertation. The researcher discussed the research topic with his esteem teacher Dr. Nabil al-

Fouli who appreciated the researcher and added his knowledge to the work. The researcher i discussed the idea with Dr. Muhammad Akram who helped him with his valuable suggestions and offering his profitable time. Furthermore, the idea was also discussed with and explored by respected Dr. Drakhshan who made it possible to get approval for the research topic from the concerned faculty and university. Raees Ahmad Mughal introduced the researcher to the members of the Bahá’í community of Peshawar and Islamabad and his uninterrupted help proved to be a blessing. The researcher thanks, here, the Bahá’í community of Pakistan which did not hesitate to share the specific culture and traditions of the community with him during research work. The person, Mr. Ramin Nabeelzadeh, was a relentless help and he provided relevant books and arranged for the researcher's attendance in the Bahá’í meetings and ceremonies held in Islamabad and Karachi. The above-mentioned name, also, had arduous discussions related to the Bahá’í community. The researcher became acquainted with the Parsi community by having discussions with Dr. Framji Minwala and Farishta Dinshaw. The researcher, also, enjoyed occasional discussions related to his research area with few scholars like Prof. Dr. Anis Ahmad, Dr. Safeer Akhter, Dr. Mazhar Yasin Siddiqui and Dr. Muhammad

Sajjad. Dr. Muhammad Imtiaz Zafar, the supervisor, is the most important name while the research. He is the venerated teacher and mentor whose incessant support and guidance played a vital role in the completion of the dissertation. He has a special place in the career of the researcher, also. Dr Zafar showed great patience and consideration during contact with him. I am highly indebted to him for his intellectual competence and guidance. May Allah shower

His blessings over him and reward him the best in this world and the hereafter. I would like to acknowledge all members of Bahá’í and Parsi community who provided valuable

ii information and knowledge during the research, field work and interviews. All of them are difficult to list here, however, the researcher expresses his gratitude to all of them. And now, last but not least, the researcher would like to thank his wife who stood with him during the research work. Her humbleness and love made the researcher's life pleasant and cheerful through different stages of the dissertation and the children have been a source of constant inspiration and encouragement. The prayers of my parents are a continuous support for me.

May Allah bless all.

Abdul Fareed

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ABSTRACT

Pakistan is a diverse society with varied ethnic and religious minorities. Pakistan is an enormously plural country characterized by religious, sectarian and ethno-linguistic diversities.

It has an overwhelming Muslim population comprises more than ninety-six percent of its 182 million people follow Islam. Islam is declared the state religion of Pakistan. There are religious minorities who identify themselves as non-Muslim Pakistanis. The constitution of Pakistan is a safeguard for the minorities which provides religious and social rights to the minorities. Two of the minorities which are not in much limelight in Pakistani society are the Bahá’ís and the

Parsis. Both are said to be the religions living in the diaspora. It appears a good case study of the religions in migration. They are living in a very small number in Pakistan but remain successful in keeping their identity. Socially and religiously, both the communities are enthusiastic to follow the respective religious traditions and practices. The status of the social life of these two religious minorities of Pakistan and their role in Pakistani society is not very much evident. These communities share similarities and differences. The differences overshadow the points of agreement. This study is conducted on the social issues of different but selected religious communities and minorities. This study aims to identify consistency and transformation in the social status of the Bahá’ís and Parsis of Pakistan. An attempt is made to analyze the factors responsible for the change in the social status. It is concluded and analyzed that there is a significant difference between these two minorities. This study is aimed to analyze these religions in Pakistan on ethnic identity and on the institutional parameters

iv identified and applied by these communities themselves, i.e. the individual, community and institution. Objectives of the study are to understand the history, social status and current situation of these religious communities of Pakistan as well as their practices and socio-religious and economic aspects. Furthermore, the research is an attempt of ethnographic description of the two communities in which the researcher tried to render a ‘true to life’ picture of what people say and how they act.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface ……………………………………………………………… i

Abstract……………………………………………………………… iv

Table of Contents…………………………………………………… vi

Introduction …………………………………………...... xv

Introduction of the Subject..……………………...... xv

Literature Review……………………………………………. xix

Statement of the Problem…………………………………… xxxi

Research Methodology …………………………...... xxxii

Scheme of Chapters …………………………………………. xxxiv

CHAPTER 1 ………………………………………………… 1

The Historical Account of the existence of the Religious Minorities

1.1 Introduction……………………………………………… 1

1.1.1 The Muslim Rule in India………………………… 1

1.1.2 British Colonial Rule 6

1.1.3 The Independence Movement and the Creation of Pakistan 15

1.1.4 Formation of All India Muslim League 17

1.1.5 Jinnah’s Vision 25

1.1.6 Islamization and Minorities 33

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1.2 Minorities and their Rights 40

1.2.1 Islam and the Rights of Minorities 41

1.2.2 Qur’┐n and the Minorities 43

1.2.3 S┘rah of the Prophet and Muslim Minorities 46

1.2.4 Rights of Minorities in Pakistan 49

1.2.5 Religious Rights of Non-Muslims 50

1.2.6 Religious Minorities and the Constitution of Pakistan 52

1.3 The Religious Minorities of Pakistan- An Overview 54

CHAPTER 2 …………………………………………………... 57

BAHÁ’ÍS OF PAKISTAN

2.1 Origin and Development of Bahá’í Faith 58

2.1.1 ‘Báb’, the Gate 61

2.1.2 Bahá’u’lláh-The Glory of God 67

2.1.3 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá 82

2.1.4 Shoghi Effendi-Wali Amrullah 87

2.2 Bahá’í Faith, Teachings and Practices 91

2.2.1 The Concept of God in Bahá’í Faith 92

2.2.2 Life after Death 94

2.2.3 Heaven and Hell 96

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2.2.4 Universal Unity 98

2.2.5 Prayer 102

2.2.6 Fasting 103

2.2.7 Inheritance 104

2.2.7 Pilgrimage 106

2.3 Bahá’íAdministration 107

108 (ولي أمرأهلل) Guardian of Faith 2.3.1

2.3.2 The Universal House of Justice 108

2.4 Holy Books and Bahá’í Scriptures 110

2.4.1 The Writings of Bahá’u’lláh 110

1. Kalimat-i-Maknoonah 111

2. Kitab-i-Iqan 113

3. Kitab-i-Aqdas 114

4. Other Writings of Bahá’u’lláh 117

2.5 History of Bahá’í Faith in Asia 119

2.5.1 The Early Converts and Preachers 119

2.5.2 Bahá’í Faith comes to Pakistan 123

a. The Pre-Partition Period 123

b. Growth of Bahá’í Faith: Post-Independence 125

2.6 The Bahá’í Community of Pakistan 131

2.6.1 The Early Bahá’í Community 131

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2.6.2 The Early Bahá’í Individuals of Pakistan 132

2.6.3 Bahá’í Institutions in Pakistan 145

a. Local Spiritual Assembly 146

b. National Spiritual Assembly 148

2.6.4 Bahá’í Centers 152

2.7 The Social Life of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan 154

2.7.1 Nineteen Day Feast 154

2.7.2 The Bahá’í Family Structure 156

2.7.3 The Institution of Marriage 157

2.7.4 Marriage Ceremony in Pakistan 159

2.7.5 Exogamy 161

2.7.6 Rising of Children 162

2.7.7 Role of Women 163

2.7.8 Education 165

2.7.9 The New Day School 167

2.8 The Social Activities of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan 169

a. Study Circle 170

b. Devotional Gatherings 171

c. Children Classes 172

d. Social Activities 173

e. Junior Youth Spiritual Empowerment Program 173

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2.8.2 Socialization of Bahá’í Community 174

2.8.3 The Persian Influence 177

2.9 The Bahá’í Calendar and its Observation in Pakistan 178

2.9.1 Celebration of Navruz 180

2.9.2 Eid-e-Rizwan 181

2.9.3 Birth of Bahá’u’lláh 183

2.9.4 Day of the Covenant 184

2.10 Community Affairs of the Bahá’í of Pakistan 187

2.10.1 Funeral 187

2.10.2 Dress 187

2.10.3 Language 188

2.10.4 Population 188

2.10.5 Conversion 192

2.10.6 How to Become a Bahá’í 193

2.10.7 Government of Pakistan and Bahá’í Religion 196

CHAPTER 3 ……………………………………………………….. 198

PARSIS OF PAKISTAN

3.1 Origin and Development of Parsi Faith 199

3.1.1 Introduction 199

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3.1.2 Life and Teachings of Zarathushtra 200

3.1.3 Basic Beliefs 203

3.1.4 The Two Spirits: A Riddle 204

3.1.5 The Free Will 205

3.1.6 Reward and Punishment 205

3.1.7 Fire Reverence 208

3.1.8 Zoroastrians towards Monotheism 209

3.1.9 Sacred Text 209

a. Avesta 207

b. Zand Avesta 210

c. The Great Avesta 211

d. Gathas 212

e. Yasna Haptanghaiti 212

f. Yasna 213

g. The Vendidad 213

h. The Visperad 213

i. The Yashts 213

3.1.10 Other Sacred Texts 214

3.2 History of Parsis in Asia 215

3.2.1 Historical Account 215

3.2.2 Early Settlement of Parsis 218

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3.2.3 Parsi Faith comes to Pakistan 225

3.3 The Parsi Community of Pakistan 231

3.3.1 Religious Life of a Pakistani Parsi 231

3.3.2 The Symbol of a Parsi: Sudreh and Kusti 235

3.3.3 Navjote 236

3.3.4 Five Daily Prayers 239

3.3.5 Parsi Places of Worship in Pakistan 241

3.3.6 Parsi Priesthood in Pakistan 245

3.3.7 Parsi Institutions of Pakistan 248

a. Karachi Zarthosti Banu Mandal (KZBM) 249

b. Karachi Parsi Institute (KPI) 252

3.3.8 Contribution of the Parsis of Pakistan 267

3.4 The Social Life of Parsis of Pakistan 267

3.4.1 Parsi Individual 267

3.4.2 The Issue of Identity 267

3.4.3 Culture 268 xii

3.4.4 Professional and Economical Life of a Parsi 269

3.4.5 Life as a Pakistani Citizen 269

3.4.6 Future Vision of a Parsi Individual 270

3.4.7 Parsi Festivals and Calendar in Pakistan 271

3.5 Community Affairs of the Parsis of Pakistan 274

3.5.1 Community over Religion 274

3.5.2 Language 275

3.5.3 Dress 275

3.5.4 Religiosity of Parsi Community 276

3.5.5 Population 278

3.5.6 Irani Zoroastrians of Pakistan 282

3.5.7 Reasons of Decline in Population 283

3.5.8 Career and Profession 284

3.5.9 Institution of Marriage 284

3.5.10 Exogamy 286

3.5.11 Funeral 291

CHAPTER 4 ………………………………………………… 293

ANALYSIS AND COMPARISON

4.1 History Timeline 293

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4.2 Connection with Islam 294

4.3 Persian Descent 296

4.4 Rituals and Rites 297

4.5 Conversion and Preaching 298

4.6 Priest Hood 299

4.7 Population 300

4.8 Identity Issue 301

4.9 Politics 302

4.10 Contribution of the Community 303

4.11 Governing Body 304

4.12 Community versus Religion 304

4.13 Religion in Diaspora 306

CONCLUSION 308

RECOMMENDATIONS 317

Bibliography 319

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INTRODUCTION

It is an historical fact that when the globe witnessed the creation of many states along geographical, linguistic and racial lines in the twentieth century, Pakistan was founded along the ideological lines. The idea of the creation of Pakistan and the struggle to carve a separate homeland revolved around religious symbolism. The first half of the twentieth century bears witness to the events which unfolded in the sub-continent and made the creation of Pakistan as a separate land where Muslims could preserve their identity and protect their lives, inevitable.

Pakistan is created in the name of Islam, although Islam was explicitly declared state religion in the 1973 constitution. Muslims are an overwhelming majority in Pakistan. The statistics reveal that more than 96 percent of the 182 million population of Pakistan are

Muslims.

However, it is important to mention that Pakistan is a plural society characterized by religious and ethno-linguistic diversities. To delimit the religious minorities; one may quote Christians,

Hindus, Qadianis or Ahmedis, Bahá’ís, Jains, Kalash, Parsis, Sikhs, et al. Many diverse elements along the ethnic, racial and linguistic lines can be figured out in the body politics of the land.

Thus, Pakistan cannot be termed as a landmass where only Muslims breathe. The social scientists define the term ‘minority’ as a social group with a social and cultural identity distinct from the dominant culture within a demographic. Ergo, it can be said that different religions exist along with the dominant Islam in Pakistan.

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Pakistan is scrutinized very critically regarding her treatment of the minorities. The society has witnessed recurrent incidents that target the religious minorities; consequently, these attacks give a bad name to the state. It is no surprise, Pakistan is labeled as a "suffocated land" for the minorities. However, the attacks and persecution of religious minorities cannot be termed as state-sponsored discrimination. The constitution of Pakistan provides full religious liberty and rights to the minorities. The minorities are independent in performing their religious activities and opportunities are given to them to participate in the social, economic and political activities of the country.

There are few religious minorities which do not find considerable space in the discussions and arguments of the intelligentsia. Bahá’ís and Parsis are among those religious minorities which are rarely mentioned in the discourse. Both are recorded as ‘migrant religions’ or ‘religions in diaspora’. Both have their roots in Iran. Bahá’ísm is the religion introduced by Bahá’u’lláh in

Iran during the nineteenth century and now has a sizeable following around the globe. The

Bahá’í faith, founded almost a century and a half ago, claims it one of the fastest growing religions of the world with more than five million followers, today. The Bahá’í faith today is comprised of different social, cultural and religious backgrounds. In the early years, most of the

Bahá’ís in the world were Iranians. Now, people of other nationalities constitute the world

Bahá’í population. The expansion of the Bahá’í faith took place throughout the early twentieth century and reached the subcontinent Indo-Pak mainly via interpersonal contacts. The history of the Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan is as old as the Bahá’í Faith itself. The Bahá’í faith reached the

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Indo- Pakistan subcontinent through the efforts of a Bahá’í teacher Jamal Effendi, who was sent by Baha’u’llah in 1875. Effendi landed in Mumbai (erstwhile known as Bombay). It was brought to Karachi, now the part of Pakistan, by the early Bahá’ís in 1910. In Pakistan, its existence presents a complex social and religious phenomenon. On one hand, it has fault lines with

Sunni and Shi’a sects of Islam; while on the other hand, the spiritual and administrative heart of the Bahá’í community is located in the twin cities of ‘Akká and Haifa in Israel. Moreover, the regional center of Asia is located in Delhi, India. In 1981, the Bahá’í community was declared a separate religious minority in the constitution of Pakistan. In social context, Bahá’ís of Pakistan have diverse linguistic and regional backgrounds and belongs to different schools of thought. They contribute towards the social welfare of the society and are free to perform their religious duties.

Parsi or Parsee refers to a member of the Zoroastrian community in South Asia. According to

Parsi historical literature and traditions, the Parsis migrated to India from Iran during tenth century of the Common Era. After their settlement in India at the shores of Gujarat, the Parsis moved to other parts of the Indian subcontinent. Most of them settled down in Bombay (now

Mumbai). A number of Parsis migrated to Karachi and established their communities and businesses, there. Although, they constitute very small proportion in Pakistan, the Parsis keep their identity, alive. The Parsi community is one of the most educated communities of Pakistan.

They run several good academic institutions in Pakistan. The community is famed to be a very peaceful community and has produced many eminent intellectuals. The Parsi community is a

xvii very active and vibrant community of Pakistan. Their places of worship are located in Karachi and Lahore.

Significance of the Topic

All these dimensions present a topic that is worth study. Moreover, most of the Bahá’í community of Pakistan are religious migrants. It is a good example of religion in migration from one place to another and an important religious minority in Pakistan. The social structure of the above-mentioned religious minorities and their role in Pakistani society has never been analyzed in a logical manner. Hence, a research is to be conducted on the different aspects of religious minorities' lives. Instead of keeping into accounts the dynamics of such social group, trivial issues usually dormant finer point of their cultural behavior and moral conduct. This study aims to reveal permanence, change in the social status of the religious minorities of

Pakistan, and analyze the factors, which lead to the constancy and change. Findings of the research would contribute to various disciplines as history, sociology, anthropology of religions, public policy and human rights. Besides, this study aims to analyze these religions in

Pakistan on ethnic identity and on the institutional parameters identified and applied by these communities themselves, i.e. the individual, community and institution. Objectives of the study are to understand the history, social status and contemporary situation of the religious communities of Pakistan. It aims at studying socio-religious and economic aspects of their lives.

xviii

The study highlighted the issues faced by the religious minorities in Pakistan from a social perspective within and without. It also focused the organizational setup of these communities and to some extent; it discussed the professional, social, economic and political activities of individuals and factions of these minorities.

Literature Review

Academic literature in English and other European languages, dealing with the different social and religious aspects of Bahá’ís and Bahá’í faith, counts to thousands of papers and books that are written and produced in the last hundred years. Same is the case of Zoroastrianism and the

Parsis. However, Bahá’í community in Pakistan is one of the least researched themes. The different cultural, religious, regional, and institutional contexts in the study of Bahá’í faith have been dealt with by several authors in the West. It is worth mentioning here that a bulk of Bahá’í literature is produced by the Bahá’í Publishing Centers established in many countries by Bahá’ís themselves The produced works are later translated in more than four hundred languages. Most of the published literature comprises the topics of their faith, beliefs and history.

Some of the early existing literature provides the basic material for the proposed research. The most distinguished work is John. E Esslemont’s Baha'u'llah and the New Era: An Introduction to the Bahá’í Faith. In the book, Esslemont dealt with the topic beautifully and this work stands out as fine introductory book with academic treatment of the subject matter. In this compact work, Esslemont, comprehensively and concisely, puts pen to paper the teachings of

Baha'u'llah and his work. It is an essential and a fundamental reading for the students of comparative religion. This book contains the basic and general information about the history, xix origin, religion and traditions of Bahá’í Faith. He discusses the early historical development of

Bahá’í Faith and religion. Esslemont outlines the theology of Bahá’ísm providing extracts from

Bahá’í scriptures. He also gives information on the Bahá’í prayers and practices. Esslemont provides information about the lives and teachings of Báb, Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Initial information about ‘What is a Bahá’í’, their prayers, religious unity and civilization could be found in the last chapters. This book was first published in 1923 and has been translated into dozens of languages including Urdu. It is considered to be the most cited and circulated book on Bahá’í Faith.

Another significant work on the topic is offered by Peter Smith; Bábi and Bahá’í Religions:

From Messianic Shi’ism to A World Religion, in which the author elaborates the evolution of

Bahá’í Faith through different historical stages. The overall treatment of the topic is guided by the sociological factors, principles and themes; resultantly, his work provides new approaches to study Bahá’í community. This is an outstanding excellent academic and historical introduction to the Babi and Bahá’í faith. The author covers the emergence of Bahá’í Faith which started from the Bábi movement by Báb in the mid-19th century to its historical development and its appearance on the globe as a new religion. There are three parts of this book. The first part deals with the historical development of the Faith which emerged as Bábi movement. It describes the main motifs of Báb and his teachings. The author traces the emergence of Bábism from Shaykhism and analyses the socio-religious aspect of the Bábi movement. In part two, Peter Smith presents the transformation of Bábism into Bahá’ísm. In this part Smith discusses the role and leadership of Bahá’u’lláh. He considers the expansion of

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Bahá’í faith a result of the dynamic and charismatic leadership of Bahá’u’lláh. Smith presents the teachings of Bahá’í faith and the condition of the community in Iran. In the third part of the book the author presents the expansion of Bahá’í Faith as a world religion. Smith provides information about the early American Bahá’í community and the institutionalization in the formative age. He also discusses the modern Bahá’í motifs and the worldwide expansion of the

Faith. Smith very briefly gives information regarding the establishment of Bahá’ís in India and

Pakistan. Smith primarily analyzes the historical development of Bahá’í Faith. He does not deal with the differences in religious and organizational setup of Bahá’í religion. The book was first published in 1987.

The Bahá’í Faith: A Beginner’s Guide by Moojan Momen published in 2008 contains general discourse on the origin, history, culture, practices and the current situation of Bahá’í world.

This is a useful handbook on the social and communal aspects of Bahá’í community. Momen discusses the individual, family and the society of the Bahá’ís. It is a short introduction to the

Bahá’í faith which provides a general overview of the teachings and history of the religion for the beginners.

Another book titled, The Genesis of the Bábi-Bahá’í Faiths in Shiraz and Fars by Mirza Habibullah

Afnan. This is actually the translation of Tarikh Amri Fars va Shiraz. It is translated and edited by Ahang Rabbani. Ahang Rabbani very well explained this valuable work which is a primary historical document on the Bahá’í faith in Persian language. In this valuable account the author describes the historical account of the Bábi movement and then its transformation into Bahá’í

xxi faith. The author provides the information of the persecution of the Bábis and Bahá’ís in the cities of Shiraz and Fars. The appendices, the bibliography and the indexes make the book valuable. The book was published in 2008.

Nabil Zarandi was a Bahá’í poet. He wrote the chronological history of the early Bahá’í fiath starting from the Shaykhi period, named Tarikh-i-Nabil. It was written in the late nineteenth century. Later it was translated and edited by Shoghi Effendi under the title ‘The Dawn-Breakers:

Nabil’s Narrative of the Early Days of Bahá’í Revelation. It was first published by the Bahá’í publishing committee New York in 1932. Tarikh-i-Nabil intends to record the history of the emergence of the Bahá’í faith right from the beginning of the Bábi movement. It provides the early development of the faith and the situation of the state of Persia and its decadence in the middle of the 19th century. It discusses the distinguish features of Shi’a Islam, the genealogy of the Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be upon him), and the law and administration of Persia under the Qajar dynasty. It gives a detailed life history of Báb and Bahá’u’lláh. It provided a spiritual and doctrinal reading of the history of the faith from a Bahá’í perspective.

Another book by one of the experts on Bahá’í faith and a well-known author, Peter Smith, is

A Concise Encyclopedia of the Bahá’í Faith published in 2000 and reprinted in 2002. This is a comprehensive encyclopedia to the newly emerged faith. Smith traces the history, origins and the development of Bahá’í faith. Smith introduces the central figures and important events of the faith. The author provides an overview of the Bahá’í scriptures, practices and teachings along with the pictures and photos in alphabetical order. This book is unique and an accessible valuable reference book. Contemporary studies on Bahá’í faith and beliefs are substantial. Some

xxii of the work is said to be academic and research based. Bahá’í literature is produced in local languages of Pakistan and reveals a quite different picture. For Instance, Bashir Ahmad’s

Bahá’íat: Israel ki Khufia Saisi Tanzeem (Bahá’í Religion: Covert Political Organization of Israel) analyzes and focuses on the basic teachings of Bahá’í faith and raises critical questions of political and sociological nature. It is much a polemic book.An early work on the same subject- matter published in 1933 from Karachi, is Sanaullah Amritsari’s Baha’u’llah aur Mirza

(Baha’u’llah and Mirza) which is polemic in its nature and compares the teachings and techniques of Bahá’u’lláh with Mirza Ghulam Ahmed of Qadian, the founder of Ahmadi faith.

Muslim firqoon ka Encyclopaedia (Encyclopaedia of Muslim Sects) by Naeem Akhter Sindho writes few introductory pages about this faith, which is mainly taken from the literature of

Bahá’ís.

Syed Muhammad Waris Hamdani, a Bahai, writes the history of Bahá’í faith in three volumes in Urdu namely Sultanate-e-Illahiya (The Divine Kingdom). His work bears a close relevance to our topic in historical perspective to a certain degree.

There are some dissertations of doctorate about the Bahá’í faith.1 V. E. Johnson’s, Ph.D. thesis

An Historical Analysis of Critical transformations in the Evolution of the Bahá’í World Faith, and the PhD thesis of A. Hampson, The Growth and Spread of the Bahá’í Faith to some extent have relevance to the topic as it provides a historical learning as well as guide for research methods specific to this topic. Another PhD dissertation titled The Bahá’í Faith in Malwa: A Study of a

1 For a complete list of dissertations and theses, see annex 1 xxiii

Contemporary Religious Movement was completed by William Garlington in 1975. It was about the origin and development of the Bahá’í faith in one of the Indian region Malwa. It is a region in west-central India. It includes the districts of Western Madhya Pradesh and the parts of south- eastern Rajasthan. Indore is the largest city and commercial center of the region. The researcher observed the growth of the Bahá’í faith at Malwa. He intends to present the rituals, doctrines, beliefs, the local administration and the system of education of Bahá’í faith at this local village of India.

Edward Granville Browne (1862-1926) was a British orientalist who devoted quite a major part of his life in the study of Babi movement and Baha’i faith. He was among those scholars of these faith who published many articles and books on these faiths. While Browne is much respected and well known among the modern members of the Baha’i community for the description of his meeting with Bahaullah. After his visit of Iran, Browne gave a number of lectures at different universities on Babi and Baha’i movements and wrote a number of books on the topic in 1889. In 1890 Browne traveled to Cyprus and Akka and spent time with Mirza

Yahya in Cyprus and one week in Akka with Bahaullah. At Akka he interviewed Bahaullah.

Browne wrote extensively on the importance of the Baha’i faith. One of the earliest and most important translation of Browne about the Babi religion was A Traveler’s Narrative first published by Cambridge University Press in 1891. The book was in Persian titled Makala-i-

Shakhsi Sayyah der Qazia Biyan Navisht ast with anonymous writer published in 1886. But it is assumed that it was written by Abdul Baha. It is about the history of Bab and about the religious movement started by Bab. In the introduction Browne wrote that ‘…this book is the history

xxiv of a proscribed and persecuted sect written by one of themselves. After suffering in silence for nigh upon half a century, they at length find voice to tell their tale and offer their apology. Of this voice I am the interpreter.’ The book contains not only the translation of the original text but also contains a critical introduction, with explanatory extensive notes by Browne. Further,

Browne added others texts, documents, and index. This book also describes the teaching and exile Bahaullah. In 1893 he translated The Tarikh-e-Jadid of Mirza Husayn Hamadani.

Another remarkable work of Browne is the book Materials for the Study of Babi Religion published by him in 1918. This book is mainly the collection of different documents collected by Browne. This book has eleven sections with an introduction and an index. In the introduction, Browne presented the contents and matters of each section. In section 1 he presented the English translation of Mirza Muhammad Jawad of Qazwin’s writings which are about the historical and biographical sketch of Babi movement, life of Bahaullah and the Baha’i propaganda in America. Section II deals with the Bahai propaganda by Dr Khayrullah and his converts with remarkable success. Section III contains a bibliography of everything written by or about the Babis and Bahais in eastern and western languages. (pg. xi). Section IV contains the text and translation, with photographic fac-similes. Section V contains a moving account by an

Austrian officer, Captain von Goumoens. Section VI contains the fac-similes, texts and translations of two Persian State papers. Section VII contains accounts received at the time from various correspondents as to the persecutions of Bábís at Isfahán. Section VIII contains the translation of an account of the death and burial of Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i- Azal. Section

IX contains a list of the descendants of Mírzá Buzurg of Núr in Mázandarán, the father of both

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Bahá'u'lláh and Subhi-i-Azal. Section X contains a condensed summary in English of a portion of the polemical work Ihqáqu'l-Haqq dealing with the principal doctrines of the Bábís and

Bahá'ís deemed heretical by the Shias. Section XI which concludes the volume, contains the texts, accompanied in some cases by translations, of one unpublished and two already published poems by Qurratu'l-`Ayn and of two poems by Nabíl of Zarand. Brown also edited a very basic book for the study of Babi religion that is the Kitab-i-Nuqtat al-Kaf printed in Leiden in

1910. It contains the primary material for the study of Babism.

According to Nicholson, the work of Browne on Babism may be supplemented in future and it can never be superseded.2 As mentioned above, Browne has given the details of the books and unpublished works in his last book on the subject, Materials for the Study of Babi Religion.

But his magnificent collection on the subject is described by Nicholson in the A Descriptive

Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts Belonging to the Late E.G. Browne Published at Cambridge

University Press in 1932. Here is a brief description of the literature of E G. Brown on the subject. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of 1892, an article entitled Catalogue and

Description of 27 Babi Manuscripts published by Brown. It contains the full details and particulars of the acquisition of Brown at that time.3 There are many books which are about the Shaykhi movement; like Ziayaratul Jamiatul Kabira part I, part II and part III, Fawaid lil

Ahsahi. After giving the names of some of the Arabic texts, Browne mentioned A small treatise,

2 A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental MSS Belonging to the Late E.G. Browne completed and Edited by Reynold

A. Nicholson, Published by Cambridge University Press, 1932 pp. x

3 Ibid 53 xxvi al Muntakhib, on prayers and obligations by Haji Muhammad Karim Khan, head of the Shaykhi movement after the breaking of Bab. Then comes the writings of Mirza Muhammad Ali,Bab.

Browne mentioned one of the earliest writing of Bab entitled Sahifat baynal Haramayn, which is about the two Holy Shrines. Along with the Bab’s Bayan, Browne mentioned the commentaries of Bab on different Surahs of Quran, which Bab wrote in his early writings. After a detailed description of the manuscripts by Bab and some of Bahaullah, Browne presented the writings of Muhammad Yahya, Subh e Azal, who claimed to be the original successor of Bab after his killing, but he was denounced by the followers of Bahaullah. Browne listed the writings of Mirza Azal with a detailed description. The details could be traced out in the pages of the detailed description.4

A profound literature about Bahaism and Babi movements could be found out in the scholarly works of an Iranian Baha’i, Hasan M. Balyuzi, born in Shiraz Iran (1908). He spent most of his life in Great Britain. After meeting with Shoghi Effendi in 1925, he became a Baha’i and ultimately appointed a Hand of the Cause of God by Shoghi Effendi. Most of his published books are about Bahaullah, his life and teachings. His works could be found in his published books. Balyuzi wrote extensively on Bahai faith. 5 He wrote a full biography of the Prophet

Muhammad and the about the history of Islam till 19th century in his books Muhammad and the Course of Islam published at Oxford in 1976. The description of the followers of Bahaullah in Iran is presented in his book entitled Eminent Baha’i’s in Iran During the Time of Bahaullah

4 See Nicholson’s Detailed Description pp 53-82 5 https://bahai-library.com/francis_balyuzi_biography seen on 24/03/2017 xxvii published at Oxford in 1985. His other books are Baha’u’llah (1938), Baha’i Publishing Trust,

London, another books is A Guide to the Administrative Order (1941), Baha’u’llah: A Brief Life, followed by an essay on the Manifestation of God entitled, The World made Flesh (1963). Other of his books are Abdu’l-Baha: The Center of the Covenant of Baha’u’llah (1970), The Báb: The

Herald of the Day of Days(1973), Baha’u’llah: The King of Glory( 1980), and Khadijih Bagum: The

Wife of the Báb(1981). One of the major works of Balyuzi is Edward Granville Browne and the

Baha’i Faith published at London in 1971. This book is in one sense a polemic work done by

Balyuzi. As mentioned earlier E G. Browne was an eminent orientalist scholar who wrote extensively on Babi and Bahaism. Although Browne traced out the origins and history of these faiths, but according to Balyuzi he did not rightly judge the history and doctrine of the Faith through various causes. Balyuzi challenges this problem directly and with the scholarship, he had, addresses and challenges the writings of Browne on the subject The result is a book of enduring importance and interest, which is essential to all who seek authentic sources for the study of the Bahá'í Faith.

There is a large number of articles and book essays published in different research magazines and journals. They are more about the origin, historical development of the faith and the social and cultural situation of the Bahá’ís of the world. It is to mention here that not even a single book is written solely about the socio-religious life of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. This literature provides some information on the religion and its history and its practices. The aspect of the social and religious life of the Bahá’ís in Pakistan is not presented in these books and journals.

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As far the Bahá’í community of Pakistan is concerned, no major work has been produced at doctorate level as per the researcher's knowledge.

There are numerous books written on Zoroastrianism. One of the important and earlier book written in English is History of The Parsis by a Parsi Dosabhai Framji Karaka. It was first published in 1884 in two volumes. The researcher has the new published edition of 2002, India.

This remarkable work by Karaka is one of the authentic historical account of the Parsis. The author provides a thorough understanding of the history of the Parsis of India. Furthermore he gives information about the rituals, beliefs, customs and ceremonies. The book also includes the manners, customs, religion and the present position of the Parsis of the Indian subcontinent.

Karaka provides a comprehensive introduction to the origin of the Parsis, their migration and settlement of the community at the shores of Gujarat, India in the 10th century of the Common

Era. It also presents the details of the education system of the Parsis, their rituals and domestic life. The author traces the prominent Parsi families of Bombay and Gujarat and includes the contributions of the great Parsi people.

History of Zoroastrianism by the High Priest of the Parsis, Karachi, Dr. Maneckji Nusservanji

Dhalla is one of the remarkable and significant work. It is considered to be a source in the study of the faith of the Parsis since Dastur Dhalla himself was a devoted Parsi. This book was first

xxix published in 1938 by Oxford University Press. It is a comprehensive history of Zoroastrianism.

The extensive bibliography makes this book more valuable.

Another western Parsi scholar who gives an introduction of Zoroastrianism along with some of the sketches of the Parsis of India in her book titled, Zoroastrianism: An introduction is Jenny

Rose. She provides a well-informed history of Zoroastrianism. This book also gives the present situation of the Zoroastrians all round the world. In the appendices the author provides information about the textual timeline, outlines of the five Gathas, the outline of the Yasna and the selective historical timeline. The Illustrations, maps, glossaries of names and terms make the book a valuable source for the students and scholars of the subject.

The Parsi Mind: A Zoroastrian Asset to Culture by Jer D. Randeria is about the relation of the

Parsi history and tradition with the development of the Parsi mind and culture. It is considered to be an anthropological account of the Parsis which is expounded from a historical perspective.

Parsis are people living in diaspora. This seems to be a good case for diaspora studies which is being reflected in Parsis in India and Diaspora edited by John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams.

The book was published in 2008. The chapters of the book trace the history of the early settlement of the Zoroastrians of Iran at the shores of India which eventually known as the

xxx

Parsis. The book also gives an account of the Parsi community in different cities of Indian sub- continent.

Another serious study about the pre historic period of the faith is Mary Boyce’s A History of

Zoroastrianism. In this book the writer elaborates the pagan background of the region in which

Zoroaster born. The author also presents teachings and the beliefs of Zoroastrianism.

The Parsis of India and their migration and settlement also presented by one of the experts of

Zoroastrianism like John R. Hinnells. He presents the case of the community in Diaspora in his book, The Zoroastrian Diaspora, Religion and Migration. It is the compilation of the Ratanbai

Katrak Lectures which were delivered by Hinnells at the Oriental faculty of Oxford University in 1985 which later published in 2005. This book provides information about the history, settlement and the present situation of the Parsis who are living all around the globe. This research work may be considered to be the first hand source as the author travelled extensively all over the world in search of his questions.

The concise literature review illustrates the gap in the academic literature about the social life of religious minorities in Pakistan especially the Bahá’ís and Paris. Hence, there is a need of a systematic and comprehensive academic investigation, research and analysis on this topic.

Statement of the Problem

The current study aims to discuss the factors that affect the relationship of the minorities among themselves. Secondly, in the Pakistani society, what kind of problems and issues are being faced

xxxi by the Bahá’ís and Parsis? How are the Bahá’í and Parsi communities of Pakistan different from those who settled elsewhere in the world? What is the impact of migration on these communities and how they were influenced by other communities? Finally, what are the social, religious, political and economic roles of the Bahá’í and Parsi communities of Pakistan?

Research Methodology

It is evident from the literature review that there is very limited and scattered information available about the social and religious life of the Bahá’ís and Parsis of Pakistan. For an in-depth research on the subject, the researcher sought understanding through qualitative methods such as participant observation, in-depth interviewing, and others that yield descriptive data; for instance people’s own words and behavior. The qualitative research methodology refers in the broader sense to research that produces descriptive data: people’s own written or spoken words and observable behavior. (Taylor & Bodgan).

In the beginning the research questions were vaguely formulated; as qualitative research methodology is inductive in nature. In in-depth interviewing the researcher modeled his interview after a normal conversation, rather than a formal interview which includes question and answer exchange. In the qualitative research, all settings and people are worthy of study, so the researcher also tried to inculcate the views and opinions of people of different level. The researcher also made an attempt to use the snow ball technique. In this technique, the research starts with a small number of people, win their trust and ask them to introduce him to others

xxxii like friends, relatives and personal contacts. For this study the researcher had an introduction with the Bahá’í and Parsi community.

Qualitative research methodology helped the researcher to see the things from people’s point of view. Being explorative and to some extent historical in nature, after having a literature review, visits and interviews were planned to learn about the social life of religious minorities in Pakistan and the degree of their importance in their own view.

After the required data was collected, it was carefully examined and analyzed. The typology and categorizing is done with the help of field data. After the completion of the first phase second research question which is about the activities and problems of both the communities is scrutinized with the same data and analyzed, thereafter. In the last phase, interviews, comparison of the recorded data on the topic and careful study, the answer of the third and last research question was determined. Conclusion, which was drawn with help of the research methodologies described above, is documented in the last part of the dissertation.

The researcher traveled to different cities of Pakistan to find the answers of the questions and record the data. The researcher visited Peshawar, Rawalpindi, Lahore and Karachi and met the members of the Bahá’í and Parsi community. The researcher visited the religious centers of both communities and met their respective leaders. For this purpose the research sought permission from the authorities of the Bahá’í community but found it difficult to have the permission in the case of Parsis. During research, the researcher faced many problems. The

xxxiii

Parsis of Pakistan is a much insulated community living in walled community. They do not open up easily to people who do not belong to their community. However, the researcher interviewed some Parsis who cooperated with him and became friendly. Contrary to the Parsis, the Bahá’ís of Pakistan are accessible and the researcher frequently attended different ceremonies and functions of Bahá’ís in Islamabad and Karachi. The level of their integration with outsiders is more than the Parsis. Since there is no priesthood in Bahá’í Faith, interaction with the members of the community was much easier than that of the Parsis.

Scheme of Chapters

The dissertation is divided into four chapters followed by a conclusion. The first chapter describes the historical background and development of the situation of the minorities in

Pakistan. This chapter also discusses the condition and the present situation of the minorities of Pakistan. Further, it provides the information regarding the rights of the minorities mentioned in Qur’┐n, ╓ad┘th, S┘rah of the Prophet and the rights which are given to the minorities in the constitutions of Pakistan.

The second chapter comprises the history, development and the religious affairs of Bahá’í faith.

This chapter consists of the settlement of the Bahá’í and their growth in Pakistan. Extensive information about the Bahá’ís of Pakistan is presented in this chapter. The Parsis of Pakistan and their present situation is presented in the third chapter. This chapter also provides information about the social life of the Parsis. The prominent Parsis and their contributions is also discussed in this chapter. In the fourth and last chapter analysis is carried out. A comparison

xxxiv between the two minorities of Pakistan is also provided in the last lines of the dissertation. The results of the research are summed up in the conclusion with recommendation for future research.

Utmost efforts have been made for the accomplishment of the research according to the criterion of the subject. I do not claim that I have covered all the aspects of the topic. However, it was tried to do a sufficient and satisfactory research as possible within human capacity. All praises to Allah Who made it possible for the researcher to complete the dissertation and many blessing are upon Muhammad( peace be upon him), the best of the creatures of Allah.

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Chapter One

The Historical Account of the existence of the Religious Minorities

1.1 Introduction

Pakistan came into being on 14th of August 1947 in the name of Islam. The Muslims of India, being a separate nation, wanted a piece of land where they could live according to their distinct culture, history, and way of life, religion, literature and social values. The total population of

Pakistan is approx. 182 million. The estimated non-Muslim population is more or less 5 million, which constitutes approx. three percent of the total population. The Christians and Hindus comprise the maximum population of the religious minorities whereas the other religious minorities are less in number. Other than the Christians and Hindus, the religious minorities that exist in Pakistan are Sikhs, Jains, Qadianis or Ahmadies, Bahá’ís, Parsis, Scheduled Castes,

Buddhists and Kalash.6

1.1.1 Muslim Rule in the Indian Subcontinent

The Muslim presence in the subcontinent India dates back to early 8th century. Muslim traders from Arabia came to the southern coasts of India. Muslims continued their trade in the region and few of them married the native women and settled here. Muslim population increased gradually through the settlement of Muslim merchants, intermarriages and conversion to Islam.

6 http://census.gov.pk/Religion.htm 1

Islam entered the southern part of the Indian subcontinent, which is known as Sind when

Muhammad bin Qasim (695-715) defeated the Hindu raja and established the Muslim rule in

India. The invasion took place under the Umayyad caliphate when a local Hindu Raja of

Ceylon seized a ship. The expedition was accomplished under the leadership of Muhammad bin Qasim. There was a general conversion to Islam and the local population became largely

Muslim. However, non-Muslims were treated kindheartedly and compassionately. The Hindus and other minorities were free to perform rites and rituals according to their religious beliefs and practices. Different dynasties of Muslim families established and they ruled and dominated the Indian subcontinent until 1857. Mahmud Ghaznavi launched many attacks and expanded his sultanate up to Lahore. The center of his rule was taken by Muhammad of Ghur in the late twelfth century. By the early 13th century, Qutbuddin Aibek (d 1210) a slave and lieutenant of

Muhammad Ghori's Indian occupations, controlled Delhi after Ghori's death. He established the Sultanate Ghulaman (Dynasty of Slaves). This ‘mamluk’ (slave) dynasty ended when the

Khiljis (1290-1316) overthrew the Mamluks and took charge of Delhi. The Tughluqs (1316-

1413) followed the Khiljis but by the end of the fourteenth century, the Tughluq dynasty fished in troubled waters because of the devastating attacks of the emerging Turk-Mongols. Timor

(1336-1405) took control of Delhi in 1398. The fifteenth century witnessed the emergence and decline of dynasties; the Syeds (1414-1451) and the Lodhis (1451-1526). History records the wars, which were pitched against the Lodhis during the first quarter of the sixteenth century, and it resulted in the defeat of the Lodhis and the emergence of Muhammad Zaheer Uddin

Babar (1483-1530) on the Indian landscape as emperor. Babar came from the family of Timor

2 whose territories in Central Asia were shaken. The victory of Babar laid the foundation of one of the most powerful and wealthiest empires of the world recorded in historical chronicles.

Under the Mughals ‘Muslims and Islamic Institutions of rule, education, Sufism , and belles letters were by then well entrenched. The landscape boasted not only the forts and palaces of the rulers, but mosques, madrasas, khanqas, sarais, and tombs, as well as homes of Muslims large and small. Such buildings served as sites of prayer, instruction, devotion, intercessions, and a range of other activities that cemented common bonds. One should imagine the venues and sounds of texts of this period as they were repeatedly put into practice in these many sites.’7

The Mughals ruled over India with vast lands, huge population, power and riches. The Mughal

Empire overshadowed the contemporary empires in terms of human and material strength.

The significance of the Mughal dynasty was enhanced by a mature and diverse Darbar , including the Afghans, Turks, Uzbeks, Persians , Hindu Rajputs, Brahmins, Marathas,

Muslims; both Shi’as and Sunnis. The language of the court was Persian. Almost every Mughal ruler patronized the Islamic religious centers and places of worship of non-Muslims. This is a very important and significant feature to be considered while outlining the lifestyle of the non-

Muslim religious communities under Muslim rule. Also, it is directly concerned with the topic of research. Whether it was the darbar (court) of Akbar or the rule of Aurangzeb, the Mughal emperors were generous in their relations with the non-Muslims. Mughal emperors patronized

7Barbara D. Metcalf, Islam in South Asia(USA: Princeton University Press, 2009 ).p.12 3 and protected the holy sites and shrines irrespective of the sect or religion these sites represented. In his memoir, Jahangir wrote about his father, Akbar:

“Followers of various religions had a place in the broad scope of his peerless

empire— unlike other countries of the world like Iran, where there is room for

only Shi‘ites… Just as all groups and the practitioners of all religions have a place

within the spacious circle of God’s mercy, in accordance with the dictum that a

shadow must follow its source, in my father’s realm, which ended at the salty

sea, there was room for practitioners of various sects and beliefs, both true and

imperfect, and strife and altercation were not allowed. Sunni and Shi‘ite

worshipped in one mosque and Frank and Jew in one congregation.”8

The case of Aurangzeb was quite different. He is considered to be intolerant towards other religions. But the argument of Catherine Asher counters the mainstream opinion about

Aurangzeb. She opines, ‘Indeed, the temples of a Hindu noble like the Rajput Man Singh, built with Mughal patronage, should be seen as “imperial projects,” reflecting the bonds between nobles and king and making visible empire-wide architectural styles. It is, moreover, in these terms that one must understand Aurangzeb’s destruction of temples in Varanasi, Mathura, and

Rajasthan. Such destruction was not the fruit of iconoclasm, since the emperor continued to patronize other Hindu temples, but rather a response to the disloyalty of nobles associated with these sites, nobles who no longer saw their interests served by the empire at a time when it was

8Ibid. 4 geographically overstretched and financially precarious .9The pre-colonial Muslim rulers had a significant number of non-Muslim Vazirs (ministers), commanders and soldiers in their Darbar and army. The Hindu Rajas and the newly converted Hindus were accorded respectable status.

In the subcontinent, Muslims were the rulers and under their rule the adherents of different religions were allowed to practice their religious beliefs and teachings with complete autonomy.

Though, Aurangzeb imposed the taxes upon his Hindu majority which was considered a prejudiced treatment by Hindus (a source of revenue for his hard-pressed regime), his leading general was a Rajput, among his enemies were other Muslims, and a quarter of his most powerful nobles were Hindus.10

Besides the Muslim rulers, who were mainly concerned with their rule, there were Sufis who played an extraordinary and vital role not only in the dissemination of the message of Islam but also had been central to mainstream Islam in South Asia. The Sufi orders interacted with everyone in the society especially the downtrodden. Sufis who played an important role in the spread of Islam were Ahmad Sirhandi, Data Ganj Bakhsh of Lahore, Khawaja Moinuddin

Chishti, Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki, Nizamuddin Auliya, Bahauddin Zakariya of Multan and many more. They were very much influential in the spiritual and to certain extent the political life of the sultanate.

After the death of Aurangzeb (1707), the Mughal Empire started to disintegrate. Eighteenth century was a turning point in the political and social life of the subcontinent. The growth in

9Catherine B. Asher, Architecture of Mughal India(the New Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1.4)(Cambridge University Press, 2003). p.254 10Metcalf, Islam in South Asia.p.15 5 the population, urbanization and the influence of the East India Company, were among the changes took place in the eighteenth century.11 The Mughals lost their political influence, and the British became dominant and gained political power. Parallel to these events, Shah

Waliullah (1703-1762) revived the Islamic thought and became a central figure of guidance for the Muslims of India. Later Islamic movements are known to be the off-shoot of this nursery.

1.1.2 British Colonial Rule

The involvement of United Kingdom of England in the Indian subcontinent became possible through the British East India Company (BEIC), which initially sought permission from the

Mughals for trade. Initially, they were not welcomed by the Mughal Empire. The Mughals were impressed by the Portuguese because of their navigational expertise. Later, the British turned over the Portuguese warships and got space for building East India Company factories in Surat, India. The British strengthened their presence and foothold by establishing a net of factories on the coasts of the subcontinent. Such measures helped the British to expand themselves though trade. They remained very peaceful with the local Muslim community and even they did not put images and paintings in their churches in the early days to avoid offending the locals.12 The Mughal Empire disintegrated rapidly after the death of Mughal Emperor,

Aurangzeb (d1707) in the first decade of the 18th century, giving Britain an opportunity to increase their political influence by taking over the empire.13 The British East India Company

11Ibid.p.18 12Linda S. Walbridge, The Christians of Pakistan(New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003).p.6 13Christopher Hibbert, The Great Mutiny (India: Penguin Books, 1980).p.17 6 did not remain merely a company involved in trade rather it increased its power. The British defeated the French in 1775 and became dominant in Bengal. The Company, then, started to expand its activities in India to colonize India. By the passage of time, the company became rich in terms of political power and material wealth. The British Parliament sent Warren

Hasting (1732-1818) as the first Governor-General of Bengal. He was the man who planned the scheme to convert India to British colony. It was the beginning of the process to colonize India.

The British dream of colonization soon turned into reality. Great Britain replaced the last

Mughal ruler, Bahadur Shah and became the new emperor of the land.

The beginning of the nineteenth century witnessed many movements which resonated with

Islamic symbols. Faraizi Tehreek (from Farz, means obligation) of Haji Shariatullah (d. 1840) was one of the early movements which were against the injustice of the colonial rule in Bengal and also against the Hindus. Haji Shariatullah, who returned from Hijaz to Bengal after almost

20 years preached the true sense of Islam asking his followers to give up un-Islamic practices and to fulfill their obligations ( Faraiz). After the death of Haji Shariatullah, his son Dodu Mian

(d. 1862) became the leader of the Faraizi Tehreek and expanded its scope of activities. The

Faraizi Tehreek did not remain restricted to the Hindu landlords but worked against the British rule. He was arrested and put into jail by the British government. He died during his incarceration. During the same period, another movement started against the injustices incurred upon the Muslims. The movement was led by Titu Mir (d. 1831). He started his movement in the West Bengal which was against the Zamindars (landlords) and focused on

7

‘both renewed spiritual and ritual life and on peasant rights’.14 The British military crushed the movement when it became unbearable for the British Rule. Another Islamic movement which had its impact on the Indian subcontinent was the Jihadi movement of Syed Ahmad of Bareli

(1786-1831). He was a great mujahid and a pious fellow who belonged to the circle of Shah

Abdul Aziz (1746-1823), son of Shah Waliullah. Syed Ahmad Shaheed took recourse to Jihad against the British rule and chose the northwestern frontier for his revivalist movement. Syed

Ahmad was a deeply committed Muslim who wanted to establish an Islamic state. He convinced the Muslims of India especially the Muslims of the northwestern frontier who were known to be rebellious elements. He chose that area and undertook his Jihad against Sikhs but was betrayed by few important army men and the local Muslims. He, other commanders and the followers were martyred resulting in the end of the Tehreek-e-Mujahideen in1831.

Sind and Punjab were annexed by the British forces in 1842 and 1849 respectively.15 This marked the complete British occupation over India. There was a series of political and military and in some sort economical moves which enabled the Company to establish de facto power.

The British rule in India was very normal till its complete control in the year 1857. Great

Britain established her military foothold and occupied Indian states piecemeal. Gradually the colonizers' attitude and approach towards the Indian people changed. As Linda Walbridge states:

14Metcalf, Islam in South Asia.p.21 15D. E. Hoke, The Church in Asia(Moody Press, 1975). 8

“The British government in India had an army manned by both British and

Indians, with the latter known as sepoys, far outnumbering the former. One by

one the states of the Subcontinent were annexed, including Punjab in the

northern part of the Subcontinent. The establishment of British government in

India would also mark the beginning of significant changes in the British

attitudes towards the Indians. Indians were no longer seen as people with whom

to do business. They were now people to be ruled. This, the British came to

believe was divine providence. It was the British destiny to rule India, and they

would be very careful about how they did it. The British came to believe that

the Indians were all corrupt, and, hence, would have a corrupting influence on

the British. Therefore, they were to have only lower positions in the running of

British Indian. They would serve as its servants, clerks and merchants, not in

positions of authority. Those positions were for British.”16

In 1857, an insurgence took place that disrupted the British rule for a year or so. The mutiny, as the British Rule named it, took place in the northern and central parts of India. The British attitude gradually triggered a number of sepoys. The intensity of sepoys' unrest against the colonizers increased when the British introduced a new cartridge covered with grease containing the fat of cow and pig. This situation was obnoxious for both the Hindus and

Muslims. The Indian soldiers of the British military, Muslims and Hindus, rejected the new

16Walbridge, The Christians of Pakistan.p.6 9 cartridge that needed to be touched and cut by teeth. This was disgusting and humiliating to both communities resulted in rebellious outbreak that spread to Dehli and Lucknow.17 The

British called the revolt ‘the Great Mutiny’, while the Indians, both Hindus and Muslims, considered it ‘the War of Independence ( Jang-e-Azadi). Although Sir Syed Ahmad Khan called it ‘mutiny(Baghawat).18 He wrote about ‘the Causes of the Indian Mutiny’, a critique of the policies of the British government which forced the locals to choose aggressive path for their rights. However, the British Rule countered the rebellion, successively. That was the start of the Independence movement or Pakistan Movement. 19

After the decline of the Mughal Empire till 1857, the British took over the control of the subcontinent and India became a British colony. The British Raj curbed the freedom enjoyed by the Muslims and the Hindus. Although the British started the process of colonizing the various parts of the Indian subcontinent since the mid of the 18th century, but India was subjugated by the British Crown directly after the war of independence in 1857.

After the war of Independence in 1857, the local Muslims became disheartened and demoralized due to the actions of the British Rule. During this period, a new Muslim community emerged which became successful to present a new face of Islam to the British. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan

(1817-1898) led the community who himself was loyal to the Company, being the employee of the Company, and also ‘devoted to fostering intellectual and political reconciliation between

17Hibbert, The Great Mutiny 18Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Risala Asbabe Baghawat-E-Hind (1858). 19Orient Longman, 1857 Essays from Economic and Political Weekly(Hyderabad,India2008). 10 the Muslim service elite and the colonial power.’20 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan asked the Muslims to be loyal to the British Rule and to acquire modern knowledge. He thought that the modern education was very crucial for the future of the Muslims of India. He focused on the education development of the Muslims and established the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at

Aligarh in 1875. Aligarh College nurtured an educated Muslim elite who was moderate in nature and, later, the educated class provided leadership to the Pakistan movement. The Aligarh

College (now Aligarh Muslim University) was the center of Islamic Modernism. The thoughts of Syed Ahmad Khan were contradictory to the traditional Islam.

The colonialism brought English Common Law, their education system and their language to the sub-continent. The Muslims and Hindus were free to practice their religion at private level.

In the British rule, the Christian missionaries were very active. Many missionary educational institutes were established. The presence of Christians and Christianity dates back to 16th century when Mughal Emperor Akbar was the ruler of India.21 Portuguese were the very first

Christians who came in India in the city of Goa. They spread in other areas of the Indian sub- continent in the coming years. It is recorded that the Jesuits,22 had arrived when Francis Xavier and a small party of companions landed at Goa on 2 May 1542.23 There were many successes and failure with the mission of Xavier. ‘The priests Fr. Edward Leito and Fr. Christopher

Veigoa and one lay brother Stephen Rebeiro came from Goa, the very first center of the

20Metcalf, Islam in South Asia.p.22 21Lyle L. Vander Werff, Christian Mission to Muslims: The Record(1977).p.27 22 The members of the Society of Jesus 23Stephen Neill, A History of Christianity in India, the Beginnings to Ad 1707, vol. 1(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).p.134 11

Catholics with the Portuguese occupation, were well received in the court of Akbar in Lahore around 1591.’24 In the court of Akbar, the Emperor himself took great interest in the matters of religions and on many occasions, he had interacted with the Christian priests and inquired the nature of Jesus and his crucifixion. The following dialogue could be interesting in which

Akbar asked the Christian priest about his religion.

“The emperor puts the question: Why did not the Lord Jesus, who was so

anxious that the Jews should believe in him and be saved, accept the challenge of

the Jews when he was on the cross - ' If thou art the Son of God, descend from

the cross, and we will believe in thee?' The priest very sensibly answers: Man can

be justified only by faith . . . If Christ had come down from the cross, this proof

would have removed the possibility of faith . . . For if Christ had come down

from the cross, they would not have been made better, but would probably have

put down the miracle to magic, as has frequently happened; for many miracles

which can only be performed by the power of God are attributed to the prince

of the devils. The King heartily approved of the reply, though the priest's Persian

was both clumsy and scanty, and explained it to his followers, who declared that

their doubts had been removed. On another occasion the emperor asked what

Christians mean by affirming that God the Father has no mortal body, yet that

Christ sat down by the right hand of the Father - a typical example of the

24Muhammad Imtiaz Zafar, "Impact of Christian Missionary Activities on Muslim Society: A Case Study of Jampur; a Pakistani Community in Socio-Religious Context" (Punjab University, 2001).p.86 12

difficulty which Muslims experience in understanding symbolic or analogical

language. The priest replied: We do not mean by this a bodily sitting down, but

we say that Christ sits at the right hand of the Father, because, since Christ is

God, he has the same glory, honour and power as his Father, to whom he is

equal . . . The honour and glory which has been conferred upon Christ is

superior to that which others have received; and this is typified by the name of

'right hand', which is superior to the left. These discussions give evidence of

Akbar's continued interest in matters of religion; but, though the Fathers did

not yet know it”25

Lahore and, then Thatta, Sind, became the centers of the Missionaries.26But this settlement was destroyed first by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan for some time and then the Churches were destroyed during the invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali in 1582.27 It is a disputed question whether Jesus came to India? A number of books and literature are produced answering the question and many of them tried to prove that Jesus not only visited India but he perhaps learned wisdom from India which he preached later in Palestine. Leonard Fernando and G.

Gispert-Sauch stated in their book:

“ There are two variations of the Jesus-in-India thesis: one says he came to India,

Specifically Kashmir ( Punjab and the Tibet also mentioned) between the age of

twelve and thirty…The second hypothesis , not necessarily excluding the first,

25Neill, A History of Christianity in India, the Beginnings to Ad 1707, 1.p.175-6 26William G. Young, "The Life and History of the Church in Pakistan," Al-Mushir XIII, no. 2 (1972).p. 8 27Ibid. 13

affirms that Jesus did not die on the cross but fainted; when put in the tomb he

revived under the effect of the aromatic spices used in his burial and managed to

escape the guards and then ran away, perhaps with some disciples, to India…”28

There are many other accounts as ‘The Tradition of Thomas and North India.’29 The early presence of the missionaries was followed by a gap and there are no historical record found until British occupation of Sind and Punjab in the mid of 19th century. The active presence of the Christians and their missions in the sub-continent was observed in the mid of the 19th century. Dr Imtiaz Zafar traces the active Christian presence in Punjab when Ranjit Singh

(1780-1839) was its Sikh ruler. The first Protestant missionary came to Lahore on the invitation of the Maharaja asking Rev and Mrs. John C Lowere to open a missionary school in Lahore in

1835. Same is the story of Sind when the early mission reached the region by 1672 but was not very successful till the victory of the British in 1842.30

The Christian centers of Protestants and Catholics opened during the following years in other provinces of the present Pakistan. 31 While quoting J. Herbert Kane in his thesis, Muhammad

Imtiaz Zafar states that ‘the Protestant Missionaries entered Punjab in 1830s while first Roman

Catholic station was opened in 1850. This establishment opened the ways if sending their priests as army chaplains throughout Sindh, Punjab, Baluchistan and N.W.F.P [now K.P.K].’32

28G. Gispert-Sauch Leonard Fernando Christianity in India: Two Thousand Years of Faith(Penguin Books, India,: Viking, 2004).p.25 29 Robert Eric Frykenberg’s, Christianity in India, form Beginning to the Present, Oxford, 2008 30Zafar, "Impact of Christian Missionary Activities on Muslim Society: A Case Study of Jampur; a Pakistani Community in Socio-Religious Context."p.87 31J. Herbert Kane, A Global View of Christian Missions: From Pentacost to Present(1971).p.127 32Zafar, "Impact of Christian Missionary Activities on Muslim Society: A Case Study of Jampur; a Pakistani Community in Socio-Religious Context."p.87 14

A large number of Protestant, Presbyterians and Church Missionary Society started their mission in those parts of India which are now in Pakistan.33 Under the British Rule, religion became matter of private life. Although they maintained the rights of individual yet at the collective level, there were many differences which became more evident when the movement of Independence started under the umbrella of Indian National Congress. Ishtiaq Ahmad opines that in legal terms, except for personal matters, religious law was supplanted with modified versions of Common Law. Consequently, the Islamic Sharia became restricted to the private sphere and dealt with personal matters such as worship, marriage and divorce. In the political sphere, representative institutions were gradually introduced although suffrage remained narrow and subject to property and educational qualifications.34

1.1.3 The Independence Movement and the Creation of Pakistan

The war of independence became the focal point for the struggle of independence and freedom from the British rule. The end of 19th century and the beginning of twentieth century witnessed

Great Britain as a global power expanding her rule over almost one fifth of the globe. The

British administration after coping with the 1857 ‘War of Independence’ which they named

‘the Great Mutiny’, was well aware of the global development and they had transformed the

Indian administration to geopolitical and strategic importance.35 Britain struggled to have her control over the Indian Ocean. There were two major communities in India, the Muslims and

33 See ibid., for a detailed description of the missionary activities and their plans. 34Ishtiaq Hussain, The Political Role of Religious Minorities of Pakistan(Pakistan: IPRI, 2007).p.7 35Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century: A Political History(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997). 15 the Hindus. After 1857, the British administration exploited the differences between these two major communities and followed the infamous colonial policy of ‘Divide and Rule. In 1884,

Lord Dufferin became the Viceroy of British India. He initiated the formation of All India

National Congress in 1885 to manipulate the political struggle and competing forces. Congress was founded by the members of the Theosophical Society of India by an Englishman, Allan

Octavian Hume (1829-1912) with an objective to work with the government in close association.36 The first meeting of the Congress was held in Bombay in Dec 1885 with the approval of the Viceroy. All Indian National Congress claimed to be a national body and a platform for the educated Indians and it aimed to create an opportunity for the Indians to have dialogue with the British Raj on the political and social issues of the people of India. But,

Congress adopted a prejudiced attitude towards Muslims. Although, there was support from some of the important Muslim groups for Congress yet there was fear among the Muslims of the sub-continent due to overwhelming majority of Hindus and the intention of the British.

Very soon, it was revealed to the Muslims that the struggle of Congress was only for the sake of the Hindus and not for the Muslims of India. This became the basis for the demand of a separate nation for the Muslims of India. The British Government supported the Hindus and showed their inclination towards them. Muslims were also feared and frightened by the Hindu revivalist activities. Hindus took advantages of the opportunities available in the government bodies enjoying support of the British Rule. Further, the Hindus started dreaming about ‘Solo

36Inamullah Khawaja, The Creation of Pakistan(Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2012).p.20 16

Rule’ over India by exploiting the Muslims and to take the revenge of past Muslim rule. Few

Congress leaders opposed Muslim membership in the Congress. In this situation of fears and uncertainty, the Muslims voice the right of separate electorate and other demands to protect the interests of the Muslims of Indian sub-continent. Muslims of India organized themselves politically and it led to the formation of All India Muslim League.

1.1.4 Formation of All India Muslim League

In 1905, the British announced the partition of Bengal which was opposed by the Hindus.

Hindu activists agitated against this partition. The Hindu extremist reaction towards the Bengal partition led to the realization of the fact that Muslims were in need of a separate political organization which could voice and defend Muslim concerns. The Muslim leaders met in

Dhaka on 30 December 1906. Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk convened the meeting. Nawab of Dhaka,

Nawab Khawaja Salimullah Khan moved the resolution for the formation of All India Muslim

League.37 Muslim League was formed with an agenda to protect the interests of Muslims. In

1911, the British denounced the partition of Bengal despite the fact that the Muslims were assured by the British authorities that the partition of Bengal was final and it would not be changed.

“The British had given the Muslims their solemn word that the Bengal partition

was a ‘settled fact’, but in the end, none of their assurances were honoured.

37Ibid.p. 22 17

Yielding to Hindu agitation, the colonial overlords betrayed and, it can be

argued, abandoned their Muslim subjects.”38

Both the Muslim League and the Congress had been struggling for self-government in India.

Congress was organized as a secular political body for the people of India whereas Muslim

League claimed to be the representative of the Muslims of India. In the early years many of the

Muslims were associated with both parties. This interaction of Hindus and Muslims made it possible to accelerate their struggle in the following years of the politics of India. Furthermore, these two major parties significantly associated with each other to achieve the demand for self- government on the basis of dominion status. Muslim League and Congress, for instance, came to an agreement and the Lucknow pact was signed in 1916. The Lucknow Pact elucidated common interests of both Hindus and Muslims as:

“ the acceptance of separate electoral, the introduction of a system of weightage

for the minorities, allocation of one-third seats for Muslims at the center and a

bill of not affecting a community without three-fourth opposition of the

representatives.’’39

Before this agreement, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi entered into the politics of India in 1915 after returning from South Africa. His inclusion changed the direction of the policies of

Congress of Tilak and Gokhle. In the World War I, the Ottoman Empire was defeated and the

Islamic Caliphate was in trouble. Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar declared the Caliphate

38Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century: A Political History.p. 8 39Khawaja, The Creation of Pakistan.p.24 18

(Khilafat) ‘the most essential institution of the Muslim community throughout the world.’ The

Muslims of the subcontinent demonstrated for the preservation of the Khilafat. Gandhi and

Congress supported Ali Brothers in their movement to save Caliphate from dismemberment.

However, Kamal Ata Turk abolished the institution of Khilafat and declared Turkey an independent and secular state. The Muslims of the subcontinent were shocked and the Khilafat

Movement ended without achieving its objectives.

In its early years, the independence movement was supported by both the Hindus and the

Muslims. Muhammad Ali Jinnah entered into the politics of India. As Akbar S. Ahmad writes:

“Jinnah was a typical Indian nationalist at the turn of the century, aiming to get

rid of the British from the subcontinent as fast as possible. He adopted two

strategies: one was to try to operate within the British system; the other was to

work for a united front of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Parsees against the

British. He succeeded to an extent in both.”40

Muhammad Ali Jinnah at that time was a member of both the parties, Congress and All India

Muslim League. He tried to bring Hindus and Muslims close to each other and create a better understanding for the struggle of independence. But he failed in his mission to yoke the Hindus and Muslims together to struggle for complete freedom from the foreign rule. He tried his best for a mutual struggle but many of the events made his efforts vain. Jinnah at that stage was a supporter of the Hindu-Muslim unity but the events of following years and the politics and

40Akbar S. Ahmad, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity:The Search for Saladin(London: Routledge, 1997).p.3 19 tactics of Gandhi like the non-co-operation movement; swasraj (freedom) disappointed Jinnah.

Jinnah’s dream of the Hindu-Muslim co-operation ended in dismay.

In 1927, a commission under the leadership of Sir John Simon visited India for granting constitutional reforms to the people of the sub-continent. Simon Commission failed as it included no Indian in its composition. Almost all the parties of the Indian sub-continent refused to meet and participate in the Simon Commission. In 1928, Pandit Motilal Nehru issued a report which recommended the abolition of the separate electorate negating the importance given to minorities in Lucknow Pact and demanded to make Hindi the national language. It further demanded the reduction of Muslim representation in the Central Assembly and rejected

Delhi Proposals agreed upon by both parties, a year before. A step ahead, Congress threatened to take recourse to civil disobedience if the British Government did not implement the proposals of Nehru Report.41

The Muslim parties of India rejected Nehru Report. The All Parties Muslim Conference was convened in Delhi in 1929 to counter the Nehru Report. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who was in favor of Hindu-Muslim unity, denounced his past stance and lamented his earlier efforts for the unification. He was, then, convinced that the Hindus and Muslim were two different and antagonist entities. He reconsidered his past views and saw the future of the Muslims as a separate nation. Muslim League was the chief representative of the Muslims of India. Jinnah

41James Wynbrandt, A Brief History of Pakistan(New York: Fact on File, 2009).p. 145 20 with his high vision presented the two nation theory which later became the foundation of

Pakistan and the ideological basis of the newly established nation. As narrated by Ziring:

“…Jinnah adopted a separatist formula in guiding the party’s destiny. Earlier

efforts at constructing Hindu-Muslim unity were cast aside in favour of an

exclusive arrangement which highlighted Muslim differences with the majority,

but which also sought to rally an otherwise fragmented and disparate

community of believers. Jinnah understood that the Indian Muslims could

compete with the Congress Party only when they showed they were capable of

reconciling their own differences. It was with this latter objective in view that

Jinnah declared the Muslims to be a nation with its own, ‘distinctive culture and

civilization language, literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature ,

sense of values and proportion , legal laws and moral codes, custom and calendar,

history and tradition , aptitude and ambitions’.”42

In March 1929, Jinnah formulated his famous Fourteen Points in response to Nehru Report.

Jinnah asked for a federal governmental system with a significant representation of the Muslims according to their population in his famous fourteen points. These Points of Jinnah provided a road map to independence of the Muslims of the Indian Sub-continent and it reflected the

Muslim aspirations in the coming years. The Muslims of India were now very much clear minded of the British indifference and the Hindu stubbornness towards their demands. In the

42 Ziring p. 21 21 meantime, Congress demanded a dominion status for the sub-continent at its annual meeting in 1930. In the same year, All India Muslim League had its meeting at Allahabad under the leadership of the great poet and Muslim philosopher, Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938). In his address Iqbal rejected any possibility of Hind-Muslim mutual cooperation for peace and struggle for an ‘Independent India’. Iqbal had the opinion that any possibility of attaining peace would only be possible if Muslims carved their self-governing land as a separate nation. In his presidential address, Allama Muhammad Iqbal said:

“I would like to see Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and

Balochistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British

Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-

West Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims,

at least of North-West India.”43

This was the first public expression of partition of the sub-continent and the creation of a separate state for the Muslims of India. In 1930, 1931 and 1932, three consecutive Round Table

Conferences were held in London to decide the future of India. Prominent leaders of Congress and Muslim League participated in these conferences. Jinnah and Iqbal participated in these

Conferences. Iqbal and Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar participated in the Round Table

Conferences in London and raised their voices for the Muslims and their rights. Government of India Act of 1935 was the result of the Third Round Table Conference of 1932. The Act of

43Hector Bolitho, Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan(London: John Murray, 1954). p. 99 22

1935 was a big step towards the self-government. During these conferences, Jinnah tried his best to bring and maintain harmony and a better understanding between the Hindus and

Muslims, but he failed. Disappointed, Jinnah decided to adopt self-exile in London and declined to participate in Indian politics. Hector Bolitho refers to Jinnah's words in his book; Jinnah,

Creator of Pakistan:

“Jinnah gave his own reasons for remaining in England, in a speech to the

students of Aligarh in 1938-when he had again settled in India. He said: I received

the shock of my life at the meetings of the Round Table Conference. In the face

of danger, the Hindu sentiment, the Hindu mind, the Hindu attitude led me to

the conclusion that there was no hope of unity. I felt very pessimistic about my

country. The position was most unfortunate. The Mussalmans were like

dwellers in No Man's Land: they were led by either the flunkeys of the British

Government or the camp-followers of the Congress. Whenever attempts were

made to organize the Muslims, toadies and flunkeys on the one hand, and traitors

in the Congress camp on the other, frustrated the efforts. I began to feel that

neither could I help India, nor change the Hindu mentality ; nor could I make

the Mussalmans realize the precarious position. I felt so disappointed and so

depressed that I decided to settle down in London. Not that I did not love India,

23

but I felt so utterly helpless. It was in this state of mind that Jinnah began his

exile in England.”44

Later, with the continuous correspondence of Allama Iqbal, then President of Muslim League and the meetings of Liaquat Ali Khan with Jinnah, he decided to come back to India and became active in the politics of India in 1934. He redefined the position of Muslim League and demanded a separate piece of land for the Muslims. The poetry, thoughts and the philosophy of Allama Muhammad Iqbal influenced Jinnah in his struggle for a separate homeland. After long and continuous efforts, the Muslims demanded a separate nation for themselves, a land where they could practice their religion freely and independently. The Muslims of the subcontinent organized themselves under the banner of All India Muslim League and the enthusiastic, energetic and committed leadership of Allama Muhammad Iqbal and Muhammad

Ali Jinnah.

On 23rd March 1940, the historic Lahore resolution, later known as Pakistan resolution, was passed in a three-day general session of All India Muslim League in Lahore, presided by

Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The resolution declares:

“No constitutional plan would be workable or acceptable to the Muslims unless

geographical contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so

constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary. That the

areas in which the Muslims are numerically in majority as in the North-Western

44Ibid.p. 100 24

and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute independent states in

which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.”45

The Pakistan Resolution of 23rd March demanded a separate state for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. After seven years of arduous struggle, Pakistan appeared on the map of the world on 14th of August 1947 as the first Muslim state created on an ideology; the Islamic ideology.

1.1.5 Jinnah’s Vision

The year 1947 marked the partition of the sub-continent and the transfer of powers to the two newly born states by the British administration. Muhammad Ali Jinnah became the first

Governor General of Pakistan and Liaquat Ali Khan became the first prime minister of

Pakistan. Pakistan faced daunting challenges after her birth as an independent nation. There were communal riots, dispute over borders, dislocation of hundreds of thousands of people, migration and the settlement of the migrants, Indus water crisis, the economic crisis and the unresolved issue of Kashmir state. These were the formidable challenges which were being faced by Quaid-e-Azam (the Great Leader). Akbar S. Ahmad narrates the whole story in the following lines:

“The unending problems were of such magnitude that they demanded his

immediate attention… the influx of millions of refugees from India; the horror

of the communal violence in which about 2 million people…died; a state of

45Wynbrandt, A Brief History of Pakistan.p. 152 25

undeclared war in Kashmir; a tattered defence and administrative structure, torn

in two, needing to be rebuilt; the near bankruptcy of the state; and the refusal of

an increasingly hostile India to send Pakistan the agreed division of assets.

Besides, the awful reality of millions of Muslims stranded in India, as ‘hostages’,

not easily able to enter his Pakistan, a nightmare he tried so hard to avoid, soon

dawned on him. The savage scale of the killing of refugees on both sides shook

him to the core, hastening his end.”46

Pakistan was established as an Islamic democratic country with a vibrant, diverse and a tolerant society; in which though the Muslims were in majority yet the non-Muslim citizens were also given equal and full religious freedom. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, entitled Quaid-e-Azam, was very clear about the status of minorities in Pakistan and had a progressive vision regarding the future of the minorities of Pakistan. The vision of Quaid-e-Azam about the future of Pakistan to be an Islamic or a secular state was lucid. He had clear mind that the non-Muslims would be safe in Pakistan. He believed that the religious minorities would continue to live in Pakistan as equal citizens without any discrimination. The speeches and press conferences of Jinnah guide us about the thinking and perception of Quaid about religious minorities. In his historic speech on 11th August 1947, Jinnah as the first Governor General of Pakistan addressed the first constituent assembly and shared his views regarding minorities:

46Ahmad, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity:The Search for Saladin. p.190 26

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your

mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may

belong to any religion or caste or creed — that has nothing to do with the

business of the State … We are starting in the days when there is no

discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no

discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this

fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State…”47

Since the creation of Pakistan, the non-Muslims in Pakistan have been living peacefully without facing any difficulty or problem at social or political level. They have been given rights and are protected in the Constitution of Pakistan. The founder of the country, Quaid-e-Azam,

Mohammad Ali Jinnah, repeatedly assured the non-Muslims in Pakistan that they would have equal rights and privileges as other Muslims would enjoy. Before the creation of Pakistan and afterwards, the Quaid assured non-Muslims that they would have full freedom of worship and could continue to practice their religions as before. On 19th July 1947, Quaid-e-Azam nominated the first interim cabinet which included untouchable Mr. Jogindar Nath Mandal as the Minister of Law, Education, Art and Labor.48

In a press conference on 14th of July 1947, at Delhi, while answering a question regarding a brief statement on the minorities’ problems, Jinnah firmly assured security to the minorities:

47Shahid Javed Burki, Pakistan: The Continuing Search for Nationhood 2nd ed.(Colorado, USA: Westview Press, 1991). p.28 48Col(r) S.K. Treseller, "Role and Significance of Other Minorities," in Asia Paper, ed. Ishtiaq Hussain(Pakistan: IPRI, 2007).p.51 27

“At present I am only Governor General designate. We will assume for a

moment that on August 15 I shall be really the governor-general of Pakistan. On

that assumption, let me tell you that I shall not depart from what I said

repeatedly with regard to the minorities. Every time I spoke about the minorities

I meant what I said and what I said I meant. Minorities to whichever community

they may belong will be safeguarded. Their religion or faith or belief will be

secure. There will be no interference of any kind with their freedom of worship.

They will have their protection with regard to their religion, faith, their life,

their culture. They will be, in all respects, the citizens of Pakistan without any

distinction of caste or creed. They will have their rights and privileges and no

doubt along with this goes the obligations of citizenship. Therefore, the

minorities have their responsibilities also, and they will play their part in the

affairs of this state. As long as the minorities are loyal to the state and owe true

allegiance, and as long as I have any power, they need have no apprehension of

any kind.”49

What was Quaid’s vision? It could easily be comprehended and well explained from his reply to Lord Mountbatten’s formal speech which was made in the constituent Assembly on 14th

August, 1947 in Karachi. Mountbatten in his speech quoted the example of Mughal Emperor,

Akbar, as the model of a ‘tolerant Muslim ruler’.50 The example of Akbar given by

49Muhammad Ali Jinnah introduction by S.M. Burke, , , Jinnah: Speeches and Statements1947-1948(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000).p.13 50Ahmad, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity:The Search for Saladin.p.192 28

Mountbatten was a deliberate quote. Akbar had always been a favorite Emperor for the non-

Muslims of South Asia because of his tolerance and sympathetic attitude towards his non-

Muslim subjects. But, there had been apprehension and anxiety among Muslim intelligentsia regarding the actions of Akbar. The introduction of Din-e-Ilahi, a new religious philosophy by

Akbar, was not criticized by the traditional ulema but also condemned by the progressive elements at that time. Akbars’s Din-e-Ilahi was a mélange of different religions. Akbar was the main focal person in his so called Din-e-Ilahi. Jinnah was very well aware of the suggestion of

Mountbatten regarding Akbar as a role model for Pakistan's state policy. Jinnah presented the most inspiring and an ideal model, the model of the Prophet Mu╒ammad, to counter

Mountbatten's suggestion. Jinnah states:

“The tolerance and goodwill that great Emperor Akbar showed to all the non-

Muslims is not of recent origin. It dates back thirteen centuries ago when our

Prophet not only by words but by deeds treated the Jews and Christians, after

he had conquered them, with the utmost tolerance and regard and respect for

their faith and beliefs. The whole history of Muslims, wherever they ruled, is

replete with those humane and great principles which should be followed and

practiced.”51

Akbar S. Ahmad comments on the reply of Jinnah which elaborates the clear mindedness of

Jinnah and his vision regarding the foundation of the ideology and the nature of the state:

51Ibid. 29

“The Holy Prophet had not only created a new state but had laid down the

principles on which it could be organized and conducted. These principles were

rooted in a compassionate understanding of society and the notions of justice

and tolerance. Jinnah emphasized the special treatment the Prophet accorded to

the minorities. Morality, piety, human tolerance—a society where colour and

race did not matter: the Prophet had laid down a charter for social behaviour

thirteen centuries before the United Nations.”52

This was the actual vision of the founder of Pakistan who wanted Pakistan to be an Islamic state rather a ‘Secular’ state. Questions regarding the status and rights of minorities should be answered in view of Quaid's vision. On many occasions, Qauid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah emphasized the role of the newly created state towards the minorities of the country.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah wanted to envisage a true Islamic, democratic and tolerant society. In

Pakistan, he believed that the non-Muslim citizens would be given equal rights and opportunities while the Muslim majority would be retained. Jinnah was very clear that if the followers of all faiths were given a chance to live as equal citizens, Pakistan would prosper and the socio-economic conditions of people be improved.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah visualized Pakistan as an Islamic welfare state where all the citizens would be treated equally. It is evident that the Quaid did not want a theocratic state run by priests as there were Hindus, Christians, and Parsees in Pakistan.53 Rather he visualized

52Ibid.p.194 53 Radio Broadcast to the people of United States of America, Dawn, Karachi, 15 February 1948. 30 that the foundations of Pakistan would be based on the high principles laid down by the

Prophet in Arabia in the seventh century.54

Now a days, the question is being discussed whether Jinnah wanted a secular or Islamic state?

Same is the case with Jinnah’s views and vision regarding the minorities of the nation. Akbar

S. Ahmad settled the issue by quoting Quaid's word. According to Akbar S. Ahmad, Jinnah was very clear in his last years when he made many attempts to move towards Islam ‘in terms of text, purity and scriptures. He had a firm belief that the basis of Pakistan would be according to the principles laid down in the Qur’┐n and in the time of the Prophet as the basis for his state. 55 In March 1944, Jinnah stated, ‘our bed-rock and sheet-anchor is Islam. We are one and we must move as one nation and then alone we shall able to retain Pakistan.’56 Later, in the same year he declared, ‘we do not want any flag excepting the League flag of the Crescent and

Star. Islam is our guide and the complete code of our life. We do not want any red or yellow flag. We do not want any isms, Socialisms, Communisms or National Socialisms’. There are many instances which indicates clearly that Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah referred to

Qur’┐n and to the Life of the Prophet in his speeches. Here, the researcher refers to Akbar S.

Ahmad’s book, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity:

“Let Jinnah have the last word on his so-called secularism. While addressing the

Karachi Bar Association on the Holy Prophet’s birthday, 25 January 1948, just

54Ahmad, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity:The Search for Saladin. 55Ibid. 56Ahmad Jamil ud Din, Some Recent Speeches and Writings of Mr Jinnah, ed. Ahmad Jamil ud Din, vol. I(Lahore Ashraf Press, 1952). p.89 31

months before he died, he declared that people were making ‘mischief’ when

they rejected the idea of an Islamic state (see also Yahya Bakhtiar in The News,1

July 1995, ‘The making of Jinnah’s Pakistan’). ‘Some are misled by propaganda,’

he pointed out. ‘Islamic principles today are as applicable to life as they were

1,300 years ago.’ He insisted that the constitution of Pakistan would be made ‘on

the basis of Sharia’ (Jinnah 1989:125–7). A few weeks later Jinnah once again

repeated the same theme, using almost the same ideas and words: ‘It is my belief

that our salvation lies in following the golden rules of conduct set for us by our

great law-giver, the Prophet of Islam. Let us lay the foundations of our

democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals and principles’ (Sibi Darbar, 14

February 1948).”57

Speeches of the Quaid ensured the protection of minorities especially the Hindus who were the most worrisome because of their future in the newly established country which had the ‘two nation theory’ as her basis. Jinnah did not have any doubt in his mind about the protection of the rights which had to be given to the minorities. ‘When Pakistan was created Jinnah had seven ministers in the Cabinet, one a Hindu.’58 Jinnah became very disheartened about the stories of Muslim atrocities in different parts of India during migration of the Muslims to

Pakistan. He reminded the authorities to prevent the killings of the migrants. He said: ‘The division of India was agreed upon with a solemn and sacred undertaking that minorities would

57Ahmad, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity:The Search for Saladin.p.217 58 For a detailed account see ibid. 32 be protected by the two Dominion Governments and that the minorities had nothing to fear so long as they remained loyal to the State.’ 59

1.1.6 Islamization and Minorities

Unfortunately, ‘The Father of Nation’ could not survive for long and died after one year of the creation of Pakistan. The role of Islam in Pakistan is very significant in the history of

Pakistan. The foundations of Pakistan are laid down on the teachings of Qur’┐n and Sunnah.

The independence movement revolved around the two nation theory and the ideology of

Pakistan. The slogan Pakistan ka matlab kia , La ila a Illallah, chanted across the sub-continent during the independence movement.

After the early death of the ‘Father of the Nation’ on 11 September 1948, the Objectives

Resolution was passed in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan under the leadership of the then Prime Minister, Nawabzada Liaqaut Ali Khan in 1949. The Objectives Resolution declared the sovereignty of Allah the Almighty. Further, Pakistan was declared as a democratic country with her laws to be enshrined within the limits prescribed by Islam. Although Pakistan was not supposed to be a theocratic state, many attempts were made to declare it an Islamic state. The state was declared ‘Islamic Republic’ in the constitutions of Pakistan. Later, different institutions and research organizations were tasked to ensure that the laws instituted and passed by the parliament should be in conformity with the Qur’┐n and Sunnah.

59Ibid. 33

The first constitution of Pakistan was the constitution of 1956. In the constitution of 1956

Pakistan was declared an Islamic Republic. It was declared that the President of Pakistan could only be a Muslim and the article was retained in the second constitution of 1962.The third and the unanimously agreed-upon constitution of 1973 went a further step requiring the Prime

Minister to be a Muslim. However, the constitutions protected the rights and privileges of the minorities. The constitutions of Pakistan provided due respect to the minorities by giving them their fundamental rights. On the whole, there is no discrimination against the minorities of the country in the constitutions. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, wanted to provide equal citizenship to all Pakistanis irrespective of their religion, race or language and to give them equal opportunities to enjoy their rights and religious freedom, as well.

The first decade after the creation of Pakistan was characterized by political instability and turbulence. The political turmoil and long military rule of Ayub Khan resulted in the separation of East Pakistan in 1971. After the fall of Dhaka, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto assumed power as the Civil Martial Law Administrator of the ‘new Pakistan’. Bhutto claimed to be a liberal and socialist leader who emerged as a charismatic leader leading Pakistan People’s Party of Pakistan with the slogans of roti, kapra aur Makan(food, clothing and shelter) for all

Pakistanis. Sensing the society's inclination towards Islam, Bhutto included ‘Islam’ in his program, declaring it the ‘Islamic Socialism’. The manifesto of Pakistan People’s Party declared;

Islam its faith, Democracy its polity, Socialism its economy, and the People as the source of all powers. Islam, Democracy and Socialism, were the political troika of Bhutto. Bhutto made

34 many attempts to restore the Islamic ideology of Pakistan and attempted to Islamize Pakistan during his tenure. In Bhutto's era, it may be said that the process of Islamization started. The parliament unanimously passed the 1973 constitution of Pakistan. The constitution of 1973 reiterated that all legislations would be made in conformity with the basic Islamic teachings, the Qur’┐n and the Sunnah. Further, Bhutto convened the Islamic Conference in 1974 at

Lahore. The Islamic Summit Conference sent a message of Islamic Brotherhood across the globe and revealed Bhutto’s quest for the unity of the Islamic World. Further, under the sustained pressure and demand of the religious parties and majority of the population, the Parliament declared Ahmedis (Qadianis) non-Muslim in 1974. For the advocacy of Islam and to expedite the process of Islamization, he declared Friday as the public holiday and put ban on the sale and use of Alcohol publically. But, Bhutto failed to neutralize the propaganda of the opposition parties.

In January 1977, Bhutto announced general elections in Pakistan which were to be held in

March 1977. An alliance of nine parties, Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) was formed against the Bhutto regime with the slogan of Nizam-e-Mustafa (the System of the Prophet). It was an amalgam of religious and so called secular parties to put pressure on Bhutto. In the election of national assembly, Pakistan People’s Party of Bhutto gained majority. The election was challenged by the opposition parties. They alleged that Bhutto rigged the polls to his advantage.

Almost all the opposition parties boycotted the next phase of the elections, the elections of the provincial assemblies. The political situation in the country became worse. The political unrest provided a space to the then Chief of the Army Staff, General Zia ul Haq, to intervene in the

35 political affairs of Pakistan. He imposed Martial Law in Pakistan in 1977. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, was arrested and the constitution was held in abeyance. Zia assured the Supreme Court of Pakistan and the political parties that he would conduct the national elections within 90 days, a dream not realized in near future. The movement of PNA did not aim to challenge election results only but to enforce Islamic laws ( Nizam-e-Mustafa) and later became the basis of the process of Islamization in Pakistan.

The political turmoil in Pakistan ended with the hanging of Bhutto in 1979. The regime of Gen

Zia was a beginning of a new era in Pakistan. The year 1979 is significant in the history of

Pakistan and the region, as well. The Iranian revolution, the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan and the process of Islamization; the consequential events took place in the same year, 1979. General

Zia ul Haq reinitiated the process of Islamization in Pakistan which was earlier started by

Bhutto. He was criticized and praised due to his policies of Islamizing Pakistan. Besides other programs, the Government announced the imposition of Hudood Ordinance in1979. In 1985, the separate electoral system which had been abolished in 1956, was re-introduced in Pakistan.

(Later, it was reverted by Gen Pervaiz Musharaff in 2002). Zia ul Haq also made many reforms in the Criminal laws which came under the Hudood ordinance. Zia made institutional changes in the judicial system of the country by establishing Federal Shariat Court and its benches. The

Council of Islamic Ideology was restructured and reconstituted. The system of Zakat and Ushr was introduced and Local Zakat Committees were formulated. Moreover, the Nizam-e-Salat was introduced.

36

The overall process of Islamization was aimed at creating a truly Islamic state. The Hudood ordinance and the Blasphemy laws were not against the non-Muslims, however, few non-

Muslims have felt the heat of blasphemy laws to date. This process of Islamailaztion of the laws in Pakistan was criticized by the liberal elements of the state. Blasphemy laws were also criticized by the religious minorities mainly by the Christians and the Ahmedis of Pakistan.

The law which is being criticized the most is the ‘Blasphemy law’ stated in the PPC 295-C. In

1986, the Blasphemy law was adopted with a prominent section 295-C of the Pakistan Panel

Code. This section reads as:

295-C. “Use of derogatory remarks, etc.; in respect of the Holy Prophet:

Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, or

by any imputation, innuendo or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the

sacred name of the Holy Prophet (peace by upon him) shall be punishable with

death, or imprisonment for life, and shall be liable to fine.”60

The Christian community of Pakistan particularly criticizes the blasphemy laws because the

Christians think these laws as tools to victimize them. Charles Amjad Ali stated the apprehensions which the Christian community felt in Pakistan with reference to the process of Islamization in Pakistan. He opined his views that there was no problem between the

Christians and Muslims regarding the theological issues. To Amjad Ali, the major issues are of social, political and economic nature which the Christians are facing in Islamic Republic of

60 Pakistan Panel Code , http://bahaikipedia.org/Pakistan#cite_note-oper-w-32 retrieved on 15/12/2014. 37

Pakistan. The adoption of Sharia, Amjad Ali further stated, put more pressure on the Muslim citizen of Pakistan. The open claim of Pakistan being an ideological state is not a problem for the non-Muslim citizens [of Pakistan], the problem is that there is no place or framework for pluralism of belief and existence.61

It is claimed that Christians had been the direct victims of the Blasphemy law.62 The Pakistani media reported that almost 1274 people were charged under the blasphemy laws between 1986 and 2010. 63 Interestingly most of the cases in the year 2005 were registered against Muslims

(total 18) and against Christians (only 3).64 It is to be noted that most of the cases have been registered by individuals due to personal reasons and to some extent, religion is involved. One interesting point to be noted that none of the victims of the blasphemy laws, is ever been given the penalty of sentence to death. The Muslim Ulema are convinced that there is nothing wrong with the laws but in their implementation. The case of Rimsha Masih, who was held under the blasphemy law and later, found innocent, was supported by the ulema is a good example to be highlighted.

The recent case of Asiya Bibi and the assassination of Salman Taseer for his support for a

Christian lady and his criticism of the abuse of the law led to voices who demanded these laws

61Charles Amjad Ali, "Islamization and Christian Muslim Relations in Pakistan," AlMushir,Christian Study Center, Rawalpindi,Pakistan XXIX, no. 3.p. 73-77 62 Details could be traced in Theodore Gabriel, Christian Citizens in an Islamic State, the Pakistan Experiment(England: Ashgate, 2007). 63http://www.islamopediaonline.org/country-profile/pakistan/islam-and-legal-system/islamization-legal-system- under-general-zia-ul-haq-1 and http://www.dawn.com/2010/12/08/high-profile-blasphemy-cases-in-the-last-63- years.html accessed on 05/03/2015 64Tariq Rahman, "Pakistan’s Policies and Practices Towards the Religious Minorities," South Asian History and Culture 3, no. 2 ( 2012).p.307 38 to be struck down with the reason that these are inconsistent with the universal fundamental rights. But, it should be kept in mind that if a law is misused by the administration because of the societal biasness or administrative incapability and incompetency; it does not mean that the law is to be abrogated. Similarly if the laws regarding murder and theft are misused, it does not mean that these laws should be struck down. There is no fault with the blasphemy laws or other laws, rather there is a need of true implementation of these laws. The major critics of the process of Islamization in Pakistan were and still are the Christian and the Qadianis(Ahmedis) communities of Pakistan. The Bahá’ís keep themselves away from the political issues of the country. In the case of Parsis, the community as a whole did not react to this issue as they were not victimized by these laws.

39

1.2 Minorities and their Rights

Before visiting the historical chronicles to know about the status and rights of religious minorities in Islam and Pakistan, it is imperative to define the word, minority. Linguistically, it means any community that is distinct from the majority of the people living in any area or region on the bases of ethnicity, religion, race or language. Primarily, religious beliefs and practices are the basis of the minorities in most of the Muslim societies. Although, there are many definitions of the term ‘minority’ but Capotorti provides a definition within the context of ‘ The Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and

Linguistic Minorities as:

“a group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a State, in a non-

dominant position, whose members – being nationals of the state - possess ethnic,

religious or linguistic characteristics differing from those of the rest of the

population and show, if only implicitly, maintain a sense of solidarity, directed

towards preserving their culture, traditions, religion or language”65

According to another definition minority is:

“a group of citizens of a state, consisting of a numerical minority and in a non-

dominant position in that state, endowed with ethnic, religious, or linguistic

characteristics which differ from those of the majority of the population, having

a sense of solidarity with one another, motivated, if not implicitly, by a collective

65, (http://www.cambridgescholars.com/download/sample/60104 accessed on 06/03/2015). 40

will to survive and whose aim is to achieve equality with the majority in fact and

in law”66

Furthermore, as Ghazi stated that a minority may be defined as a group of people that differs from the dominant group within the state in matters essential to the formation and constitution of the state.67 The definition of minority or majority may differ from place to place and from society to society on the basis of religion or language or race. The credibility of a state is determined by its attitude towards minorities. Minority rights are a universal norm. Every religious teaching has the obligation to state the principles by which it is distinguished and recognizes on the basis of its belief and ethical behavior.68

1.2.1 Islam and the Rights of Minorities

In Muslim states, many non-Muslims like the Christians, Hindus, Jews, Zoroastrians and many others live. In an Islamic society, fundamental questions arise with reference to the rights of the non-Muslim minorities. There is a set of questions raised by Thomas Michel in his 1985 issue of JIMMAH. To quote few, ‘Are there some basic rights which all minorities possess in Islamic societies? What are these inalienable rights, according to Islam? Do some individuals and religious groups have more rights than others?’69Islam respects the rights of the minorities in all spheres of life. Islam wants to establish a peaceful society in which everybody is entitled to

66Ibid. 67Mahmood Ahmad Ghazi, "Islamic Shari‘Ah and the Question of Minorities," Policy Perspective,IPS, Islamabad 6, no. 1 (Jan-June, 2009). 68 For a detailed discussion publications of the Minority Rights Group London would be helpful 69Thomas Michel, "The Rights of Non-Muslims in Islam: An Opening Statement," JIMMAH VI, no. 1 (January 1985). 41 equal opportunities and rights irrespective of his religion. Islam stands for universal peace, unity and prosperity. Before the advent of Islam, the Arab culture and society was very brutal, and there were many suppressed groups. The message of the Prophet of Islam revolutionized the

Arabs and changed their minds and hearts. The Prophet granted full rights and protection to all the citizens of the state of Madina. The religious minorities were also granted full protection and rights and the minorities' citizenship was enacted in the Charter of Madina. However, there is fear and anxiety among the non-Muslims in countries like Pakistan, Indonesia or

Nigeria. In these states, whenever the state tries to formulate laws according to Sharia, the minorities think those laws are against them. The non-Muslims fear that they would be subjugated and suppressed if the Sharia were implemented. The fear and worry felt by the non-

Muslims is not superficial and unsubstantiated. The Muslim states have failed to convince the minorities that their rights will be more protected and respected in a society formed on the basis of Islamic ideals and orders of Islamic Law. Muslim states allow everyone to live in their boundaries whether he is from the ‘People of Book’ (Ahl al Kitab) or not. Further Islam does not make any difference between a born Muslim and a convert. Similarly, it allows the dependents of apostates to live in the society without any fear and they can live in the Islamic society comfortably.70

70 For detailed discussion refer to Muhammad Hamidullah, "Relations of Muslims with Non-Muslims," JIMMAH VII, no. 1 (Jan 1986).p.7-12 42

1.2.2 Qur’┐n and the Minorities

Qur’an, the last Book of Allah, is the source of guidance for Muslims. It is the divine revelation which has come down to humanity through the most reliable source, the Prophet Muhammad

(peace be upon him). Qur’┐n addresses the mankind irrespective of the person's ethnicity, race, language or color. The Holy Qur’┐n is an ultimate message to all human beings irrespective of any distinction. In terms of rights and the matter of minorities, Qur’┐n guides the society how to deal with this issue. To date, the Muslim jurists and scholars address this matter. In the past in most regions of the Islamic state, the minorities or the non-Muslim citizens of an Islamic state were treated in a respectable manner which is acknowledged by historians and Western scholars as well. There are many examples in the Life of the Prophet (S┘rah) which illustrates the dealing with non-Muslim citizens. Qur’┐n emphasizes the unity of mankind. Allah the

Almighty says:

‘O mankind. We have created you male and female, and have made you nations and

tribes that you may know one another.’71

Moreover, the Qur’┐n puts emphasis that all revealed religions are part of the chain which is completed by the last Prophet in seventh century in Arabia. Allah says in the Qur’┐n:

“ Say ( O Muslims): “We believe in Allah and that which has been sent down to us

and that which has been sent down to Ibrahim (Abraham), Isma‘il (Ishmael),

Ishaq(Issac), Ya‘qub(Jacob), and to tribes, and that which has been given to Musa

71Al-Qur’án 49:13 43

(Moses) and ‘Isa( Jesus), and that which has been given to the Prophets from their Lord,

we make no distinction between any of them, and to Him we have submitted.”72

The following Ayah (meaning: Verse) has the same topic of unity of faiths descended upon the

Prophets:

“The Messenger (Mu╒ammad) believes in what has been sent down to him from his

Lord, and (so do) the believers. Each one believes in Allah, His Angels, His Books, and

His Messengers. (They say) “We make no distinction between one and another of His

Messengers”-and they say, “We hear, and we obey. (We seek) Your forgiveness, our

Lord, and to You is the return (of all).”73

Qur’┐n calls all the people towards Allah and terms this call a message for all:

“Mankind was one community and Allah sent Prophets with glad tidings and

warnings, and with them He sent down the scriptures in truth to judge between people

in matters wherein they differed. And only those to whom (the Scripture) was given

differed concerning it after clear proofs had come to them through hatred, one to

another. Then Allah by His Leave guided those who believed to the truth of that

wherein they differed. And Allah guides whom He wills to a straight path.”74

The position and stance is very clear, unambiguous and free from injustice with respect to non-

Muslim minorities. Islam preaches and teaches peace and sympathy to be shown towards

72Ibid.2:136 73Ibid.2:285 74Ibid.,2:213 44 minorities. It is evident from Qur’┐n that Islam does not teach pressurizing the non-Muslim citizens of an Islamic state to accept Islam:

“There is no compulsion in religion. Verily, the Right Path has become distinct from

the wrong path. Whoever disbelieves in Taghut (anything worshiped other than Allah,

the Real God) and believes in Allah, then he grasped the most trustworthy handhold

that will never break. And Allah is All-Hearer, All-Knower.”75

Qur’┐n not only respects the ‘others’ but it also speaks about fulfilling the obligations and safeguarding the treaties:

‘And fulfill (every) covenant. Verily, the covenant will be questioned about.’76

Islam teaches protection the life and honor of every individual:

Because of that, We decreed upon the Children of Israel that whoever kills a soul unless

for a soul or for corruption [done] in the land - it is as if he had slain mankind entirely.

And whoever saves one - it is as if he had saved mankind entirely. And our messengers

had certainly come to them with clear proofs. Then indeed many of them, [even] after

that, throughout the land, were transgressors.’77

The above verses of the Qur’┐n clearly illustrates rights and status of the minorities in an Islamic state.

75Ibid. 2:256 76Ibid.17:34 77Ibid. 5:32 45

1.2.3 S┘rah of the Prophet and non-Muslim Minorities

The S┘rah (Life of the Prophet Mu╒ammad) and the Ahadith (the Sayings of the Prophet) guide us how to treat the minorities in an Islamic state with justice and to respect every non-Muslim as a human being. The Prophet of Islam says:

“He who wrongs a man to whom a covenant has been given or burdens him above his capacity, I shall advocate against him on the Day of Judgment”78

In another tradition, the Prophet (PBUH) prohibits a Muslims from insulting and harming non-Muslims:

“He who tortures a dhimmi is like the one who has counteracted him (the

Prophet). I shall counteract against him (he who tortures a dhimmi) on the Day

of Judgment who has counteracted him.”79

This was not a caution, only, but a religious duty of all Muslim states to protect the minorities living within their boundaries. The treatment towards minorities and importance of humanity can be easily comprehended and understood from the Life of the Prophet and his treatment of the non-Muslims in Madina. The Prophet (PBUH) was extremely sensitive about fulfilling his commitment extended towards non-Muslims. Once, the Prophet (PBUH) saw the body of a

Jew, who had been his enemy, was being carried by the Jews to graveyard. He immediately stood up in reverence to the body, paying homage and respect to a human being. Somebody

78 Abu Dawud, Sunan, Vol: 2, P.255. 79 Abu-Daud, Al Sunan, , Kitab al-Ikhraj, Bab fi Tahsheer, 3:170, no 3052 46 reminded the Prophet (PBUH) that the body belonged to the Jew who was Prophet's worst enemy. But the Prophet (PBUH) responded, unequivocally, “Is it not a human soul?”80

The response of the Prophet clearly indicated that the person, although he was a Jew, deserved respect and had rights being a human. There are many occasions when the Prophet (peace be upon him) emphasized the protection of the minorities by giving those full rights and freedom so that they could observe their religious affairs. The non-Muslims were protected under the

Islamic rule in Madina. When the Prophet of Islam migrated to Madina, there had been non-

Muslims, the Jews and the Polytheists, living in the society. The Prophet after his migration to

Madina, entered into a contract with the Jews of Madina and a document was chalked out in consultation with the local chiefs in which rights and privileges of all the tribal groups, the local inhabitants of Madina and the migrants from Makkah were laid down. In this document the rights and obligations of Muslims and non-Muslims were clearly written down and it is considered as the first written constitution in the history of mankind.81 The charter of Madina

(Mithaq al Madina), provided equity to all the citizens of the State whether he or she was a

Muslim, Jew or a polytheist. As Dr. Ghazi mentioned that this is perhaps because, to the

Muslim mind, it is not the numbers of people but their humanity and human quality that are significant. Every person with whom one is dealing is a human being; his dignity should be protected and he should be respected as a human irrespective of his affiliation with any group.

As Dr. Muhammad Hamidullah stated that ‘the Prophet had commissioned a non-Muslim,

80Bukhari, Al-Jami as-Sahih, "Kitab al-Janā'iz": no. 50. 81Muhammad Hamidullah, Khutbat-E-Bahawalpur(Islamabad, Pakistan: Islamic Research Institute, 1986).p.112 47

Amr ibn Umayyah ad-Dhamri as ambassador to go to Abyssinia. A document is referred to

Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab that he sent a letter to the governor of Syria saying: “Send to us a

Rumi (Byzantine, Greek) who should be charged with financial administration. Orthodox writers as al-Mawardi and al-Farra say that non-Muslims may be lawfully appointed as ministers.’ 82There are many instances from the Life of the Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be upon him) which reveal the protection, safety and respect for the prayers and places of worship of the non-Muslims. The Christians of Najran came to Madina in the 9th year of Hijra to meet the

Prophet (peace be upon him). Najran is a city in southwestern part of present day Saudi Arabia near the border Yemen. There was a significant population of Christians in Najran at the time of the Prophet. The Prophet of Islam welcomed the delegation and allowed them to stay in one of the compartments of the Mosque of the Prophet (al Masjid al Nabawi). The Prophet also allowed them to perform their prayers in that part of the mosque.83 This is a significant example of religious harmony and respect. A contract was made by the Prophet with the Christians of

Najran. Following were the main points of the pact:84

(i) Whatever their earlier habits or practices had been, they would never be

changed

(ii) Whatever their rights and privileges, these would never be subject to change

(iii) Their religious matters would continue to be run as they were.

82"Relations of Muslims with Non-Muslims."p. 11 83 Ibn Hisham, Sirah¸1,p575-577 84Ibid see Ghazi, "Islamic Shari‘Ah and the Question of Minorities." 48

1.2.4 Rights of Minorities in Pakistan

Islam regards the rights of non-Muslim minorities in all spheres of life. Islam gives the minorities freedom to educate and teach their children according to their beliefs and religious teachings. They are free to move to any part of the state without any restriction. Islam protects the rights of the non-Muslims in choosing and adopting any profession of their choice. It may be added here that Islam provides equal opportunities to its non-Muslim citizens in the economic field. They are given the freedom to adopt any profession subject to the common law of the country. When the Muslims extended their rule to Spain and to other continents of the world, they employed many non-Muslims to run the affairs of the state.

Their services may also be rendered and utilized for the state affairs. They are allowed to cohere to their traditions, cultural customs and background. A minority is allowed to preserve its language and to cling with it. In the history of Islam there are many instances which depict a significant participation and representation of the non-Muslims in state affairs.

Even in today’s Pakistan, many non-Muslims have reached the higher positions. They are in the courts, bureaucracy, banking sector, medicine, armed forces and other fields of life. For instance, a renowned jurist, Justice Alvin Robert Cornelius,85 was a Christian. He had been at the seat of the highest judicial office of Pakistan, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of

Pakistan in 1960s. Further, he had been the Chairperson of the Pakistan Cricket Board. He was

85http://www.ljcp.gov.pk/Menu%20Items/Publications/Reports%20of%20the%20LJCP/reports/supremereport02.p df 49 a very humble person and a respected figure in the judicial history of Pakistan. Justice Rana

Bhagwandas is another example. He was a Hindu. He had been the acting Chief Justice of the

Supreme Court of Pakistan and headed the Federal Public Service Commission of Pakistan

(FPSC).86 Justice Dorab Patel a Parsi had been the senior judge of the Supreme Court of

Pakistan in 1970s.87 These are few examples which show the non-Muslims inclusion in the top and most respected seats of State.

Further, there is a choice for the non-Muslim citizens of an Islamic state to decide upon their civil cases either according to the Islamic Sharia Law or their own personal laws. They are not bound to the Islamic law.88 Their civil and legal cases are governed according to their own religious laws. The Islamic states in the history and even today always protect the personal law of non-Muslims. However, the law of the country is applied in other matters, i.e. Pakistan

Penal Code. The Government also appoints non-Muslims as ministers, secretaries and in the bureaucracy.

1.2.5 Religious Rights of Non-Muslims

In an ideal Islamic state, there is no coercion applied on the non-Muslim. They are free to profess their religious beliefs. The concept of forced conversion is condemned harshly in Islam

86 http://www.fpsc.gov.pk/icms/admin/members/mem_doc/CV%20of%20RBD.pdf 87http://www.ljcp.gov.pk/Menu%20Items/Publications/Reports%20of%20the%20LJCP/reports/supremereport02.p df 88 Abu Bakr Muhammad al Sarakhsi, Almabsoot Vol 5 p41-38, 50 as Qur’┐n mentions, ‘there is no compulsion in Din.’ The non-Muslims are allowed to live their life as per their faith. Although the Muslim may invite the non-Muslims towards the message of Almighty Allah in a decent and cultured way with good behavior and manner. However,

Muslims are not allowed to force non-Muslims to embrace Islam. Further, non-Muslims are free to perform their religious ceremonies fearlessly. They are allowed to construct their places of worship like churches, temples and so on and are allowed to have their prayers there. 89

Even in today’s Pakistan, one can observe a sizeable number of religious places of worship of non-Muslims all over the country. In Sharia the state is bound to take care of the places and to protect them from being desecrated and demolished.90 The recent events of terrorizing the non-

Muslims do not express the majority of Muslims but there seems some unidentified hands who sabotage the prevailing harmony and love among different faith groupsin Pakistan. Muslims and their places of worships and institutions are also facing terrorism all over the country. Non-

Muslims are allowed by law to perform their rituals in their places of worship.

At the same time there are many responsibilities of non-Muslims living in a Muslim majority.

Fazlur Rahman opined that ‘a minority can go to only a certain point in its demands and capacity for their freedom of activity. It is unreasonable to interfere with the affairs of internal matters of the majority.’91

89 Shaybānī, Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan, Sharḥ kitāb al-Siyar al-kabīr vol 2p 251 90 Ibid 91Fazlur Rahman, "Non-Muslim Minorities in Islamic State," JIMMAH VII, no. 1 (Jan 1986).p.14 51

1.2.6 Religious Minorities and the Constitution of Pakistan

Pakistan has had three constitutions since its independence other than the interim legislations of 1947 and the Objectives Resolutions of 1949. The constitution of 1973 was consensus-based and the unanimously agreed upon by almost all the political parties and elected representatives of the country. The constitution of 1973 provides rights to the religious minorities and law enacted the freedom to practice their religions. It is a safeguard which gives protection to the minorities. Article 20 assures the right of each citizen and also ensures the freedom to profess religion and to manage religious institutions. Further, Article 22(1) believes in the freedom within the religious institutions. Here is a brief description of the articles and clauses which are mentioned in the constitution. These are presented in a paper by S.K. Tressler as under:

“Persons belonging to minorities may exercise their rights, including those set

forth in the present declaration, individually as well as in conformity with other

members of their group, without any discrimination. Article 3 (1). Further it

states the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic,

Religious and Linguistic Minorities, “No one shall be subject to coercion, which

would impair his freedom to have religion or belief of his choice. No one shall

be subject to discrimination by any state, institution, group of persons or person

on the grounds of religion or other beliefs. Article1 (2) and 2 (1)”92

92Treseller, "Role and Significance of Other Minorities."p.55-56 52

The articles 33 and 36 of the constitution of Pakistan very clearly explain the declaration on the elimination of all forms of intolerance and discrimination based on religion or belief:

a) Parochial and other similar prejudices to be discouraged

The state shall safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of minorities, including their

due representation in the Federal and Provincial services.93

b) Protection of Minorities

The state shall safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of minorities, including their

due representation in the Federal and Provincial services.94

Other than the constitutional rights and freedom, joint electorate is revised and the minorities now can vote their representatives along with the Muslims, as well. There was separate electoral system before the President Musharraf’s government. In 2002, President Musharraf abolished the separate electorate and after that in political terms, the separatism is no more there. Overall the social and religious life of the religious minorities is well balanced. Pakistan is a multicultural, multi-ethnic and a plural society in terms of race, religion and language.

Although the majority is Muslims, the society is tolerant and generous in giving equal rights and status to the religious minorities. The majority of the people want a stable and peaceful

Pakistan. They are aware of their obligations and a sense of nationhood.

93 Article 33, Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, modified up to the date 28th 2012, published by National Assembly of Pakistan, 2012 94 Article 36, Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, modified up to the date 28th 2012, published by National Assembly of Pakistan, 2012 53

1.3 The Religious Minorities of Pakistan-An Overview

The total population of Pakistan is approx. 182 million. The estimated non-Muslim population is more or less five million which makes three to four percent of the total population. The

Christians and Hindus comprise the maximum numbers of minority communities whereas the other religious minorities are less in number.

Other than the Christians and Hindus, the religious minorities comprise Sikhs, Jains, Qadianis or Ahmedis, Bahá’ís, Parsis, Scheduled Caste, Buddhists and Kalasha. Most of the religious communities are caste-based, class-based and there are many denominations within the religious communities. To quote an example, there are both Catholic and Protestant denominations of

Christianity in Pakistan. Most of the Christians live in the urban areas of the province, Punjab.

Hindus are also divided into different castes and ethnicities. Majority of the Hindu population lives in the rural Sindh. Jains, Buddhists, Parsis and Bahá’ís are very nominal in number. Most of the Parsis are concentrated in Karachi. They are mostly engaged in business and trade. The

Bahá’ís are a low profile community. Sikhs are also in small number and are living peacefully in some cities of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK). The Sikhs of Punjab speak Punjabi, whereas the Sikhs residing in KPK speak Pushto having tribal links with some of the tribes of

Afghanistan. The Qadianis or the Ahmedies were declared non-Muslims in 1974. They are divided into the Lahori and Ahmedi groups. The Ahmediya movement, both groups, is

London-based and many of them are predominantly Punjabi. There are small Ahmedi communities in other provinces of Pakistan. The Kalash is a very ancient community and is concentrated in the areas of Chitral. The percentage of the Muslims in Pakistan is approx. 96.16.

54

In rural areas, the Muslim population is 96.49% and in urban areas they are 95.51%. The overall population of the Christians in Pakistan is 1.69%. The Christian population in the rural areas is 1.10% and in urban areas they are approx. 2.82%. Hindus are approx. 1.40%, out which

1.80% in rural areas and 1.22% in urban areas. The Qadianis/Ahmadis are approx. 0.35% of the total population of Pakistan. They are 0.18% and 0.34% in the rural and urban areas respectively. The Scheduled Caste are 0.33%; rural 0.34% and urban 0.06%. The remaining population of other religions is approx. 0.06%. Their ratio of rural urban is 0.08% and 0.04%.95

Population of Musims & Relirious Minorities

96.49%

1.69% 1.40% 0.35% 0.33% 0.06% Muslims Christians Hindus Qadianis Scheduled Caste Others

The National Assembly has a total of 342 members, including 60 seats reserved for women and 10 for non-Muslims

The National Assembly of Pakistan has a total of 342 members, including 60 seats reserved for women and 10 for non-Muslims. The non-Muslim members of the National Assembly of

95 http://census.gov.pk/Religion.htm 55

Pakistan represent different poitical parties of the country. Six of the members belong to

PML(N), and four others are representing PPPP, PTI, MQM and JUI(F) each.96 One of the member Mr. Asphanyar M Bhandara is a Parsi while one member of JUI(F) is a woman belongs to Chirtian faith. There are eight minority members in Punjab Assembly, three in KPK assembly, nine seats are reserved in Sind Assembly for minorities and three members in

Balochistan Assembly.

Generally the minorities of Pakistan are very faithful and patriotic to Pakistan. Since the creation of Pakistan, many non-Muslim citizens of Pakistan have been serving the nation and participating in the nation-building process. They have played their role in all fields, at the national level. Justice A.R. Cornelius, Justice Durab Patel, Justice Bhagwandas, Jamshed

Marker are some of the examples of the non-Muslim minority who rendered their services for the nation building.

96 http://www.na.gov.pk/en/mna_list.php?list=minority dated 03072017 56

Chapter 2

Bahá’ís of Pakistan

Bahá’ísm is the religion founded by Bahá’u’lláh in Iran during nineteenth century. It was later expanded by Abdul-Baha and Shoghi Effendi in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Now, Bahá’í faith has a sizeable following around the globe. The Bahá’í faith claims itself among the fastest growing religions of the world with more than five million followers, today. The Bahá’í world is comprised of different social, cultural and religious backgrounds.

The Bahai sources claim that there are more than five million Bahais around the globe. India is the country with the most Bahais live in. There are almost over two million Bahais living in

India. Thera are approximately 3,00,000 Bahais in Iran being the largest non-Muslim minority in that country.97

In the first half century of the 20th century, most of the Bahá’ís of the world were Iranians.

Now, Iranians constitute a substantial percentage of the world Bahá’í population but they are no more in majority. The expansion of the Bahá’í community took place during the early 20th century. It reached the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent mainly through person to person contact during the life of Bahá’u’lláh. The history of the Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan is as old as the Bahá’í

Faith itself.

97 http://news.bahai.org/media-information/statistics dated 07/03/2017 57

2.1 Origin and Development of Bahá’í Faith

The origins of Bahá’í faith dates back to 1844 as a religious movement that emerged from the

Shi’a tradition in Iran. In the mid nineteenth century of Iran, the Qajars (1796-1925)98 became the rulers of Iran after the collapse of the Safavids (1501-1722). In the reign of the Qajars, a young noble Iranian merchant of Shiraz, Syed Ali Muhammad Shirazi, entitled himself, Báb

(meaning: the gate) claimed a new religion. This new movement was named as Bábi Religion.

His followers were called Bábis. This proclamation was made on the mission stated by Báb himself. He proclaimed to be the One who would be ordained to be superior than Báb himself.

The world would be united under .(من يظهرهللا :He would be the ‘Manifestation of God’ (Arabic the prophecy and guidance of ‘the Manifestation of God’.

The Bahá’í Faith is an offshoot of the Shi’a sect of Islam. In the early years of the sixteenth century, the Safavids of Iran (1501) established their dynasty. It was more or less dominated by

Shi’a Muslims. The Shi’a Muslims believe that the Prophet Mu╒ammad (May Allah peace upon him) nominated ‘Ali (R.A.) as his successor, The Imam of the Muslim community. Hazrat ‘Ali

(R.A.) was martyred in the year 661 CE. His son, Hussain was also martyred by the forces of

Ummayad caliph Yazid in 680 CE. In the following years, the followers of ‘Ali organized themselves as a separate group and called themselves as Shi’an-e-‘Ali. In the following years the concept of ‘Twelve Imam’ emerged in the Shi’a theology. This concept of the ‘Tweler Shi’aism’

98Peter Smith, The Babi and Bahai Religions(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).p.7 58 originated from the disputes followed by the establishment of the Islamic Caliphate. The Shi’as claimed that ‘Ali was the rightful successor of the Prophet. According to Shi’a theologians, ‘Ali

(R.A.) was by passed and Abu Bakr (R.A.) was chosen as the first caliph of Islam. This conflict continued till the death of the eleventh Imam who had no living heir. A new controversy was developed on the issue of twelfth Imam. There is much confusion among the Shi’a scholars regarding this issue. Michael Axworthy states:

“Eventually the faith coalesced again around the explanation that the eleventh

Emam had had an heir, a son, but that this boy has been concealed or “occluded”

shortly after the death of his father, in order to avoid persecution. At the right

time, a time of chaos and crisis, this hidden twelfth Emam would reappear to

reestablish the righteous rule of God on earth.”99

The Shi’as believe that the ‘Twelfth Imam’ disappeared, mysteriously. He is living in concealment and would return at the end of times as Mahdi. The messianic figure, Mahdi, is believed by the Shi’as would be the twelfth Imam.100 Mahdi is the ‘Hidden Imam’ and he is the twelfth and last Imam in succession to Ali. Those who awaited his return are called Twelver

Shi’as.101 The Shi’a orthodoxy was established all over Iran under the Safavid dynasty. The Shi’a ulema established and regulated their own institutions free from the state interference. The

99Michael Axworthy, A History of Iran(New York, USA: Basic Books, 2008).p.129 100 for detail discussion on Immate see chapter 11, the Doctrine of the Imamate in The Origins and Early development of Shia Islam by Syed Husain M.Jafri published Ansariyan Publications Qum, Iran 101Axworthy, A History of Iran. 59 formulation of such institutions was done under the leadership of Mujtahids or competent

Interpreters of Islamic Law. As Smith states, ‘the great Mujtahids, presented themselves as uniquely authoritative defenders of Islamic orthodoxy.’102 Iran witnessed many revolutions and religious changes in eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The Safavids were replaced by the

Qajars. Many political developments took place in Iran under the rule of Muhammad Shah

Qajar. The Russians and the Great Britain increased their influence in Iran. Both powers had their own interests in the region. Along with these developments, a religious movement arose by Shaykh Ahmad al Ahsai(1753-1826). This movement named after his name as the Shaykhi movement. Shaykh al Ahsai had the view that the time of coming of Mahdi was near. He and his successor Syed Kazim Rashti (died 1843) propagated the phenomena of the rise of Mahdi all across Iran. Their followers called themselves Shaykhis. They, also, challenged the institutionsof the Orthodox Shi’a Mujtahid. The Shaykhis had very controversial views within the Shi’a school of thought. They were denounced by the traditional Shi’a ulema because of their thoughts but they, nevertheless, considered their school of thought a branch of Shiism.

Shaykh Ahmad has been described as an ‘gnostic’ (‘arif’) amongst the ulema and an schorlar

(‘alim) among the gnostics. There were many other issues views, as described by Peter Smith, of

Shaykh Ahmad that were seriously diverged from the traditional Shia views.103 For instance, the teachings of Shaykh Ahmad had the belief that “it was essential for Shi‘ism to be purified from intellectual innovations by a return to infallible sources of guidance. He taught that on the Day of judgment, creation would return, not as Godas its source but to Primal Will; that the resurrection

102Smith, The Babi and Bahai Religions.8 103 Ibid, pg.10 60 would take place, not in the corporeal body but in a ‘subtle body’ which came into being in the realm of Hurqalya. Besides these views Shaykh also taught that Muhammad’s ‘night journey’ to heaven was made only within the created realm and with the Prophet’s subtle rather than material body.”104 Rishti did not appoint his successor. The Shaykhi community dispersed after the death of Syed Kazim Rishti in 1843. They were in great confusion. This was the time when one of the devoted disciples and students of Kazim Rishti, Mulla Hussain Bushrui (1814-1849) eventually became the leader of Shaykhism. The Shaykhi movement was the foundation of

Bábism which transformed into Bahá’ísm. Axworthy states:

“Since the eighteenth century, followers of a branch of Shiism called Shaykhism had

speculated that there must be a gate (“Báb”) through which the hidden Emam could

communicate with the faithful. This Báb was expected to take the form of person,

and as the year 1260 after Hijrah approached, some Shaykhis grew increasingly

excited that the Báb might be revealed in that year.”105

2.1.1 ‘Báb’, the gate

Parallel to these events Sayyed Ali Muhammad, a young and almost unknown merchant of

Shiraz, Southern Iran, claimed himself as “Báb” to the hidden Imam in 1844. Later, his adherents and followers were known as Bábi. Syed Ali Muhammad Báb was born in Shiraz on

20th October 1819. He did not get any formal religious education or traditional Shi’a training.

104 Ibid pg.11-12 105 Michael Axworthy, The History of Iran, Pg 188 61

But in the years of 1843 and 1844 he claimed to have experienced visions in which he saw himself drinking blood from the severed head of Imam Hussain. (Smith, 1987)These visions filled his soul with divine light. According to him these revelations compelled him to declare himself Mahdi. This was the time when Mullah Hussain Bushrui arrived in Shiraz in search of

Mahdi. At Shiraz, he met Báb. Mullah Bushrui had very long discussion with Báb. Bushrui realized that Báb was the person whom he was searching for. He accepted the claim of Báb being the forerunner of Manyazurullah which Báb made in a secret meeting with Bushrui in the mid of 22 and 23 May 1844. Sayyid Ali Muhamamd declared himself the Bab in 1844. His declaration had significant with the history of Islam especially the Shia sect of Islam. As discussed by Maulana Muhammad Ali in his book History and Doctrines of the Babi Movement that the majority of the Shias recognize twelve Imams beginning with Ali and ending with

Muhammad, son of Hasan Akari, who is known as the Mahdi whose appearance is awaited by the Muslims. 106. It is believed by the Shias that the twelfth Imam has only disappeared while the first eleven Imams died. The last and the twelfth Imam disappeared in the year 260 A.H.

According to the Ithna Ashari (sect of the Twelve) the Twelfth Imam or Imam Mahdi, was the last of the series. They have the belief that he will reappear before the day of the judgment to

‘fill the earth with justice after it has been filled with iniquity’. 107With connection of the Babi doctrine it is to be noticed that first of all that the Manifestation (Zahoor) Mirza Ali

Muhammad took place in 1260 A.H. This was exactly a thousand years after the succession of

106 Ali, Muhammad, Maulana, History and Doctrines of the Babi Movemnt, pg.1 107 James Hastings, Encyclopedia of Religions and Ethics, Volume II, New York, 1974 edition page 300

62 the Imam Mahdi to the imamate, or in other words at the completion of the millennium of

‘Occultation’. The year of the declaration of Ali Muhammad Bab was 1844 CE that corresponds to 1260 A.H. It is worth mentioning that he chose that year that was exactly one thousand lunar years after the Ghaibat (Occultation’) of Imam Mahdi. It is worth mentioning that

Muhammad Ali Bab had been considered to be an intermediary for the 12th and last Imam believed to be hidden since 9th century.108

After his claim, the Shaykhis split into two factions on the issse of Bab. After the demise of

Sayyid Kazim Rashti in January 1844, there emerged many internal crisis within the Shaykhi sect. Unlike Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsai, Rashti left no clear instructions as to the leadership of the movement. After a short period of time the Shaykhis sect split into two main groups, one grouped around Sayyid Ali Muhammad Shirazi, and the other central figure was of Haji Mulla

Muhammad Karim Khan Kirmani (1810-1871).109 These two factions opposed each other fiercly. The fist led by Mirza Muhammad Ali, ‘moved away from the outward practice of Islam toward a concentration on the development of its inward (batini) realities and, ultimately of a new revelation following the appearance of the hidden Imam. The second emphasized the continuing role of the Prophet and the Imam, and sought acceptance from the Shia majority which had formerly excommunicated the founder of Shaykhism and his successor.’110 When this division came openly expressed, there grew up a fierce opposition and hostility between them. It is worth mentioning that Karim Khan Kirmani’s father Ibrahim Khan Zahir al-Dawla was a cousin and son

108 Britannica Encyclopedia of World Religions, 2006, London, page 103 109 Moomen Mojan, Studies in Babi and Baha'i History, Volume 1 page 1 110 ibid 63 in law of Fath Ali Shah, the second king of Qajar dynasty. Karim Khan wrote extensively about the claim of Bab in his different writtings. Karim Khan identified ten issues in the teachings of

Bab which were opposed to Islam and some of which were heretical innovation. Further Karim

Khan also passed his remarks on the passages of Bab and negated and opposed the claims of new revelation, bringing a new book after the Quran, legitimization of Jihad and so on. On the basis of these points Karim Khan declared Bab an infidel.On the other hand many other dicsiples of Ahmad

Ahsai and Rashti supported Mirza Ahmad Ali and his claim. Among them the chief followers of

Bab and early Babi were Mullah Hussain of Bushraweh, Mullah Muhammad Ali Barfurufshi,

Qurrat al Ayn, Aqa Sayyid Hussain of Yezd and many others were all members of Shaykhi sect.

Eighteen followers of Shaykhism accepted the claim of Báb, too. These were the first eighteen

Bábis. Báb declared these early Bábis as 'Letters of Living' (Huruful-hayy). Báb and these Letters of Living altogether became nineteen (19) in total. The number 19 is very holy in the Bábism and, later, in Bahá’ísm. There are nineteen months in Bahá’í calendar and nineteen days in each month. Báb proclaimed himself Imam Mahdi, the Promised Qaim (he who will arise), the inaugurator of the resurrection, and the abrogator of the Islamic law.

Moreover, Báb also promulgated a new code of holy laws in his book ‘Bayan’. The claims and teachings of Báb spread in Iran within the Shi’a community. Bábism faced severe opposition from the traditional Shi’a ulema. The claims of Báb were against the basic Islamic teachings and

Sharia. He also criticized the shortcomings of the ulema. He abolished the Islamic Shariah

(Law). Báb recommended that the Islamic ban on interest be lifted, argued that judicial punishment should be made less harsh, advocated better treatment of women and good caring

64 of children. He became a controversial figure when he started calling him, the Hidden Imam

(Mahdi). Further, Báb had the view that his faith was a new belief –superseding Islam and the previous revelation.111

This put Báb in direct conflict with ulema. Báb and many of his follower Bábis were taken into custody. Báb was imprisoned in different jails of Iran. The Bábis were persecuted. The Iranian government acted vigorously against the Bábis. The policy followed by the Shah of Iran was very aggressive towards the Bábis as they professed the beliefs which were contrary to the basic

Shi’a teachings and traditional Islam. They talked of a new revelation. The followers of Báb started to include the name of Báb in Azaan (call for prayer). Further, Báb did not remain restricted to the status of Mahdi but abrogated many articles of Islamic faith. Eventually, all this ended in the execution of Báb, publicly. Many of his followers were killed and executed including one of his most remarkable and radical woman follower, Qurrat al-Ain. Báb was executed in Tabriz in 1850 by a firing squad. His body was taken away secretly in the night by his followers. The body was kept hidden for more than fifty years in various places and eventually buried in a shrine on the slopes of Mount Carmel in the city of Haifa. Later a great and vast shrine was built on the mount. Now, it has become a place of pilgrimage for the

Bahá’ís. The Bahá’ís visit the shrine of Báb and considered it the holiest land on the earth. The shrine of Báb is surrounded by the shrine of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and the buildings of the World

Center of Bahá’í. There are some other buildings of Bahá’í community in the vicinity, these

111Axworthy, A History of Iran.p. 188 65 include; the seat of the Universal House of Justice, International Teaching Center, the Center for the Study of the Sacred Texts and Bahá’í Library and the Bahá’í Archives Building.112

After the killing of Bab by the Persian authorities, Mirza Yahya, Subh-i-Azal became the leader of the Babis. In his lifetime, Bab was very much joyful in the extreme with Mirza Yahya, and conferred him the title of Subh-i-Azal, meaning the ‘Morning of Eternity’. Soon Bab gave his seal to Subh-i-Azal and gave him the authority with the completion of the Bayan. Thus Mirza

Yahya became the uncontested leader of the movement even though he was just nineteen years of age. Some of the Babis had revolutionary attitude towards the Persian government after the persecuation of the Babis and the killing of Bab. Some of the Babis made an attempt on the life of Shah I.e Nasir Uddin Shah in 1852, when he was riding, but the shot missed. This attempt has its consequences to the Babis as the action of the Babis, the harsh measures adopted by the

Qajar dynasty. Eventually resulted to a mass persecution of the followers of Bab. It forced the

Babis to move to Baghdad and then toAdrianople. At first the Babis gathered under the leadership of Subh-i-Azal, at Adrainople the Babis were divided into two groups, when

Bahaullah made his open declration of his claim to be “ He Whom God shall make manifest’.

His half brother Mirza Yahya, titled Subh-i-Azal, who had been succeeded the leader of the

Babis after the killing of Bab, rejected the claim of Bahaullah and led although a small but revolutionary group of the Babis. A split occurred in the Babis and they were divided into two groups. Most of the Babis gathered under the leadership of Bahaullah, later called themselves

112 Gandhimohan Viswanathan, Pilgrims and Travelers to the Holy Land, Creighton University Press, Omaha 1996 66

Bahais. Mirza Yahya, Subj-i-Azal eventually became an unsuccessful rival of Bahaullah besides his all efforts

2.1.2 Bahá’u’lláh-The Glory of God

The Bábis were severely persecuted by the Iranian government after the execution of Báb in

1850. One of the followers of Báb tried an unsuccessful attempt to kill the Shah, but as Smith stated, by the early 1850s, Bábism had all but collapsed as a religious movement. 113 The movement continued to grow by 1860 till the announcement of Bahá’u’lláh as “He Whom God

Shall Make Manifest”. Most of the followers of Báb accepted Bahá’u’lláh as their new leader.

Since then, the movement has been labelled as Bahá’í faith. Bahá’u’lláh was a leading figure within the Bábi community even at the time when Báb was imprisoned. When Báb was executed, Bahá’u’lláh became more prominent to lead the community. In the writings of Báb, a messianic figure was prominent. He declared that ‘the messianic figure’ would be the person whom Báb had termed as ‘Man-yuzhiruhu’llah’, “He Whom God Shall Make Manifest.”

Mirza Hussain Ali Nuri (1817-92), known by the title Bahá’u’lláh (Trans: The Glory of God) was born on 12 November, 1817 in Tehran, Iran. His father, Mirza Abbas (died 1839) was a notable landowner in his native district Nur in the province of Mazandaran. Mirza Abbas was politically influential and had a highly significant position and rank in the Iranian court of

Fateh Ali Shah (1797-1834). He was appointed as a minister of state. The family of Mirza Abbas

113Smith, The Babi and Bahai Religions.p.57 67 was wealthy and very distinguished in Iran. Many of his family members occupied important positions in the government.114Bahá’u’lláh did not get any formal education from any school or madrasah. Instead, he received education from his father at home. His father died when he was twenty-two. After the death of his father, he was offered a high position as a Vizir (meaning: minister) in the Iranian government but he refused to accept. In 1844, when Báb declared his manifestation, Bahá’u’lláh was among the distinguished and most prominent followers of this new religious movement which emerged within the Shi’a tradition. Soon, he acquired prominence in the Bábi movement and became an enthusiastic supporter of Bábi faith. When

Báb was held and imprisoned under the charges of distorting the Islamic traditions and teachings, a conference was organized by his Bábi followers at Badasht, Iran in June 1848. The major figure who arranged the conference in defense of Báb was Bahá’u’lláh. Among other participants of the conference, one of the central figures was the presence of Qurut al Ain

Tahirah. She was a passionate women and a great supporter of Báb. She was a great Persian poetess and the daughter of a prominent Shi’aAlim (Trans: religious scholar). In the Badasht conference, Islamic Shariah and Law were abrogated because of the new faith and revelation which was declared by Báb. It is quite interesting to mention here that Bahá’u’lláh did not meet

Báb in his life nor he was among the eighteen Letters of Living. But he had firm faith and strong affiliation with Báb. As mentioned earlier, the Bábis were persecuted vigorously and their founder Báb was executed in 1850. Bahá’u’lláh suffered because of the events afterwards.

114J. E. Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era, 6 ed.(Karachi, Pakistan: Bahahi Publishing Trust, 1998). 68

Bahá’u’lláh was also accused of being a Bábi follower after the unsuccessful attempt of killing the Shah. He was imprisoned in the Siyah Chal (Trans: Black Pit) for life. His life imprisonment was changed into exile after a period of four months. This was done because of the intervention of the Russian ambassador to Iran. The legation secretary (diplomat in the embassy) of the

Russian ambassador was the brother in law of Bahá’u’lláh. On this occasion, Bahá’u’lláh was offered to take asylum in Russia, but he refused to do so. In April 1858, he was exiled to

Baghdad. Before that exile, while in the prison at Siyah Chal, he had a vision as elaborated by

Shoghi Effendi in God Passess By:

“In His Súratu’l-Haykal (the Súrih of the Temple) He thus describes those

breathless moments when the Maiden, symbolizing the “Most Great Spirit”

proclaimed His mission to the entire creation: “While engulfed in tribulations I

heard a most wondrous, a most sweet voice, calling above My head. Turning my

face, I beheld a Maiden—the embodiment of the remembrance of the name of

My Lord—suspended in the air before Me. So rejoiced was she in her very soul

that her countenance shone with the ornament of the good-pleasure of God, and

her cheeks glowed with the brightness of the All-Merciful. Between earth and

heaven she was raising a call which captivated the hearts and minds of men. She

was imparting to both My inward and outer being tidings which rejoiced My

soul, and the souls of God’s honored servants. Pointing with her finger unto My

head, she addressed all who are in heaven and all who are on earth, saying: ‘By

69

God! This is the Best-Beloved of the worlds, and yet ye comprehend not. This is

the Beauty of God amongst you, and the power of His sovereignty within you,

could ye but understand. This is the Mystery of God and His Treasure, the Cause

of God and His glory unto all who are in the kingdoms of Revelation and of

creation, if ye be of them that perceive.”115

This was the first experience of Bahá’u’lláh while receiving revelation. According to him he claimed to have experienced many visions as described in his writings. In Baghdad, Bahá’u’lláh became the leading figure among the Bábi community. Báb nominated Yahya, titled Subh-i-

Azal, the half-brother of Bahá’u’lláh as his successor. The personality and the fame of

Bahá’u’lláh were extraordinary significant that he became the prominent leader of the Bábis.

Bahá’u’lláh had a strong relationship with the Bábis of Iran and Iraq. The Bábis of Iran were disheartened at the time. They were depressed and demoralized because of the incessant persecution of the Bábis. Bahá’u’lláh emerged as a hope for the disconsolate Bábis. Bahá’u’lláh went to live in the mountains of Kurdistan and remained at Sulaymania for almost two years

(1854-6). He wrote two books; Haft Wadi (Seven Valleys) and Char Wadi (Four Valleys), at

Sulaymania. These books were his two main mystical works and were written for two Sunni

Sufi leaders. Bábis visited and met Bahá’u’lláh during his stay at Baghdad. They met him on their way to Karbala. Most of these meetings and gatherings of the Bábis held at the holy places;

115Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, (Gutenberg.org, 2006), http://www.gutenberg.org/files/19275/19275-pdf.pdf. 70 like at the shrines of Hazrat Ali (R.A) and Imam Hussain. Such matters infuriated the Shi’a ulema.

The Iranian authorities expressed their concerns to the Ottoman government about the activities of Bábis and their interaction with Bahá’u’lláh. These activities were intolerable to the orthodox Shi’a ulema. They felt fear and enmity due to the popularity of Bahá’u’lláh and his charismatic personality. The local British agent at Baghdad on behalf of the British government offered Bahá’u’lláh the British citizenship and assured him that he would be safer under the British rule. He was also offered to live in India. Bahá’u’lláh refused them firmly and rejected the offers. After such complaints from the Iranian authorities, the Ottoman Empire ordered Bahá’u’lláh to leave Baghdad and take exile in Istanbul, the capital of the Ottomans.

Bahá’u’lláh left his place in Baghdad and proceeded towards Istanbul with his family members and other companions on 20th April of 1863. On his way to the capital of the Ottoman Empire,

Bahá’u’lláh stayed in the gardens of Najib Pasha for twelve days from April 21 to May 2, 1863.

Many of the dignitaries of the Ottomans and noble people including the governor and other officials visited Bahá’u’lláh giving him due respect, admiration and regard. Here at the

‘Gardens’, on 21April 1863, Bahá’u’lláh made his historic declaration to a group of his family members and disciples. This claim of Bahá’u’lláh was about the one promised by Báb. This event is commemorated by Bahá’ís each year in the holy days of Ridvan( pronounced Rizwan).

Peter Smith writes:

71

“For Bahá’ís these twelve days, in what they have come to call the Garden of

Ridvan (Paradise), constitute a moment of supreme significance, Bahá’u’lláh

there making the declaration to his intimate disciples and family and that he was

himself Man-yuzhiruhullah.”116

This declaration was made after nineteen years of Báb’s proclamation. The Bahá’ís consider this declaration of Bahá’u’lláh as Izhar-amr-e-Alni. They celebrate their feast, as Eid-e-Ridvan on 21st of April each year. This is the day when the elections of the Local Spiritual Assemblies of

Bahá’ís are conducted across the world. It was considered as ‘glad tiding’ by Bahá’u’lláh to his followers which was already declared by the Báb.117The declaration was the new era and a great event in the Bahá’í history. The actual facts of this declaration at the Ridvan are not much known that how he made this claim and how many people were gathered.

After this announcement the caravan of Bahaullah started its journey. Bahá’u’lláh along with his family and other companions reached Constantinople (now Istanbul, Turkey), the capital of the Ottoman Empire. Initially they were taken in house custody. Then, they were moved to some better quarters.118 Just after four months, a new order of their transfer to Adrianople reached to the Ottoman authorities. At Istanbul, Bahá’u’lláh openly announced his claim to be

“He Whom God Shall Make Manifest.”

116Smith, The Babi and Bahai Religions.p.66 117Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era.p.93 118Ibid.p.44 72

This proclamation of Bahá’u’lláh was actually the emergence and beginning of the new Bahá’í

Faith. At the same time, it was the end of Bábism. There were still conflicts and contradictions within the community, between the Azalis and the Bahá’ís. Arthur Hampson states:

“For five years the small Bahá’í community in that city was embroiled in an

internal leadership conflict As Mirza Yahya, a half-brother to Bahá’u’lláh,

challenged the claims of Bahá’u’lláh and proclaimed that he, instead, should be

recognized as the Promised one. The ensuing struggle reached violent

proportions, and this disturbance (coupled with the increasing attention being

paid to the Faith as a result of an audacious series of letters from Bahá’u’lláh to

the most powerful world leaders demanding that they recognize His station and

exercise their authority according to the will of God) precipitated a political

decision to banish Mirza Yahya to Famagusta, Cyprus, and Bahá’u’lláh to the

penal colony of ‘Akka’, Palestine.”119

Mirza Yahya, title Subh-i-iAzal, claimed that he was the promised one of the proclamation of

Báb. He did not have such leadership qualities and guts which Bahá’u’lláh had. In contrast, the leadership of Bahá’u’lláh was largely accepted in Iran by the Bábis. In the words of Peter Smith,

Bahá’u’lláh, with the support of the majority of the Bábi community, fully emerged as the

119Arthur Hampson, "The Growth and Spread of the Bahai Faith " (University of Hawaii, 1980).p.22-23 73 leader of an independent and essentially new religion, as distinct from Bábism as it was from

Islam.120

During his stay at Adrianople, Bahá’u’lláh wrote letters to the Kings of the worlds, heads of the states, the Pope, the Sultan of Turkey, and the Shah of Iran. In these letters he announced his mission, and called the leaders of the world to the new faith, the unity of the world and the universal brotherhood. Bahá’u’lláh also wrote letters to the Kings and the rulers with a single address. In one of his letters he addressed the kings of the world collectively:

“O KINGS of the earth! He Who is the sovereign Lord of all is come. The

Kingdom is God’s, the omnipotent Protector, the Self-Subsisting. Worship none

but God, and, with radiant hearts, lift up your faces unto your Lord, the Lord

of all names. This is a Revelation to which whatever ye possess can never be

compared, could ye but know it. We see you rejoicing in that which ye have

amassed for others, and shutting out yourselves from the worlds which naught

except My Guarded Tablet can reckon. The treasures ye have laid up have drawn

you far away from your ultimate objective. This ill beseemeth you, could ye but

understand it. Wash your hearts from all earthly defilements, and hasten to enter

the Kingdom of your Lord, the Creator of earth and heaven, Who caused the

120Bahaullah, The Proclamation of Bahaullah(Wilmette, Illinois: Bahai Publishing Trust, 1967).p.67 74

world to tremble, and all its peoples to wail, except them that have renounced

all things and clung to that which the Hidden Tablet hath ordained....”121

Besides the letters to the King, Bahá’u’lláh wrote separate letters to different Kings and Queens, as well. Some of the extracts from the letters of Bahá’u’lláh to Queen Victoria and Shah Abdul

Aziz are given here briefly. In his letter to Queen Bahá’u’lláh writes:

“O QUEEN in London! Incline thine ear unto the voice of thy Lord, the Lord

of all mankind, calling from the Divine Lote-Tree: Verily, no God is there but

Me, the Almighty, the All-Wise! Cast away all that is on earth, and attire the

head of thy kingdom with the crown of the remembrance of thy Lord, the All-

Glorious. He, in truth, hath come unto the world in His most great glory, and

all that hath been mentioned in the Gospel hath been fulfilled. The land of Syria

hath been honoured by the footsteps of its Lord, the Lord of all men, and North

and South are both inebriated with the wine of His presence. Blessed is the man

that inhaled the fragrance of the Most Merciful, and turned unto the Dawning-

Place of His Beauty, in this resplendent Dawn. The Mosque of Aqsá vibrateth

through the breezes of its Lord, the All-Glorious whilst Bathá (Mecca) trembleth

at the voice of God, the Exalted, the Most High. Whereupon every single stone

of them celebrateth the praise of the Lord, through this Great Name.”122

121Ibid.p.5-7 122Ibid.p.33-35 75

In his letter to Shah Abdul Aziz of the Ottoman Empire, he presents his mission:

“HEARKEN, O King, to the speech of Him that speaketh the truth, Him that

doth not ask thee to recompense Him with the things God hath chosen to

bestow upon thee, Him Who unerringly treadeth the straight Path. He it is Who

summoneth thee unto God, thy Lord, Who showeth thee the right course, the

way that leadeth to true felicity, that haply thou mayest be of them with whom

it shall be well. Beware, O King, that thou gather not around thee such ministers

as follow the desires of a corrupt inclination, as have cast behind their backs that

which hath been committed into their hands and manifestly betrayed their trust.

Be bounteous to others as God hath been bounteous to thee, and abandon not

the interests of thy people to the mercy of such ministers as these. Lay not aside

the fear of God, and be thou of them that act uprightly. Gather around thee

those ministers from whom thou canst perceive the fragrance of faith and of

justice, and take thou counsel with them, and choose whatever is best in thy

sight, and be of them that act generously.” 123

According to Bahá’í literature and traditions thousands of hundred verses were revealed on

Bahá’u’lláh during his stay at Adrianople. Many of his sayings and ideas went undocumented in history. On this occasion Allah o Akbar (Allah is Great) was replaced by the words Allah-u-

Abha (lit: God is Most Glorious). These words are also used as greetings when the Bahá’ís meet

123Ibid.p.47-54 76 each other instead of Assalma o alaikum, which is used in Islam. Bahá’ís are also obliged to repeat these Kalimat (sacred words), Allah-u-Abha, ninety-five, 95, times a day. The House of

Báb at Shiraz and the House of Bahá’u’lláh at Baghdad, both, were declared sacred places and the Bahá’ís were asked to make pilgrimage to these places. Also, here, the prayers for fasting were taught.

In 1868, Bahá’u’lláh and his family members along with his companions were ordered by the

Ottomans to move to Akka, Palestine which became another place of exile and imprisonment.

Akka, according to Shoghi Effendi, ‘marks the opening of the last phase of His forty-year long ministry.’124 The early two years were very harsh for Bahá’u’lláh, in which they were not allowed to leave the prison. Later, they were allowed to move along the walls of the city.

Bahá’u’lláh chose a mansion at Bahji, just outside the city of Akka for his residence. The stay of Bahá’u’lláh at Akka was historic, prominent and significant in the history of Bahá’í Faith.

In prison, very few people were allowed to meet him. He wrote the most important and sacred book of the Bahá’í Faith, the Kitab-e-Aqdas (the Most Holy Book). Therefore this book provides the foundations of the Bahá’í Faith. It outlines the main religious laws. Furthermore

Bahá’u’lláh spent most of his time in writing tablets during his imprisonment. He continued to write his word after his release from the prison. Shoghi Effendi elaborates this situation very clearly and categorizes his writings, he says:

124Effendi, God Passes By.p.241 77

“The writings of Bahá’u’lláh during this period, as we survey the vast field which

they embrace, seem to fall into three distinct categories. The first comprises those

writings which constitute the sequel to the proclamation of His Mission in

Adrianople. The second includes the laws and ordinances of His Dispensation,

which, for the most part, have been recorded in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas, His Most

Holy Book. To the third must be assigned those Tablets which partly enunciate

and partly reaffirm the fundamental tenets and principles underlying that

Dispensation.”125

Kitáb-i-Aqdas is written in Arabic. It has 146 pages and 409 commands (Ahkamat). It is considered the most sacred book written by Bahá’u’lláh and is of unique importance. The Book was written in 1873. In the introduction of its electronic version, the importance and the nature of the book is very well explained:

“Of the more than one hundred volumes comprising the sacred Writings of

Bahá’u’lláh, the Kitáb-i-Aqdas is of unique importance. “To build anew the

whole world” is the claim and challenge of His Message, and the Kitáb-i-Aqdas

is the Charter of the future world civilization that Bahá’u’lláh has come to raise

up. Its provisions rest squarely on the foundation established by past religions,

for, in the words of Bahá’u’lláh, “This is the changeless Faith of God, eternal in

the past, eternal in the future.” In this Revelation the concepts of the past are

125Ibid.p.270 78

brought to a new level of understanding, and the social laws, changed to suit the

age now dawning, are designed to carry humanity forward into a world

civilization the splendours of which can as yet be scarcely imagined.”126

Furthermore, the contents and the message of Kitab-a-Aqdas are presented in these words in the introduction of the book:

“In its affirmation of the validity of the great religions of the past, the Kitáb-i-

Aqdas reiterates those eternal truths enunciated by all the Divine Messengers:

the unity of God, love of one’s neighbour, and the moral purpose of earthly life.

At the same time it removes those elements of past religious codes that now

constitute obstacles to the emerging unification of the world and the

reconstruction of human society. The Law of God for this Dispensation

addresses the needs of the entire human family. There are laws in the Kitáb-i-

Aqdas which are directed primarily to the members of a specific section of

humanity and can be immediately understood by them but which, at first

reading, may be obscure to people of a different culture. Such, for example, is

the law prohibiting the confession of sins to a fellow human being which, though

understandable by those of Christian background, may puzzle others. Many

126Bahaullah, Kitab-I-Aqdas, http://www.bahai.org/library/authoritative-texts/bahaullah/kitab-i-aqdas/ accessed on 10/02/2015. 79

laws relate to those of past Dispensations, especially the two most recent ones,

those of Mu╒ammad and the Báb embodied in the Qur’an and the Bayán.”127

In the following two decades, Bahá’u’lláh wrote extensively. He wrote tablets (Bahá’í writings) for the dissemination and propagation of the distinctive teachings of Bahá’í Faith. According to Momen Moojan, ‘the last years of Bahá’u’lláh’s life were spent in writing and dictating numerous woks; receiving the pilgrims who came in increasing numbers; and directing the affairs of his religion.’128 Esslemont writes about the nature of the writings of Bahá’u’lláh as:

“The writings of Bahá’u’lláh are most comprehensive in their range, dealing with

every phase of human life, individual and social, with things material and things

spiritual, with the interpretation of ancient and modern scriptures, and with

prophetic anticipations of both the near and distant features.”129

Bahá’u’lláh passed away on 29 May 1892 at the age of seventy five in his mansion at Bahji and buried there. Thus, the founder of a new religion expired. His shrine is considered as one of the holiest place on earth by his followers. The pilgrimage of his shrine once in a Bahá’ís life is considered obligatory.

127Ibid. 128Moojan Momen, The Bahai Faith(Oxford: Oneworld 2009). p.145 129Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era.p.60 80

Shoghi Effendi precisely describes the lives of the founders of the Faith and his description is of historic significance. He says:

“…it is solely because these happenings proclaim the birth, and signalize the

establishment, of an epoch which future historians will acclaim as the most

heroic, the most tragic and the most momentous period in the Apostolic Age of

the Bahá’í Dispensation. Indeed the tale which the subsequent decades of the

century under review unfold to our eyes is but the record of the manifold

evidences of the resistless operation of those creative forces which the revolution

of fifty years of almost uninterrupted Revelation had released.A dynamic

process, divinely propelled, possessed of undreamt-of potentialities, world-

embracing in scope, world-transforming in its ultimate consequences, had been

set in motion on that memorable night when the Báb communicated the purpose

of His mission to Mullá Susayn in an obscure corner of Shíráz.It acquired a

tremendous momentum with the first intimations of Bahá’u’lláh’s dawning

Revelation amidst the darkness of the Síyáh-Chál of lihrán. It was further

accelerated by the Declaration of His mission on the eve of His banishment from

Baghdád. It moved to a climax with the proclamation of that same mission

during the tempestuous years of His exile in Adrianople. Its full significance was

disclosed when the Author of that Mission issued His historic summonses,

appeals and warnings to the kings of the earth and the world’s ecclesiastical

81

leaders. It was finally consummated by the laws and ordinances which He

formulated, by the principles which He enunciated and by the institutions which

He ordained during the concluding years of His ministry in the prison-city of

Akká.”130

2.1.3 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá

Bahá’u’lláh left a will and a testament to the Bahá’í community. According to the will,

Bahá’u’lláh appointed his eldest son, Abbas Effendi, later called ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (the servant of

Baha) to be his successor and the leader of the Bahá’í community. This was the last document written and sealed by Bahá’u’lláh’s own hands. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was also designated as the sole interpreter of the writings and teachings of Bahá’u’lláh. In Kitab Ahdi (The Book of My

Covenant), Bahá’u’lláh asks his followers and companions to follow his teachings and herd under the leadership of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. He writes in the Kitab-i-Ahdi (Book of My Covenant):

"Although the Realm of Glory hath none of the vanities of the world, yet within

the treasury of trust and resignation We have bequeathed to Our heirs an

excellent and priceless heritage. Earthly treasures We have not bequeathed, nor

have We added such cares as they entail. By God! In earthly riches fear is hidden

and peril is concealed. Consider ye and call to mind that which the All-Merciful

hath revealed in the Qur’án: ‘Woe betide every slanderer and defamer, him that

130Effendi, God Passes By.p.309-10 82

layeth up riches and counteth them.’131 Fleeting are the riches of the world; all

that perisheth and changeth is not, and hath never been, worthy of attention,

except to a recognized measure. It is incumbent upon everyone to aid those

daysprings of authority and sources of command who are adorned with the

ornament of equity and justice. Blessed are the rulers and the learned among the

people of Bahá. They are My trustees among My servants and the manifestations

of My commandments amidst My people. Upon them rest My glory, My

blessings and My grace which have pervaded the world of being. In this

connection the utterances revealed in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas are such that from the

horizon of their words the light of divine grace shineth luminous and

resplendent. O ye My Branches! A mighty force, a consummate power lieth

concealed in the world of being. Fix your gaze upon it and upon its unifying

influence, and not upon the differences which appear from it. The Will of the

divine Testator is this: It is incumbent upon the Aghsán, the Afnán and My

Kindred to turn, one and all, their faces towards the Most Mighty Branch.”132

‘Abdu’l-Bahá was born on May 23 1844, in Tehran.133 He remained very close and dear to

Bahá’u’lláh since he was nine and enjoyed the affection till Bahá’u’lláh breathed his last.

‘Abdu’l-Bahá was a witness to all the events that happened in Bahá’u’lláh's life. In the life of

131Al-Qur’án 104:1–2. 132Bahaullah, Tablets of Bahaullah Revealed after Kitab-I-Aqdas, http://reference.bahai.org/en/t/b/TB/tb-16.html retrieved on 13/12/2014 p.219-223 133 It was the date when Bab proclaimed his mission of being the ‘Bab’ 83

Bahá’u’lláh, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá held a very central figure in the Bahá’í community. Bahá’u’lláh declared ‘Abdu’l-Bahá his real and spiritual heir to his mission and cause on different occasions.

Esselemont states, “Many years before his death he declared this in veiled manner in his Kitab- i-Aqdas. He referred to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá on many occasions as ‘the Centre of My Covenant’, ‘the

Most Great Branch’, ‘the Branch from the Ancient Root’. He often spoke of him as ‘the

Master’ and required his family to treat him with marked deference; and in his Will and

Testament he left explicit instructions that all should turn to him and obey.”134

‘Abdu’l-Bahá assumed the position as the leader and the authoritative interpreter of Bahá’í Faith as per the will and testament of Bahá’u’lláh. Initially, he faced opposition from his half-brother,

Mirza Muhammad Ali, who claimed to be the successor of Bahá’u’lláh. In the start, Mirza

Muhammad Ali succeeded in garnering the support of the few influential Bahá’ís. However,

‘Abdu’l-Bahá regained his position as overwhelming majority of the Bahá’ís supported his cause. The power play split the community into two groups, temporarily. As Peter Smith tells us, “One group regarded ‘Abdu’l-Bahá as the Center of his father’s Covenant and themselves as thabit (meaning: ‘steadfast and firm’) Bahá’ís, contrasting themselves with the followers of

Muhammad Ali, who they termed Naqidin (meaning: violators of the Covenant, Covenant breakers). The second group supported Muhammad Ali and referred to themselves as

134Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era.p. 67-68 84

Muwahhidin (meaning: Unitarians) and the followers of Abbas as Mushrikun (meaning: polytheists).”135

This resulted in the confinement of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in the city of Akka for some years. After the

Young Turks Revolution, they were released and freed in 1908. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá started the mission with new zeal and enthusiasm after his release from the prison. He completed the shrine of Báb on Mount Carmel by putting the remains of Báb, there. As it is mentioned earlier that the body of Báb was taken away and hidden after his death. The remains were buried after a period of almost 59 years. Secondly, after his release from the Ottomans, he moved the center of Bahá’í Faith from Akka to the near city Haifa in 1909. He also shifted to his new house at

Haifa. Eventually Haifa became the World Center of Bahá’í Faith. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá visited Egypt in 1910 in his early years of ministry. From Egypt he proceeded to the West and, then, to the shores of the United States of America. The Bahá’í Faith spread rapidly in the West. As Arthur

Hampson states:

‘‘Abdu’l-Bahá guided the faith during a period of turbulence and change, both in

the fortunes of the still youthful religious movement and in the arrangements of

mankind’s affairs at the global level.’136

Now the Bahá’í Faith, which was initially supposed to be a ‘Middle Eastern” cultural religious tradition crossed the borders, appealing to the people outside, especially the West and the USA.

135Smith, The Babi and Bahai Religions.p.71 136Hampson, "The Growth and Spread of the Bahai Faith ".p.24 85

With the extensive efforts and travels of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the Bahá’í Faith reached Germany,

France, North America, Great Britain, Hungary and other parts of the West. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá met many of the world prominent figures, politicians, philosophers, artists, scientists, think tanks, and great minds of thought. During his visits, he addressed many communities and associations and interacted with the followers and scholars of other religions. He returned to Haifa in 1913 before the commencement of World War I. He wrote many tablets and books after his return and during the war years. His addresses were documented and published, later. He covered a wide range of areas and guided the followers about the changing times in his writings. The passion to expand the faith and spread the mission in all corners of the world was one of the main motives of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. However, Arthor Hampson evaluated that there were motives other than his mission and that was the recognition of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá as an ‘unchallengeable interpreter of the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and his words. Although dissemination of the faith was one of the reasons but acknowledgement of his position as the authoritative personality in the Bahá’í world, also, motivated him.

Haifa-Akka, Palestine came under the control and mandate of the British army after World

War I. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was knighted in recognition of his service to peace and his work for the prosperity of people. Eventually, he was entitled ‘Sir’ by the British authorities in 1920.

‘Abdu’l-Bahá died on 28 Nov, 1921. He was buried near the shrine of Báb at Haifa.

86

2.1.4 Shoghi Effendi-Wali Amrullah

The news of the death of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá came as a shock to the Bahá’í community. He was buried with great honor at Haifa, Palestine. A large number of Bahá’ís and other religious followers and officials of the British mandate attended the funeral ceremony. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá did not have any male child. Thus, the issue of leadership came to the front. He appointed Shoghi

(Showqi) Effendi the Guardian of the Cause of God ( Wali Amr ullah). Shoghi Effendi was his grandson, the son of his daughter. In his will and the testament, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá directed his followers that till the formation of the Bahá’í institutes, Shoghi Effendi would be the sole authority for the interpretation of the Bahá’í Faith. In his will, he clearly appointed Shoghi as his ‘successor’.

“O my loving friends! After the passing away of this wronged one, it is

incumbent upon the Aghsán (Branches), the Afnán (Twigs) of the Sacred Lote-

Tree, the Hands (pillars) of the Cause of God and the loved ones of the Abhá

Beauty to turn unto Shoghi Effendi—the youthful branch branched from the

two hallowed and sacred Lote-Trees and the fruit grown from the union of the

two offshoots of the Tree of Holiness,—as he is the sign of God, the chosen

branch, the Guardian of the Cause of God, he unto whom all the Aghsán, the

Afnán, the Hands of the Cause of God and His loved ones must turn. He is the

87

Interpreter of the Word of God and after him will succeed the first-born of his

lineal descendents.”137

‘Abdu’l-Bahá very clearly stated in his will that the appointment of Shoghi Effendi was done under the guidance of Báb and Bahá’u’lláh,

“O friends! The Hands of the Cause of God must be nominated and appointed

by the Guardian of the Cause of God. All must be under his shadow and obey

his command. Should any, within or without the company of the Hands of the

Cause of God disobey and seek division, the wrath of God and His vengeance

will be upon him, for he will have caused a breach in the true Faith of God.”138

Furthermore he declared the obedience of Shoghi Effendi as the obedience to God, and opposition to him as the opposition and disobedience to God. Shoghi Effendi was at Oxford for his studies when ‘Abdu’l-Bahá died. He reached Haifa in December 1921. The will and testament which was written and sealed by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá himself was opened in the presence of his family members in January 1922. The revelation surprised Shoghi Effendi Rabbani who was appointed the Guardian of the Cause of God(Wali Amrullah), and also the head of the future Universal House of Justice. His appointment was temporal. He was opposed within the family. Particularly Mirza Muhammad Ali, the half-brother of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá claimed to be the

137Abdul Baha, The Will and the Testament,Part I http://reference.bahai.org/en/t/ab/WT/ retrieved on 13/12/2014. 138The Will and the Testament, http://reference.bahai.org/en/t/ab/WT/ retrieved on 13/12/2014. 88 successor of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Born on 1 March 1897 at Haifa, Palestine, Shoghi Effendi was only twenty-four years, when he became the leader of the Bahá’í Faith. In the early years he was opposed by Mirza Muhammad Ali and faced many problems. That was the reason, he left Haifa two times for periods of six months and more. After the issue of power struggle settled, he returned back and led the Bahá’í community. In the history of Bahá’í Faith, the ministry of

Shoghi Effendi is considered to be the formative and developmental age. He himself mentioned these developments in his book:

“The Formative Period, the Iron Age, of that Dispensation was now beginning,

the Age in which the institutions, local, national and international, of the Faith

of Bahá’u’lláh were to take shape, develop and become fully consolidated, in

anticipation of the third, the last, the Golden Age destined to witness the

emergence of a world-embracing Order enshrining the ultimate fruit of God’s

latest Revelation to mankind, a fruit whose maturity must signalize the

establishment of a world civilization and the formal inauguration of the

Kingdom of the Father upon earth as promised by Jesus Christ Himself.”139

He spent his early years in the formation and establishment of Bahá’í administrative structure and their functioning. The main characteristic of the leadership of Shoghi Effendi was the process of development of the Bahá’í Administrative Order, which began in the early years after he assumed the position as the Guardian of the Cause of God. The establishment of the

139Effendi, God Passes By.p. 202 89

Universal House of Justice was an early plan. The formation of Local and National Spiritual

Assemblies, also, took place. He wrote letters to Bahá’í communities around the globe informing them about the expansion of the faith and, also, to remind them of their responsibilities. In March 1923, he addressed the Bahá’í communities of the West and also the communities of Japan and Australia in a many-worded letter. Shoghi Effendi detailed the responsibilities of the Bahá’ís of the world. He chalked out the procedure of the elections of the spiritual assemblies and the domain for exercising the power. It is worth mentioning here that Shoghi Effendi wrote almost 36000 letters for the guidance of his followers. This depicts his passion and enthusiasm for the mission of Báb and Bahá’u’lláh. He wrote in the letter of

March 12, 1923,140 starting as:

“To the beloved of the Lord and the handmaids of the Merciful throughout

America, Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Italy, Japan and

Australasia.”

The main objective of Shogi Effendi was to streamline the Bahá’í administrative order which was ordained by Bahá’u’lláh. As Arthur Hampson states, ‘The work of Shoghi Effendi focused on the development of an administrative system that was to embody the administrative principles and structures already outlined by Bahá’u’lláh and was to provide for the unremitting propagation of the Faith.’141 The focus was on the establishment of the Local Spiritual

140. 141Hampson, "The Growth and Spread of the Bahai Faith ".p. 31 90

Assemblies, followed by the fast growing formation of the National Spiritual Assemblies and finally the establishment of the international body functioning the Bahá’í administration internationally that was the institution of Universal House of Justice. Shoghi Effendi worked under the guidance of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá as being his secretary for almost two years. He remained the secretary until he departed to Great Britain for his higher studies. The direct guidance and training of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá made Shoghi Effendi confident and it provided him an opportunity of learning. When he was appointed as the Guardian of the Cause of God, along with other administrative tasks, he translated sacred Bahá’í literature and texts in English from Arabic and

Persian languages. In addition, he also wrote a comprehensive history of the faith and translated many books which recorded the history of the Bahá’í faith in English. This helped the English speaking world to understand the message and mission of Bahá’u’lláh.

Shoghi Effendi passed away in London in 1957 and was buried, there. He did not leave any will nor did he appoint any person to be his successor. As no definite instructions were found, the

Hands of Cause, which were also referred by Shoghi Effendi as ‘Chief Stewards of Bahá’u’lláh’s

World Order, took the charge of Bahá’í affairs. The 26 members of the Hands of Cause fulfilled their responsibilities till the establishment of the Universal House of Justice, in 1963.

2.2 Bahá’í Faith, Teachings and Practices

The fundamental beliefs of the Bahá’ís are that God is one, religion is one, and humanity or mankind is one. Bahá’u’lláh put more emphasis on the spiritual development of his followers.

The teachings of the Bahá’í Faith give importance to the Oneness of God and the Unity of the

91 world but at the same time it fosters and promotes the spiritual development of an individual and transformation of the human soul to the high stations of meditation. Here is a brief description of the Bahá’í belief and practices.

2.2.1 The Concept of God in Bahá’í Faith

The Bahá’ís believe in One God who is the Creator of the universe. God has the full control over all His creation. The essence of God is eternally supreme. His attributes and qualities are completely immanent in the manifestations. Bahá’u’lláh writes:

“All praise to the unity of God, and all honor to Him, the sovereign Lord, the

incomparable and all-glorious Ruler of the universe, Who, out of utter

nothingness, hath created the reality of all things, Who, from naught, hath

brought into being the most refined and subtle elements of His creation, and

Who, rescuing His creatures from the abasement of remoteness and the perils of

ultimate extinction, hath received them into His kingdom of incorruptible

glory. Nothing short of His all-encompassing grace, His all-pervading mercy,

could have possibly achieved it. How could it, otherwise, have been possible for

sheer nothingness to have acquired by itself the worthiness and capacity to

emerge from its state of non-existence into the realm of being?”142

142Bahaullah, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahaullah(Wilmette, Illinois: Bahai Publishing Trust, 1983).p.64 92

The knowledge of human is limited and the nature of God could not be comprehended by the human intellect. The attributes of the God, the nature and knowledge of God could only be understood through study, prayer and having faith on the revealed scriptures and the word of

God. The actual scriptures are the writings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Bahá’u’lláh says:

“This is the Day whereon the All-Merciful hath come down in the clouds of

knowledge, clothed with manifest sovereignty. He well knoweth the actions of

men. He it is Whose glory none can mistake, could ye but comprehend it. The

heaven of every religion hath been rent, and the earth of human understanding

been cleft asunder, and the angels of God are seen descending. Say: This is the

Day of mutual deceit; whither do ye flee? The mountains have passed away, and

the heavens have been folded together, and the whole earth is held within His

grasp, could ye but understand it. Who is it that can protect you? None, by Him

Who is the All-Merciful! None, except God, the Almighty, the All-Glorious, the

Beneficent. Every woman that hath had a burden in her womb hath cast her

burden. We see men drunken in this Day, the Day in which men and angels have

been gathered together.”143

143Ibid.p.45 93

2.2.2 Life after Death

According to Bahá’í teachings, the nature of soul and its connection with each human being cannot be really understood. The human soul lives eternally. The Bahá’í teachings tells us that the human soul is of spiritual nature and it does not depend on human body to exist. The human life continues and does not end with the death of a human being rather it passes to another realm which in the words of Bahá’u’lláh is beyond the human intellect and it is different from this world. He writes in very detail about the state and condition of soul after death. Following passage will be helpful for the understanding of this theological issue of life after death as narrated in Gleanings:144

“And now concerning thy question regarding the soul of man and its survival

after death. Know thou of a truth that the soul, after its separation from the

body, will continue to progress until it attaineth the presence of God, in a state

and condition which neither the revolution of ages and centuries, nor the

changes and chances of this world, can alter. It will endure as long as the

Kingdom of God, His sovereignty, His dominion and power will endure. It will

manifest the signs of God and His attributes, and will reveal His loving kindness

and bounty. The movement of My Pen is stilled when it attempteth to

befittingly describe the loftiness and glory of so exalted a station. The honor

144Ibid.p.155-8 94 with which the Hand of Mercy will invest the soul is such as no tongue can adequately reveal, nor any other earthly agency describe.

Blessed is the soul which, at the hour of its separation from the body, is sanctified from the vain imaginings of the peoples of the world. Such a soul liveth and moveth in accordance with the Will of its Creator, and entereth the all-highest

Paradise. The Maids of Heaven, inmates of the loftiest mansions, will circle around it, and the Prophets of God and His chosen ones will seek its companionship. With them that soul will freely converse, and will recount unto them that which it hath been made to endure in the path of God, the Lord of all worlds. If any man be told that which hath been ordained for such a soul in the worlds of God, the Lord of the throne on high and of earth below, his whole being will instantly blaze out in his great longing to attain that most exalted, that sanctified and resplendent station....

The nature of the soul after death can never be described, nor is it meet and permissible to reveal its whole character to the eyes of men. The Prophets and

Messengers of God have been sent down for the sole purpose of guiding mankind to the straight Path of Truth. The purpose underlying Their revelation hath been to educate all men, that they may, at the hour of death, ascend, in the utmost purity and sanctity and with absolute detachment, to the throne of the Most

High. The light which these souls radiate is responsible for the progress of the

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world and the advancement of its peoples. They are like unto leaven which

leaveneth the world of being, and constitute the animating force through which

the arts and wonders of the world are made manifest. Through them the clouds

rain their bounty upon men, and the earth bringeth forth its fruits. All things

must needs have a cause, a motive power, an animating principle. These souls

and symbols of detachment have provided, and will continue to provide, the

supreme moving impulse in the world of being. The world beyond is as different

from this world as this world is different from that of the child while still in the

womb of its mother. When the soul attaineth the Presence of God, it will assume

the form that best befitteth its immortality and is worthy of its celestial

habitation.”

2.2.3 Heaven and Hell

The Bahá’í concept of heaven and hell is totally different from the concept of other religions.

It is related to the nature of the soul and the purpose of life on earth. Bahá'u'lláh confirmed the existence of a separate, rational soul for every human. In this life, He says that the soul is related to the physical body. It provides the underlying animation for the body and is our real self. As mentioned earlier, the soul does not die with the death of the human body. Bahá’u’lláh considers Paradise as a state of closeness to God and Hell is a state of remoteness from God.

Almost same were the views of Báb and are expressed below:

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“An important part of the Báb’s teaching is his explanation of the terms

Resurrection, Day of Judgment, Paradise and Hell. By the Resurrection is meant,

he[Báb] said, the appearance of a new Manifestation of the Sun of Truth. The

raising of the dead means the spiritual awakening of those who are asleep in the

graves of ignorance, heedlessness and lust. The Day of Judgment is the Day of

the new Manifestation, by acceptance or rejection of Whose Revelation the sheep

are separated from the goats, for the sheep know the voice of the Good Shepherd

and follow Him. Paradise is the joy of knowing and loving God, as revealed

through His Manifestation, thereby attaining to the utmost perfection of which

one is capable, and, after death, obtaining entrance to the Kingdom of God and

the life everlasting. Hell is simply deprivation of that knowledge of God with

consequent failure to attain divine perfection, and loss of the Eternal Favor. He

definitely declared that these terms have no real meaning apart from this; and

that the prevalent ideas regarding the resurrection of the material body, a

material heaven and hell, and the like, are mere figments of the imagination. He

taught that man has a life after death, and that in the afterlife progress towards

perfection is limitless.”145

145Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era.p.34 97

2.2.4 Universal Unity

There is emphasis on the universal unity and brotherhood in the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and

‘Abdu’l-Bahá. They believed that all the prophets came from the same source and had the same teachings. The coming of the prophets to the world and the organization of independent religions is the succession of the prophets in a single line of religions. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in his will and the testament clearly identifies the place and position of Báb and Bahá’u’lláh. It makes clarity about their missions as well which are the foundations of the beliefs in Bahá’í faith and practiced by the followers of Bahá’u’lláh. In ‘Bahá’u’lláh and the New Era’ it is written:

“His Holiness, the Exalted One (the Báb), is the Manifestation of the Unity and

Oneness of God and the Forerunner of the Ancient Beauty. His Holiness the

Abhá Beauty (may my life be a sacrifice for His steadfast friends) is the Supreme

Manifestation of God and the Dayspring of His Most Divine Essence. All others

are servants unto Him and do His bidding.”146

The Bahá’ís share the belief that the recent Prophet of God is Bahá’u’lláh. The claim of being the word and manifestation of God is proclaimed in the writings of Bahá’u’lláh. He emphasized the universal peace and universal brotherhood characterized by divine forces in his writings.

The core teaching and belief is the emphasis on ‘Unity’. This emphasis can be observed clearly in the writings of Bahá’u’lláh:

146Ibid.p. 80-81 98

“The Great Being saith: O ye children of men! The fundamental purpose

animating the Faith of God and His Religion is to safeguard the interests and

promote the unity of the human race, and to foster the spirit of love and

fellowship amongst men. Suffer it not to become a source of dissension and

discord, of hate and enmity. This is the straight Path, the fixed and immovable

foundation.”147

He addressed the people around the globe to move towards harmony and unity in order to solve their worries and sorrows. He says:

“O contending peoples and kindreds of the earth! Set your faces towards unity,

and let the radiance of its light shine upon you. Gather ye together, and for the

sake of God resolve to root out whatever is the source of contention amongst

you. Then will the effulgence of the world’s great Luminary envelop the whole

earth, and its inhabitants become the citizens of one city, and the occupants of

one and the same throne. This wronged One hath, ever since the early days of

His life, cherished none other desire but this, and will continue to entertain no

wish except this wish. There can be no doubt whatever that the peoples of the

world, of whatever race or religion, derive their inspiration from one heavenly

Source, and are the subjects of one God. The difference between the ordinances

under which they abide should be attributed to the varying requirements and

147Bahaullah, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahaullah.p.215 99

exigencies of the age in which they were revealed. All of them, except a few

which are the outcome of human perversity, were ordained of God, and are a

reflection of His Will and Purpose.”148

The reason of the chaos and disturbance according to Bahá’u’lláh is the lack of unity among nations. He considers all nations, religions and races an off-shoot of a tree:

“Behold the disturbances which, for many a long year, have afflicted the earth,

and the perturbation that hath seized its peoples. It hath either been ravaged by

war, or tormented by sudden and unforeseen calamities. Though the world is

encompassed with misery and distress, yet no man hath paused to reflect what

the cause or source of that may be. Whenever the True Counsellor uttered a

word in admonishment, lo, they all denounced Him as a mover of mischief and

rejected His claim. How bewildering, how confusing is such behavior! No two

men can be found who may be said to be outwardly and inwardly united. The

evidences of discord and malice are apparent everywhere, though all were made

for harmony and union. The Great Being saith: O well-beloved ones! The

tabernacle of unity hath been raised; regard ye not one another as strangers. Ye

are the fruits of one tree, and the leaves of one branch. We cherish the hope that

the light of justice may shine upon the world and sanctify it from tyranny. If the

rulers and kings of the earth, the symbols of the power of God, exalted be His

148Ibid.p.217 100

glory, arise and resolve to dedicate themselves to whatever will promote the

highest interests of the whole of humanity, the reign of justice will assuredly be

established amongst the children of men, and the effulgence of its light will

envelop the whole earth. The Great Being saith: The structure of world stability

and order hath been reared upon, and will continue to be sustained by, the twin

pillars of reward and punishment.... In another passage He hath written: Take

heed, O concourse of the rulers of the world! There is no force on earth that can

equal in its conquering power the force of justice and wisdom.... Blessed is the

king who marcheth with the ensign of wisdom unfurled before him, and the

battalions of justice massed in his rear. He verily is the ornament that adorneth

the brow of peace and the countenance of security. There can be no doubt

whatever that if the day star of justice, which the clouds of tyranny have

obscured, were to shed its light upon men, the face of the earth would be

completely transformed.”149

Bahá’í Faith does not deny the existence of other religions and faiths. It accepts the presence of the ‘Prophets of God’. Unity, being the basic belief and tenet of the Bahá’í Faith, is clearly elaborated in the writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá as well. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá put more emphasis on their meaning and significance especially in ‘The Foundations of World Unity’. In these writings he categorically speaks about the oneness of mankind, the root of all religions, the independent

149Ibid.p.218 101 investigation of truth, the equality of men and women, universal and compulsory education, the essential harmony of science and religion, elimination of prejudice of every shade, a spiritual solution of economic problems, a universal auxiliary language, and a universal peace upheld by a world government.150Bahá’u’lláh suggested a universal language but he could not design a separate or universal language. It is interesting that a constructed auxiliary language, Esperanto, was introduced by Dr Ludwig Lazarus Zamenhof in the year 1887, the time when Bahá’u’lláh emphasized the need of a universal language.

2.2.5 Prayer

In the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh there are three obligatory Prayers (Arabic:Salat ) in a day. The

Bahá’ís are required to perform one of the prayers daily. They offer their prayers turning their faces towards the shrine of Bahá’u’lláh at Akka Israel. It is the Qiblah ( the direction to which they turn for prayer) for the Bahá’ís. ‘Prayer is the conversation with God’, says ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.

This is the reason that prayer is a daily obligation for Bahá'ís. Bahá'u'lláh has ordained the prayer for them. The prayer has to be said or performed privately. Congregational prayer is abolished by Bahá’u’lláh and is prohibited in Bahá’í Faith. Only the prayer for dead (Janaza) is allowed to be performed in congregation. There are three obligatory prayers a day; the long(al

Salat al Kabir), which can be performed at any time in the day, the medium(al Salat al wusta), has to be performed in the morning, noon or evening and the short(al Salat al Saghir) prayer has

150Abdul Baha, The Unity of the Mankind(Wilmette, Illinois: Bahai Publishing Trust, 1968).p.28-33 102 to be said once a day between noon and sunset. Movements and gestures are to be performed during the prayers. Most of the Bahá’ís offer the short prayer or al Salat al Saghir. Ablution which is washing or cleaning hands and face is necessary before saying the prayers. Prayer is obligatory for the Bahá’ís of age fifteen and above, but is relaxed for the Bahá’ís aged seventy and above. In a conversation with a Bahá’í family, it comes to the researcher's knowledge that

Bahá’ís do not know who has performed the prayer because it is totally a private matter and a direct communication of a person with God. The head of the family informed the researcher that they encouraged their children and other family members to perform the prayers but they do not question whether anyone performed the prayers or not. One thing which is very unique in the Bahá’í prayers is the language which is required in performing these prayers. Munajat

(The actual written words for prayers) are written in Arabic. But they can be recited in any of the language which is understandable for the follower. Recitation and performing the prayers in Persian language is not allowed. For instance in Pakistan, a Bahá’í can offer and say his or her prayer in Urdu which is the national language of Pakistan. It can also be said in any of the

Pakistani languages. There is no compulsion to adopt any language for the offering of prayers.

They are of the view that it is easy for a person to understand the meaning of prayer if it is performed in one's own language.

2.2.6 Fasting

The Bahá’ís fast for nineteen days in their nineteenth month. The fasting requires the person to hold his fast from sunrise to sunset. Fasting is obligatory for all the adults except a person

103 whose age is seventy years or more. During the fast, they are not allowed to eat anything. The

Bahais fast from March 2 through March 20 for nineteen days. These days are for thinking and for Munajat (chanting supplications). Fasting is considered to be one of the greatest obligations of a Bahai and the main objective of Fasting is spiritual. Fasting is an obligatory prayer to reinvigorate and strengthen the soul and bring a person nearer to God. Fasting is obligatory to

Bahais in good health between the ages of fifteen to seventy. However, exemptions are there for people who are ill, travelling, menstruating, pregnant, or women who are engaged in heavy labor. Likewise, other Bahais prayers, fasting is an individual spiritual obligation and no one is allowed to be enforced. Bahaullah does not require missed days of fasting to be made up later, nor does he mention abstention from sexual relations. An individual who is exempt from fasting at any part of a day is exempt from fasting the entire day. Although smoking is banned while one in fasting.

2.2.7 Inheritance

Bahaullah has instructed in the Kitab-i-Aqdas that all the Bahais nust write a will. While writing their will, they have complete freedom in disposing of their property. However, there is a complete and comprehensive system of inheritance in case when an individual dies without writing a will. Interestingly, the system of inheritance in the Kitab-i-Aqdas is based on the principles and provisions written by Bab. They are categorized in seven heirs; children, spouse, father, mother, brothers, sisters and teachers. In case where some of the above mentioned categories do not exist, partly share will be distributed among the children and partly to the

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Local Spritual Assembly or to some extent the Universal House of Justice. The heirs do not recive equal share of the inheritance; children receive nine parts, the spouse receives eight parts, the fathers seven, the mother six, the brothers five, the sisters four and the teachers three. 151

As mentioned earlier, the system of inheritance which provides for distribution of the deceased’s estate among seven categories of heirs (children, spouse, father, mother, brothers, sisters, and teachers) is based on the provisions set out by the Báb in the Bayán. The major features of the Bahá’í laws of inheritance in the case of intestacy are:152

1. If the deceased is a father and his estate includes a personal residence, such residence passes to the eldest son.

2. If the deceased has no male descendants, two thirds of the residence pass to his female descendants and the remaining third passes to the House of Justice.

3. The remainder of the estate is divided among the seven categories of heirs. For details of the number of shares to be received by each group.

4. In case there is more than one heir in any category the share allotted to that class should be divided between them equally, be they male or female.

5. In cases where there is no issue, the share of the children reverts to the House of Justice.

151 Peter Smith, A Concise Enclopedia of the Bahai Faith, p 197-8 152 http://reference.bahai.org/en/t/b/KA/ka-55.html dated 08/03/2017 105

6. Should one leave offspring, but either part or all of the other categories of heirs be non- existent, two thirds of their shares revert to the offspring and one third to the House of Justice.

7. Should none of the specified categories exist, two thirds of the estate revert to the nephews and nieces of the deceased. If these do not exist, the same shares revert to the aunts and uncles; lacking these, to their sons and daughters. In any case the remaining third reverts to the House of Justice.

8. Should one leave none of the aforementioned heirs, the entire estate reverts to the House of

Justice.

9. Bahá’u’lláh states that non-Bahá’ís have no right to inherit from their Bahá’í parents or relatives

2.2.8 Pilgrimage

Bahá’ís go for a pilgrimage to the Holy Shrines at Haifa-Akka for nine days. The main purpose and the intention of these visits and pilgrimage are to pray and meditate in the Holy Shrines of

Bahá’u’lláh, Báb and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. The Qiblah for the Bahá’ís is the Holy Shrine of Bahá’u’lláh.

The Holy Shrine of Bahá’u’lláh is also the Holy Court, and it is known as the Haram-i-Aqdas

(the Pure and Sacred land). Shrine of the Báb is also a holy place for the pilgrims. “The most joyful tiding is this, . . . that the holy, the luminous body of the Báb . . . after having for sixty years been transferred from place to place, by reason of the ascendancy of the enemy, and from

106 fear of the malevolent, and having known neither rest nor tranquility has, through the mercy of the Abhá Beauty, been ceremoniously deposited, on the day of Naw-Rúz, within the sacred casket, in the exalted Shrine on Mount Carmel.”153Bahá’ís who age eighteen years and above are allowed to go for pilgrimage. The nine-day pilgrimage is a formal program. It, also, involves visiting. A Bahá’í has to apply to Bahá’í administration and seek permission for the visit. When it is approved, then, the Bahá’ís can perform the pilgrimage. Otherwise, they have to wait for their turn. Pilgrimage can be performed during the whole year.

The Bahá’ís around the globe visit the holy and sacred places each year with the exception of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. Presently, for Bahá’ís, pilgrimage means visiting the Holy Shrines of

Báb, Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. These shrines are located in Israel. As there is no diplomatic relations of Pakistan with Israel, the Bahá’ís of Pakistan cannot visit Akka and Haifa for the pilgrimage.

2.3 Bahá’íAdministration

There are two institutional frameworks of Bahá’í administration; first, the elected councils having executive, legislative, judicial authority and responsibility and the second is the appointed and nominated individuals which are given specific tasks and responsibilities for the growth, expansion and protection of the community.

153Effendi, God Passes By.p. 276. 107

(ولي أمرأهلل) Guardian of Faith 2.3.1

One of the nominated institution was the Guardian of the Faith. In his ‘Will’, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá

He .(ولي أمرأهلل:nominated his grandson, Shoghi Effendi, as the Guardian of the Faith ( in Arabic had also been appointed as the authorized interpreter of the Bahá’í teachings, scriptures and writings. Under the dynamic leadership of Shoghi Effendi, Bahá’í Faith spread across the world.

Many national and local spiritual assemblies were established around the world according to his yearly and five yearly plans. In 1955, Wali Amrullah planned to establish national spiritual assembly in Pakistan. It was planned that the national spiritual assembly would function autonomously from the National Spiritual Assembly of India, Pakistan and Burma. Earlier, both worked in unison. When the land for the Bahá’í center at Karachi was taken, Shoghi

Effendi was supposed to visit but due to some reasons he did not come.

2.3.2 The Universal House of Justice

The supreme and the highest authority of Bahá’í Faith, is the Universal House of Justice

It was established in 1963. The Universal House of Justice is considered .(بيت العدل االعظم :Arabic) to be the legislative council in the Bahá’í administrative order. It is the source of guidance and coordination for the activities of spiritual assemblies and other matters of Bahá’í Faith around the world. The Universal House of Justice is ordained by Bahá’u’lláh.

“The men of God’s House of Justice have been charged with the affairs of the

people. They, are in truth are the Trustees of God among His servants and the

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daysprings of authority in His countries…In as much as for each day there is a

new problem and for every problem an expedient solution, such affairs should

be referred to the Ministers of the House of Justice that they may act according

to the needs and requirements of the time…It is incumbent upon all to be

obedient unto them.”154

The functions of the Universal House of Justice were elaborated by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. It has the authority of legislation. It is quite interesting that the Guardian of Faith, Shoghi Effendi, was the interpreter of the Bahá’í teachings and scriptures but he did not enjoy the authority of legislation. After his death in London, the Universal House of Justice was empowered with the right of legislation. Furthermore, the Universal House of Justice is authorized to legislate only in those matters which are not discussed in Bahá’í Scriptures. There are many issues and matters which are mentioned and elaborated in the Bahá’í scriptures. The universal House of Justice is empowered to legislate in those areas which remained untapped in the Bahá’í scriptures. The adherents of Bahá’í faith have to follow the rulings and legislations of the House. The decisions made by the House can only be changed and abrogated by the Universal House of Justice, itself.

It is an elected body whose nine members are elected for a period of five years. These members consist of the current members of the national spiritual assemblies of different countries and regions. The election is held after five years at an international Bahá’í convention at Haifa,

Israel. The significance of Bahá’í institution is their way of electing members. There are no

154The Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, with reference to Momen, The Bahai Faith.p.80 109 nominations, no campaigning or convincing for votes, no propaganda or grouping. The members at the international convention cast secret ballots. The elected members are only men.

The reason for the only men to be elected are neither mentioned nor explained in the writings and teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. They have the view that the women exclusion from the election will be disclosed after some time in the future. It is the only Bahá’í institution which has this restriction. It seems a discrimination towards women. Otherwise, almost all the other Institutions of Bahá’í Faith have equal opportunities for men and women. The House has many functions to perform; one of the main responsibilities of the House is to look after the Bahá’í holy places and the administration of the Bahá’í World Center.

2.4 Holy Books and Bahá’í Scriptures

The Bahá’í scriptures revolves round three central figures; Bahá’u’lláh, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and Báb.

Although the writings and translations of the Shoghi Effendi are also included but they are not considered inferior to the writings of the above-mentioned three central figures of Bahá’í Faith.

2.4.1 The Writings of Bahá’u’lláh

The Bahá’ís consider Bahá’u’lláh the divine messenger and the writings of Bahá’u’lláh as divine word. It is believed by the adherents of the Bahá’í Faith that the message of God was revealed to Bahá’u’lláh and that he revealed many of the words of God himself. Bahá’u’lláh wrote extensively. Most of his works could not be recorded because of fast and frequent revelation.

There are three basic books of Bahá’u’lláh which are considered to be revealed. These are; the

Kitab-i-Maknoon means the Hidden Words, Kitab-i-Iqan means The Books of Certitude, and the

110 holiest one is Kitab-i-Aqdas. Other than these books he wrote a number of letters and ‘Tablets’ on different occasions. Further, there are many other books which are compiled by Shoghi

Effendi. Most of his scriptures are in Arabic and Persian. Later, these were translated and compiled by Shoghi Effendi in English.

1. Kalimat-i-Maknoonah

Kalimat-i-Maknoonah means the Hidden words. This was revealed by Bahá’u’lláh in 1858 when he was in exile in Baghdad. It contains shorts passages. It has two parts; part one is in Arabic language and the part two is in Persian. The Arabic part contains seventy-one passages while the Persian portion has eighty-two passages. This is a short book with only fifty-two pages.155

In Kalimat-i-Maknoonah or the Hidden words, Bahá’u’lláh stresses upon the moral teachings and the truth. He emphasized that these were the basic teachings of the past messengers of God.

In many parts of his book, God calls and advises the people on earth with love and compassion.

It takes the form of the voice of God calling the believers.156 It is translated by Shoghi Effendi in English.157 Following is the translation of two passages taken from the Arabic part of the book:158

“1. O Son of Spirit! My first counsel is this: Possess a pure, kindly and radiant

heart, that thine may be a sovereignty ancient, imperishable and everlasting.”

155Paula R. Hartz, World Religions: Zoroastrianism(New York, USA: Chelsea House Books, 2009).p.56 156Ibid. 157Bahaullah, Kalimat-I-Maknoona, http://www.bahai.org/library/authoritative-texts/bahaullah/hidden-words/. 158Ibid.p.1 111

“2. O Son of Spirit! The best beloved of all things in My sight is Justice; turn not

away therefrom if thou desirest Me, and neglect it not that I may confide in thee.

By its aid thou shalt see with thine own eyes and not through the eyes of others,

and shalt know of thine own knowledge and not through the knowledge of thy

neighbor. Ponder this in thy heart; how it behooveth thee to be. Verily justice

is My gift to thee and the sign of My loving-kindness. Set it then before thine

eyes.”

In the Persian part same message is conveyed using the parables of nature. The following two short passages reflects the style embedded in the book:159

“1. O Ye People that Have Minds to Know and Ears to Hear! The first call of

the Beloved is this: O mystic nightingale! Abide not but in the rose garden of the

spirit. O messenger of the Solomon of love! Seek thou no shelter except in the

Sheba of the well-beloved, and O immortal phoenix! dwell not save on the

mount of faithfulness. Therein is thy habitation, if on the wings of thy soul thou

soarest to the realm of the infinite and seekest to attain thy goal.”

“2. Son of Spirit! The bird seeketh its nest; the nightingale the charm of the rose;

whilst those birds, the hearts of men, content with transient dust, have strayed

far from their eternal nest, and with eyes turned towards the slough of

159 Ibid, p. 112

heedlessness are bereft of the glory of the divine presence. Alas! How strange and

pitiful; for a mere cupful, they have turned away from the billowing seas of the

Most High, and remained far from the most effulgent horizon.”

2. Kitab-i-Iqan

Kitab-i-Iqan, the Book of the Certitude, is one of the most significant writings of Bahá’u’lláh.

Basically, it addresses different themes like the nature of God, the nature of the universe and humankind, the nature of religion and the purpose of life. It was revealed in 1861 in Baghdad.

It was translated in English in 1931 and published by Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’u’lláh discussed the nature and message of God in this book. He also discussed the lives and missions of the past messengers of God while quoting the verses of the Qur’┐n, frequently. Along with that he narrated the struggle of different messengers of God and the opposition faced by them. He says:160

“Leaders of religion, in every age, have hindered their people from

attaining the shores of eternal salvation, inasmuch as they held the reins of

authority in their mighty grasp. Some for the lust of leadership, others

through want of knowledge and understanding, have been the cause of the

deprivation of the people. By their sanction and authority, every Prophet

of God hath drunk from the chalice of sacrifice, and winged His flight unto

160Bahaullah, Kitab-I-Iqan http://www.bahai.org/library/authoritative-texts/bahaullah/kitab-i-iqan/#r=ki_en-title. 113

the heights of glory. What unspeakable cruelties they that have occupied

the seats of authority and learning have inflicted upon the true Monarchs

of the world, those Gems of divine virtue!”

According to Bahá’u’lláh every messenger of God had the same message that God is One.

Further Bahá’u’lláh deliberates that every messenger of God came at a specific time and place but with a same and shared purpose that was the salvation of humanity. In Iqan, Bahá’u’lláh urges the need of a new messenger claiming himself the ‘Qaim’. Paula Hartz sums up the main theme of the Iqan:

“In the Iqan Baha’u’llah writes that 1,280 years have passed since the last

messenger, the prophet Mu╒ammad, offered his teachings. The time for a new

messenger has come. He sees in people a yearning for the truth and the need for

a new leader. The spiritual aspects of the human relationship to God do not

change. However, the conditions of life change from age to age. As time moves

on God sends new messengers with lessons that are appropriate to each new age.

In this way religion evolves, moving forward with time.”161

3. Kitab-i-Aqdas

Kitab-i-Aqdas means the Most Holy Book. It is Bahá’u’lláh’s book of law which was written in Arabic in 1873 when Bahá’u’lláh was imprisoned at Akka, Palestine. It has been recognized as a ‘Sacred Scripture’ that contains laws of Bahá’í Faith. A compilation of the writings of

161Hartz, World Religions: Zoroastrianism.p.58 114

Bahá’u’lláh is supplemented at the end of Kitab-i-Aqdas. The first English translation of Kitab- i-Aqdas was published in 1992 after the decision taken by the Universal House of Justice. The significance of the Most Holy Book is elaborated in the "Introduction" of the English translation of the Book as follows:

“Of the more than one hundred volumes comprising the sacred Writings of

Bahá’u’lláh, the Kitáb-i-Aqdas is of unique importance. “To build anew the whole

world” is the claim and challenge of His Message, and the Kitáb-i-Aqdas is the

Charter of the future world civilization that Bahá’u’lláh has come to raise up. Its

provisions rest squarely on the foundation established by past religions, for, in

the words of Bahá’u’lláh, “This is the changeless Faith of God, eternal in the past,

eternal in the future.” In this Revelation the concepts of the past are brought to a

new level of understanding, and the social laws, changed to suit the age now

dawning, are designed to carry humanity forward into a world civilization the

splendors of which can as yet be scarcely imagined.” 162

Bahá’u’lláh unveils the importance of different levels of knowledge through the laws so that people can comprehend it easily. There are many laws in Kitab-i-Aqdas. These laws cover and administer three main areas. First is the relationship of an individual to God, secondly; the matters of physical and spiritual which can be beneficial for an individual, and lastly; the man to man relationship and the relationship of individuals and with the

162Bahaullah, Kitab-I-Aqdas. 115 society as well.163 There are laws of religious obligations, social and communal laws, and rules for living a Bahá’í life. Further, it contains rules for the internal structure and the institutions of Bahá’í Faith. The Kitab-i-Aqdas is the most significant and holiest for the followers of the faith as it describes and creates a new world order for the humanity which bring them altogether. The Book covers many topics and contains 194 paragraphs. The message of Kitab-i-Aqdas is well defined by the writer of Bahá’í Faith as follows:

“The Aqdas is the guide for the new world order that Baha’u’llah has come to

establish: If humanity will follow its commandments the world will be united as

one country; war, famine, and suffering will end; and peace will rule the earth.

The laws of the Aqdas are not Baha’u’llah’s but God’s. Baha’u’llah calls these

laws “the Counsel of God”; they are God’s word, God’s bounty, and God’s

treasure for those who will listen and take them to heart. Baha’u’llah writes that

the Aqdas is the beginning of divine knowledge, the lamp that will lead all the

people of the human race in the path of truth.”164

There are supplementary material at the end of the book that were revealed by Bahaulllah after the completion of Kitab-i-Aqdas. These contain the tablets or letters of Bahá’u’lláh and the text about the obligatory prayers. At the end, there are questions and answers regarding the laws of

Kitab-i-Aqdas, misunderstandings and misinterpretations about the message of the Kitab-i-

163 Introduction ibid. 164Hartz, World Religions: Zoroastrianism.p.62 116

Aqdas. . It is translated in Urdu by a Bahá’í scholar, Syed Muhammad Waris Hamdani of

Sargodha Pakistan. It is published by the Bahá’í publishing trust.

4. Other Writings of Bahá’u’lláh

There are other writings of Bahá’u’lláh which he wrote extensively during his thirty-six years of ministry. These are the tablets or letters addressed to the heads of states and to individuals and communities. A selection of passages from the writings of Bahá’u’lláh is compiled and translated in English named Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Another his writing is the ‘Epistle to the Son of the Wolf’ (Loh-e- ibn Zahb), a letter or tablet in which Bahá’u’lláh addressed a Shi’a scholar, Shaykh Muhammad Taqi Najafi, who had persecuted the Bahá’ís. It was revealed around 1891. Haft Wadi (Seven Valleys) and Chahar Wadi (Four Valleys) were revealed while Bahá’u’lláh was in the mountains of Kurdistan. These writings elaborate the journey of the soul in which Bahá’u’lláh quoted Qur’┐n and other Muslim Sufis. These were revealed by Bahá’u’lláh in response to two Muslim Sufis of his age. Other of his books are, the

Gems of Divine Mysteries;a letter to a Muslim scholar, Prayers and Meditations; a selection of prayers revealed by Bahá’u’lláh later compiled and published by Shoghi Effendi, Summons of the Lords of Hosts; comprising letters written by Bahá’u’lláh to different leaders and heads of state while he was imprisoned in Adrianople and at Akka.

In addition to Bahá’u’lláh's writings, the writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, his son and successor, hold importance for Bahá’ís. They are considered to be a part of Bahá’í scriptures and faith. ‘Abdu’l-

117

Bahá wrote on different and diverse topics. Many of his writings include his letters to the Bahá’í community of his era. His writings are a source of guidance for the community on different issues. He writes and guides the community on the issue of the equality of women, economic matters, world unity, universal peace, divine civilization and Bahá’í faith. Bahá’í Faith is said to be an extension of Bábism. This is the reason that Báb's writings are also considered a part of Bahá’í scripture. Bayan, the book is said to be revealed on Báb, is the basis of legislation in

Bahá’ísm. Báb declared it a divine revealation rejecting the authority and laws of the Qur’┐n.

Most of the laws adapted by Bahá’u’lláh in his Kitab-i-Aqdas are based on Bayan.

118

History of Bahá’í Faith in Asia

2.5.1 The Early Converts and Preachers

Sayed Ali Muhammad, Báb, proclaimed his mission as ‘gate’ or ‘Mahdi’, in 1844. Initially

Eighteen (18) different Shi’a scholars accepted his claims. These early eighteen disciples of Báb were entitled ‘The Letters of Living’ (Huruful Hayy). Sa’íd-i-Hindí was one of the Letters of

Living who belonged to Multan. He came to Iraq for his studies where he met Sayyed Kazmi

Rishti and became a very passionate student of him. Later, he met Báb at Shiraz and accepted new religious doctrine. When Báb planned to go to Makkah for Hajj, he instructed Sa’id-i-

Hindi to go back to the Indian subcontinent and preach the message and mission to the people of India. Following the direction of his master, he journeyed back to Multan where he met

Syed Basir, a blind man, who immediately accepted the religious doctrine of Báb which was brought to him by Said-i- Hindi.165 This story is detailed in the accounts of Nabil Azam and in

Tarikh-e- Jadeed. It is stated briefly by Moojan Momen as, ‘It was during the time of the Báb that India's earliest contact with the Bábí and Bahá'í religions took place. Nabíl-i-A`am's list of the eighteen "Letters of the Living" includes one Indian, ShaykhSa’id-i-Hindí. He was instructed by Báb to take the new religion throughout several provinces of Iran and back to his own homeland. Another Indian convert during this time was a blind Syed named Syed-i-Basír.

Nabíl states that he was converted by Shaykh Sa`íd Hindí in Multan. Another account states

165Nabíl Zarandí (Nabíl-i-A`zam), Dawn-Breakers: Nabíl's Narrative of the Early Days of the Bahá'í Revelation, trans. Shoghi Effendi(Wilmette, Ill: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1974).p.347 119 that Syed Basír heard of the Báb's appearance in Bombay and then travelled to Mecca where he met Báb in person. Both histories agree, however, that he became a zealous believer and that he was eventually executed for his faith by Ildirím Mírzá, a Qajár prince, in Luristan. A third individual who is mentioned in the histories is Qahru'lláh, who came from India and, after meeting Báb in Chihríq, began to spread the new religion in Iran, eventually returning to

India.’166 A number of Indian Bábis were present in Iran. Some of them were killed and it is assumed that there might be a Bábi community present in India, but there is no authentic evidence available to vindicate it.

Bahá’í faith reached India in its early days. In the life time of Bahá’u’lláh two of his followers moved to India when he encouraged them to do so.167 These were Haji Syed Mirza and Syed

Muhammad who were businessmen and had their trade in Bombay (now Mumbai) in 1870.168

Later, Muhammad Ibrahim known as Mubbaligh, joined them.The first printing and publishing press, Nasiri Press( Maktabah-i-Nasiri),was established by Mirza Ibrahim, son of Haij Abul

Qasim(brother of the wife of Báb) .This press started publishing the Bahá’í books and literature

. Early Bahá’ís at Bombay were a contact point for the Bahá’ís of Afghanistan, Iran, India and the sacred land of Bahá’u’lláh. These early Bahá’ís felt the need of a Bahá’í teacher in the Indian subcontinent. They asked Bahá’u’lláh to send a Bahá’í teacher or preacher to Bombay. Jamal

Effendi was chosen by Bahá’u’lláh for this mission. His original name was Sulayman Khan

166 See Moojan Momen, Jamál Effendi and the early history of the Bahá'í Faith in South Asia 167Syed Muhammad Waris Hamdani, Sultanat-E-Ilahia, vol. 3(Pakistan: Bahai Publishing Trust 1989). p.106-7 168Ibid. 120

Tunakabuni. Jamal Effendi reached India around 1872.169Bahá’u’lláh gave him the titles of Lami

(the shining or the brilliant one) and Jamal ud Din (the beauty of the Religion) before sending him to India.170

He visited Indian subcontinent under the direction and approval of Bahá’u’lláh in 1872 as a committed and sincere Bahá’í missionary. The exact date of his first visit to India is not documented. He was appointed as ambassador to the Indian sub-continent by Bahá’u’lláh to preach the Bahá’í faith. One of the converts by Jamal Effendi was Syed Mustafa Rumi171. Rumi accompanied Effendi in his visits of India. Jamal Effendi worked enthusiastically for the dissemination of Bahá’í Faith. Bahá’í literature was published from Punjab and other parts of

India under his supervision. In 1877, he attended British Raj Darbar in which Queen Victoria proclaimed as the Empress of India (Qiasera –e-Hind). Jamal Effendi preached Bahá’í Faith in

India for almost twelve years. Jamal Effendi returned back to Akka and met Bahá’u’lláh after his long stay in the Indian subcontinent and the far-eastern countries of Singapore, Srilanka,

Thailand, Indonesia, Java, and Burma. During his visits, he was accompanied by Mustafa Rumi.

Bahá’u’lláh directed him to return back to India again for the dissemination and propagation of Bahá’í Faith. Bahá’u’lláh considered Jamal Effendi the most suitable person for the promulgation and spread of Bahá’í Faith in India. He returned back to India in 1888. This time

169Ibid. 170Moojan Momen, "Jamál Effendi and the Early History of the Bahá'í Faith in South Asia By " Bahá'í Studies Review, no. 9 (1999). 171(Nabíl-i-A`zam), Dawn-Breakers: Nabíl's Narrative of the Early Days of the Bahá'í Revelation.p.588-90 121 he was accompanied by Hájí Faraju'lláh Tafrishí.172 He visited Lahore, Poonch, Jammuu and

Kashmir, Tibet, Ladakh and some of the other areas of Punjab. He also met the founder of

Qidianism, Mirza Ghulam Ahmed of Qadian and presented him the Tablets (letters) of

Bahá’u’lláh. 173 In 1896, he returned back to Akka, Palestine where he died in 1898 and buried in Akka cemetery.

Bahá’í faith spread throughout India. Bahá’í communities were established in Bombay,

Calcutta, Aligarh and Lahore. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá sent many Bahá’í preachers to India for the spread of the faith. One of the main persons was Mirza Mahmood Zarqani who visited Lahore in 1904.

He met the ‘Poet of the East’ Allama Muhammad Iqbal and remained in contact with him for a long time. Zarqani visited Peshawar after spending some time in Punjab. In December 1920, the first all India Bahá’í convention was held in Bombay for three days. Shogi Effendi, the grand maternal son of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, was designated as the head of the Bahá’í faith as Wali amr

Allahaccording to the will of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Shogi Effendi rapidly established National Spiritual

Assemblies (NSA) and the Local Spiritual Assemblies across the globe including India.

Thereafter, many names can be mentioned who preached Bahá’í Faith in the Indian subcontinent.

172Sabir Afaqi, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 2 vols., vol. 1(Karachi: Bahai Publishing Trust, 1987).p.19 173Hamdani, Sultanat-E-Ilahia, 3.p. 110 122

2.5.2 Bahá’í Faith comes to Pakistan

The history and the development of Bahá’í Faith in the modern-day Pakistan can be studied in two periods; the pre-partition Pakistan and secondly, the post-independence period.

(a) The Pre-Partition Period

As stated earlier, Bahá’í Faith touched the borders of Indian subcontinent during Bahá’u’lláh's life. With the passage of time, Bahá’í Faith spread in many cities and areas of the Indian

Subcontinent. Before partition, Bahá’í faith established its roots in those areas which are now in Pakistan. Mirza Mahmood Zarqani was assigned by Bahá’u’lláh to spread the message in

India. The first All India Bahá’í Convention was held in Bombay in 1920. Prof. Raza Shirazi of

D.J.College Karachi was elected as the President of the Bahá’í community. Karachi was the first capital of Pakistan. Bahá’í community was concentrated in Karachi at the time of independence and from this city, it spread to other parts of the country. During his visits, Mirza Mahmood

Zarqani met a luminous Qadiani scholar, Syed Mahfooz al Haq Ilmi. Ilmi was a convert to

Qadiani faith and belonged to a Muslim family. Ilmi accepted the message of Bahá’u’lláh presented to him by Zarqani. Ilmi was a poet and an author. He was a great Ahmadi scholar of his time. He was an editor of Bahá’í organ, al-Basharat after hos conversion to Bahá’í faith. In

1921, Bahá’í magazine, al-Basharat, which was being published under the editorship of Zarqani was moved to Karachi and started to publish under the editorship of Prof. Raza Shirazi.174 In

174Afaqi, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1.p. 23 123

1923, the third Bahá’í convention was held at Karachi. In 1930, a land was acquired for the construction of Bahá’í Center at Karachi. A very beautiful building was built on that land. It was inaugurated by Mrs. Keeth Ransom Kehler after its completion in 1932. Next year in 1933, the National Spiritual Assembly of India and Burma was registered in Lahore under the government of India act. During these years, Bahá’í literature and books were translated in

Urdu language. Many books were translated and published in Sindhi, Bengali, Hindi and

Gujarati in the following years. The very famous book of J.E.Esslemont, Bahá’u’lláh and the

New Era was translated by Abbas Ali Butt and published in Urdu during the same period. In

1935, a Bahá’í Publishing Committee was formed in Karachi and registered as Bahá’í Publishing

Trust. In 1931, an English Bahá’í magazine, ‘The Bahá’í’ was published under the editorship of

Prof. Preetam Singh from Lahore. Prof. Preetam Singh also established a library at Lahore and formed a Bahá’í Study Circle with a name of Unity League. In 1936, a renowned scholar and politician Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil accepted Bahá’í Faith. Very soon, with the efforts of Molvi Vakil a Local Spiritual Assembly was established in Kashmir. In the year 1930, famous

Bahá’í woman preacher Miss Martha L. Root visited Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar, and Swat. She had many productive meetings with many leaders and scholars of the time including Allama

Muhammad Iqbal. Miss Martha L.Root delivered many lectures in different parts of the region.

With the permission of Shoghi Effendi, she published her book, Tahira: the Pure from Karachi.

During her visits, she was accompanied by a dedicated and famous Bahá’í, Asphandyar

Bakhtiari. Bakhtiri was a very devoted and steadfast Bahá’í preacher. He was one of the Bahá’ís who funded to purchase the land (Hazeerat al Quds) in Karachi and Lahore for Bahá’í centers.

124

The Bahá’í cemetery in Karachi was acquired by the efforts of Asphandyar Bakhtiari. The

Bahá’í cemetery was named as Gulistan-e-Javed. There was a significant number of Local

Spiritual Assemblies established before the independence of Pakistan. In the six year plan of

1938-44, the Guardian of the Cause of God, Shoghi Effendi emphasized on the importance of

‘Migration’ for the cause of Bahá’í Faith and presented an extensive road map for the establishment of spiritual assemblies in the region. Therefore, in many cities Local Spiritual

Assemblies were established. The Local Spiritual Assembly of Quetta was formed in 1943 with the efforts and support of the migrated Bahá’ís of Iran and Bombay. The spiritual assembly of

Hyderabad, Sindh was established with the help of the Bahá’ís of Karachi in 1943. Later, a public library and reading hall were also founded in the city. In Lahore, the assembly was founded in 1944 and after some years land for the Bahá’í cemetery (Gulistan-e-Javed) was acquired in Lahore.175

(b) Growth of Bahá’í Faith: Post-Independence

After a long struggle of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, Pakistan came into being on

14th August, 1947. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the first Governor General and the founder of Pakistan, was very clear about the ideological foundations of Pakistan based on the basic teachings of Islam. His vision was clear about the status and the future of the religious minorities of Pakistan. The Bahá’ís of the newly- created country strived more for the

175Hamdani, Sultanat-E-Ilahia, 3. 125 expansion of the Faith after independence. They were free in observing their religious practices.

With the help and efforts of the Bahá’ís of Karachi, spiritual assemblies were established in

Sukkur and Rawalpindi in 1948. The Assemblies in Peshawar, Sialkot, Faisalabad, Sargodha and Nawabshah were formed in 1947, 1949, 1952, 1955 and 1956 respectively. Later after the year 1956, more assemblies were formed in the cities of Abbottabad, Mirpurkhas, Multan,

Sargodha, Joharabad, Gujranwala and Rahimyar Khan. In East Pakistan, two assemblies were formed in 1950 at Dhaka and Chittagong.176 Till 1956, there were more or less twenty Local

Spiritual Assemblies in both East and West Pakistan. In 1955, Shoghi Effendi announced that in the coming year of 1957, thirteen National Spiritual Assemblies would be established all over the world including Pakistan. After this announcement of Wali Amrullah , the first National

Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan, separated from the assembly of India & Burma, was elected in

1957. The national convention comprising twenty delegates from all over Pakistan was held in

Karachi. The delegates elected nine Bahá'ís as members of the first National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. The members were Asphandyar Bakhtiari, Chaudhri Abdur Rehman, Faridoon

Yazameidi, and A.C. Joshi, as the Chairman of the Assembly, M.H. IImi, Abdul Abbas Rizvi,

M.A. Latif, Nawazish Ali Shah, and Mehboob Elahi Qureshi.177 Since 1957, the Bahá’í community has been progressing in Pakistan. They have achieved the targets which had been set for them by the Universal House of Justice. In late 1970s, the Bahá’ís of Pakistan expanded their services in the educational sector. A Montessori School was established in Karachi. It was

176 See Nujoom-e-Hidayat by Sabir Afaqi Afaqi, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1. 177. ibid 126 adjacent to the Bahá’í Center by the name “New Day Montessori School”. Today, it is known as New Day Secondary School.178 A big achievement by the Bahá’í community of Pakistan is their recognition as a religious minority. The Bahá’í Faith was categorized as a non-Muslim religion through a presidential executive order. In 1981, the then President General Zia ul Haq issued an order declaring the Bahá’ís a non-Muslim minority. This order became the part of the constitution of Pakistan.179 The Bahá’ís of Pakistan appreciated this constitutional order. The

Universal House of Justice at Haifa recognized and applauded the decision of the Government of Pakistan as under:

“Although few specific goals of this type were assigned during the Seven Year

Plan, progress on this vital front continues on many levels and in many forms.

Among the most important legal recognitions of the independent status of the

Faith was a constitutional amendment in Pakistan (8 April 1981), naming the

Bahá’í Faith specifically among the non-Muslim faiths of the country; this was

preceded by a letter from the Ministry for Religious Affairs declaring the Faith

a religious 'minority' among 'other non-Muslims'. Other important general

recognition of the status of the Faith includes authorization in at least two

countries for change of identity cards to show 'Bahá’í' rather than 'Muslim' as

the religion of the individual.”180

178Hamdani, Sultanat-E-Ilahia, 3.and http://www.Bahá’í.pk/the-Bahá’ís-of-pakistan.html 179 http://www.na.gov.pk/uploads/documents/1333523681_951.pdf 180The Baha'i World: Volume 18 (1979-1983), vol. 18 (Haifa: Baha'i World Centre 1986). p. 107 127

The recognition of the Bahá’í Faith by the Government of Pakistan was an historic achievement. It was one of the outstanding and great accomplishments of the Bahá’ís of

Pakistan.

Charles Mason Remey- Covenant Breaker or the Second Guardian

Charles Mason Remey was born in Burlington, Iowa, on May 15, 1874. Mason Remey trained as an architect at Cornell University (1893–1896), and the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris, France

(1896–1903) where he first learned of the Bahá'í Faith. Covering Seventy Five years of dedicated service to the Bahá'í Faith, culminating in his appointment by Shoghi Effendi as his successor and second Guardian of the Bahá’i Faith. Mason Remey traveled extensively to promote the

Bahá'í Faith during the Ministry of `Abdu'l-Bahá. A prolific writer, Mason Remey wrote numerous articles, many of which were published, promoting the Bahá'í Faith. Mason Remey’s memoir of his final visit with ‘Abdu’l Baha in 1921 records the following words ‘Abdu’l Baha’s addressed to him at that time:

"I have adopted you as my son. You have to appreciate this favor very much indeed. One should see that you are living according to the requirements of this sonship. You should be aware of your responsibilities. My prayers will help you. I always pray for you."

Mason Remey lived for some time in Washington, D.C., in the 1930s and 1940s. In 1950 he moved from Washington, D.C., to Haifa, Israel, at the request of Shoghi Effendi. In January

1951, Shoghi Effendi issued a Proclamation proclaiming the formation of the International

Bahá'í Council and appointed Mason Remey as President of this International Council in

128

March 1951. Mason Remey was a resident Hand at Haifa when Shoghi Effendi died in

November 1957 while in England. He did not appoint anyone of his successor. Rúhíyyih

Khánum, Shoghi Effendi’s wife, had taken charge of affairs in the Faith. At that stage Remey had the opinion that the faith needed a living Guardian and being the President of the

International Bahai Council he could lead the Faith. Mason Remey left Haifa in 1959 and returned to United States of America. In 1960 he declared himself the second Guardian of the

Bahá’í Faith based largely on the fact that Shoghi Effendi had appointed him President of the

International Bahá’í Council–forerunner of the Universal House of Justice–and that the

Guardian was the head of the Universal House of Justice. In April 1960 Mason Remey issued a public Proclamation, that he was the “Second Guardian of the Baha’i Faith.”

In it, Mason Remey explained:

“The Beloved Guardian chose me to be the President of the Bahá'í International Council that is according to his explanation the President of the Embryonic Universal House of Justice.

Therefore I am the President of the Embryonic Universal House of Justice. When this August body becomes the Universal House of Justice, if such being during my lifetime, I will then be the President of the First Universal House of Justice of the Bahá'í Dispensation.” 181

Immediately, the International Baha’i Council rejected the claim of Remey.182 The Hands of

Cause of God at Haifa excommunicated Remey and removed him from the Hands. Remey was expelled from the faith and he was considered a covenant-breaker. Those Bahais who accepted

181 http://www.orthodoxbahai.de/1.html 182 The Bahai World, An International Record, Volume XIII, published at The Universal House of Justice, Haifa, Israel, 1970, pp.397 129 his claim of being second guardian and became his followere were also expelled from the Bahai community. 183 The Hands of the Cause of God promptly declared him a Covenant-breaker.

The followers of Remey began to grow slowly in spite of the fierce opposition by the Bahai community. It was not long before strong groups were formed on several continents followed by the establishment of Local Spiritual Assemblies and the formation of National Spiritual

Assemblies in the United States and in Pakistan. In Pakistan, the claim of Remey to be the second guardian welcomed by the Bahai community but not all over the Pakistan. Mostly he had his followers in the cities of Faisalabad and Sialkot.184 This shook the Bahai community and they divided into groups. The followers of the Remey tried to form their separate Local

Spiritual Assemblies in different cities of Pakistan. They became unsuccessful when they tried to register their LSA in the registers of Pakistan government as the Bahai Community of

Pakistan had already registered themselves. But as soon he got opposition, the Faith under the hereditary Guardianship of Mason Remey began to weaken and then later to decline rapidly, but it was soon after the formation and activation of the second International Bahá’í Council and the passing of the ‘mantle of authority’ to the new Guardian. Charles Mason Remey returned to Italy and died in 1974 in Florence.

183 http://bahai-library.com/uhj_mason_remey_followers 184 Interview Mr. Riaz Ahmad Shirazi 130

The Bahá’í Community of Pakistan

In the early years of the Bahá’í faith, the community and its structure was not formulated and actualized in line with the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. The Bahá’í teachings have high principles and ideals. These teachings are incorporated into action and can be witnessed within the Bahi community. The Bahá’í community actualized the teachings under the leadership of Shoghi Effendi. Many Bahá’í institutions, organizations and bodies were established when Shoghi Effendi became the Guardian of the Faith (Wali Amr Allah).

2.6.1 The Early Bahá’í Community

The early Bahá’í community existed before the creation of Pakistan. Bahá’í activities increased and the community flourished with the passage of time. It is worth mentioning here that in

Bahá’í faith there are no professional religious priests or priesthood to lead the community in the social and religious affairs. Bahá’í institutions in each region are established to fill the gap.

These institutions work to perform religious and social duties. Bahá’u’lláh stressed that humanity had matured and was more literate than the past. People of the world are more educated and well-mannered to be led by a classified ministry or clergy. That is the reason that he abolished the institution of religious priesthood. Bahá’u’lláh said that in past times people were illiterate but, then, they had the ability to differentiate between the truth and the false.

They were able to read or hear holy texts but could not be able to comprehend the meaning of

131 sacred writings. Now the people of the world are literate and the have the ability to judge and distinguish between false and the true path.185

2.6.2 The Early Bahá’ís of Pakistan

In Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, the influence of the Bahá’í Faith increased with the conversion of many individuals. There was too much emphasis on personal moral code in the teachings of

Bahá’u’lláh. Bahá’u’lláh's scriptures and other Bahá’í texts give more importance to the social aspects of the society. They focus on the need of universal peace, harmony, unity of religion, equality of men and women, harmony of religion and science, the abolition of injustices, elimination of poverty and a universal language. Bahá’í faith spread in many regions of the

Indian sub-continent and other parts of South Asia. There were many individuals who made efforts in the dissemination of the message of Bahá’u’lláh in Pakistan. They faced many hardships during the early days of Pakistan.

Bahá’í Faith reached Bombay in its early days. Later, it spread to other parts of India. In

Pakistan, Karachi was the foremost center of the Faith. It can be said that Karachi was not only the spiritual source of the first Bahá’ís of Pakistan but it wa also the place of origin of the

Pakistani Bahá’í Community. A number of people of this region led the new religion to almost all parts of the country. A brief account of the early converts and Bahá’ís who dedicated their lives for a firm establishment of the Faith on this land is described under:186

185Momen, The Bahai Faith.p. 76 186This topic is mostly dependent on one source: Nujoom-e-Hidayet by Sabir Afaqi, published in Urdu in 1987. 132

Mirza Muhammad Raza Shirazi

One of the early figures was Mirza Muhammad Raza Shirazi (1889-1925) who came from the city of Shiraz, Iran. His father Mirza Muhammad Abbas sent him to Bombay for studies in the first decade of the 20th century. While taking his exams in Bombay, he met a Bahá’í preacher,

Mirza Mehram Asfahani, and accepted the message of Bahá’u’lláh. This conversion was a snub to his father, who was a Shi’a by faith. He stopped paying the expenses of his son who professed

Bahá’í faith. He eventually came to Karachi in 1902 and completed his studies at Sind

Madressatul Islam. Muhammad Raza started working in Karachi and bore his expenditure himself. Along with this, he continued preaching his new Faith. He was a good orator. He exploited his oratorical abilities in his preaching of Bahá’í doctrines. He proceeded to Bombay for his postgraduate studies. He completed his M.A from Bombay. He returned back to Karachi and joined D.J College as lecturer. He was identified as Prof Shirazi after becoming a lecturer at the college. He visited Akka and met ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in 1914. He was accompanied with a

Hindu lawyer who was converted to the new Faith. He went to Shiraz to meet his father after returning from Akka. Soon after, he succeeded to convince his father who accepted Bahá’ísm and became a Bahá’í. Prof Shirazi also visited United States of America. He was the first Bahá’í who preached Bahá’í Faith among the masses of Karachi and Sind. He visited many villages and towns of interior Sind. Besides meeting common people, he met many intellectuals and educationists of Sind. Particularly, he met one of the famous Sindhi scholar and writer, Shams ul Ulema Mirza Qaleech Baig. Inspired by the universal message of Bahá’u’lláh, Qaleech Biag translated, Seven Valleys (Haft Wadi) of Bahá’u’lláh into Sindhi language, named Israr jo

133

Khazano. Shirazi had been the editor of a Bahá’í magazine ‘Al Basharat’, pulished from

Karachi.187 The first Bahá’í convention of Bahá’ís of India was held in 1920 at Karachi. Prof

Shirazi was elected as President of the convention.

He travelled in every nook and corner of the sub-continent and visited Multan, Lahore, Patiala,

Amritsar, Delhi, Agra, Lucknow, Banaras, Allahabad, Bombay, Calcutta, and many other cities of Sind for preaching the universal message of Bahá’í Faith. On 10th of April 1925, he was on his visit of Sind. He went for swimming in a stream near Phaleli, a small town of Sind,. He drowned in the deep water and did not survive. He was buried in the Gulistan-e-Javed (Bahá’í cemetery) of Hyderabad.

Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil Kashmiri was among the first Bahá’ís of this region who devoted his life for the propagation of this faith after accepting the message of Bahá’u’lláh.

Abdullah Vakil was born at Srinagar, Kashmir in 1869. He belonged to a Muslim family but he was converted to Qadianiat. He met Mahmood Zarqani, the famous Bahá’í preacher, in

Bombay. He was inspired by Bahá’í teachings and converted to be a Bahá’í in 1920.188 Miss

Martha Root visited Srinagar in 1938. She addressed a big audience in Kashmir. Abdullah Vakil translated her speech in Kashmiri language. He was a great scholar of Urdu, Kashmiri and

Persian (Farsi). He was a poet and author. Many of his poems and other writings were published in Bahá’í magazines. He was among the most successful lawyers and a known political figure

187 Sabir Afaqi, Nujoom-e-Hidayat, Bahá’í Publishing Trust, Karachi, 1987, Afaqi, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1.p. 52-53 188Ibid.p. 56-57 134 of Kashmir. He was very much active in the politics of Kashmir. When he heard that ‘Abdu’l-

Bahá directed the Bahá’ís not to be involved in politics, he abandoned all his political activities and dedicated his life in spreading the message of Bahá’ísm. When Mirza Ghulam Ahmed of

Qadian wrote a pamphlet claiming that the Jesus the Christ was buried in Kashmir. Abdullah

Vakil Kashmiri wrote against his pamphlet and revealed the truth with proofs that Mirza

Ghulam Ahmed was wrong in his claims. He challenged the claims of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and wrote against Ahmadiat.189

Mahmood Mashriqi

Another Bahá’í preacher was Mahmood Mashriqi who was born in Yazd, Iran as a Zoroastrian in 1928. He migrated to Bombay as many of the Zoroasters did and, there, he converted to

Bahá’ísm. He settled in Quetta, Balochistan with his family. His sisters and brothers were

Bahá’ís. He was among the pioneers who founded the Local Spiritual Assembly of Quetta.

After the creation of Pakistan, he settled down in Mastung, a small town near Quetta. He died in a road accident and buried in the Gulistan-e-Javed of Quetta in 1955.

Abdul Aziz Farooqi

Another very prominent Bahá’í of Pakistan was Abdul Aziz Farooqi. He was born in Dera

Ghazi Khan, a city of southern Punjab, in 1890. He received his early education in Dera Ghazi

Khan and, then, moved to Aligarh for further studies. After his graduation in mathematics, he served in the educational institutions of Hyderabad Deccan and Gujarat. After partition, he

189, Bahai Magazine1971. With reference to Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1. p. 76 135 migrated to Pakistan and settled down in Lahore. It is an interesting point that the house in which he resided while living in Lahore was bought as Hazirat al Quds (Holy land) and the

Bahá’í center Lahore was constructed on that land. Nowadays the Bahá’í community of Lahore organizes almost all of its activities and events in that building. The Bahá’í center is near Ganga

Ram Hospital in Lahore. Abdul Aziz died in 1955 and buried at Gulistan-e-Javed, Lahore.

Syed Mushtaq Hussain

Syed Mushtaq Hussain, another Bahá’í preacher was born in Moradabad. He belonged to a

Shi’a family. He was converted to Bahá’ísm in Bombay which had been the center of Bahá’í teachings. After partition, Syed Mushtaq Ali migrated to Pakistan and settled down in Sukkur, a major city of the province Sind. In Sukkur he started to preach Bahá’í Faith. The Local

Spiritual Assembly of Sukkur was established with the efforts of Syed Mushtaq Hussain. He died in 1957 and buried in the Bahá’í cemetery, Gulistan-e-Javed Sukkur.

Preetum Singh

Sialkot had been the center of Bahá’í religion even before the creation of Pakistan. Preetum

Singh was among the first Bahá’ís of Sialkot. He was among the first Sikhs who converted to

Bahá’ísm. After accepting Bahá’í Faith, he became very active in spreading the new message.

He was born in 1881 in Sialkot. His father was a judge. He got his education from Amiritsar and Lahore and, then, joined Atchison College Lahore as a lecturer. He did his M.A. from

Calcutta University in economics. There, he met Mahmood Zarqani and Mirza Mehram. He accepted the faith and entered into the fold of Bahá’í Faith. At Lahore he also met Allama

136

Muhammad Iqbal and had discussion with him. He was the first editor of Bahá’í weekly magazine ‘The Bahá’í’ in English published from Lahore in 1931.190 He was an author and wrote many books on religion and Bahá’í Faith. When famous American preacher Miss Martha L.

Root was on her visit to India, Preetam Singh accompanied her as Urdu interpreter. Before his death, he left Lahore and died at Amritsar and buried there in 1959.

Sarosh Najmi

Sarosh Najmi (1891-1963) was one of the pioneers of the Bahá’í Faith who established the Faith in Quetta, Balochistan. He and his wife were Zoroastrians and originally belonged to Yazd,

Iran. He migrated to Bombay where he became a Bahá’í. He visited Akka and Haifa four times in his life. In his third visit, Shoghi Effendi instructed him to return back to Balochistan with his family and established the spiritual assembly over there. He took his family from Tehran and migrated to Quetta with all of his family members. In 1944, the Local Spiritual Assembly

Quetta was formed with his efforts. He remained the President of the Assembly for fourteen years. He shifted to Mastung and preached the Faith there for four years. In 1957, he visited

Akka last time and met Shoghi Effendi. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá wrote ten tablets (letters) to Sarosh

Najmi. Shoghi Effendi also wrote 19 tablets to him. He died in Tehran in 1963 and buried there.

190 Sabir Afaqi, Nujoom-e-Hidayat, Bahá’í Publishing Trust, Karachi, 1987, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1.p. 122 137

Muhammad Hussain Sabri

One of the famous and popular Bahá’í preacher was Muhammad Hussain Sabri (1890-1964). He was born in Jalindhar, a city of East Punjab. He belonged to a Sunni family (Ahle╓ad┘th). He had a good command in Persian, Arabic, Urdu and English languages. He started his career as chief draftsmen in the department of railways. After partition, he migrated to Karachi. He was a good writer. He wrote both prose and poems. He wrote many essays in different Bahá’í magazines. He died in 1964 and buried in Karachi.

Sheikh Nazar Mola

Sheikh Nazar Mola (d.1967) was the foremost Bahá’í of the Potohar region of Pakistan. He was born in Gujranwala. He shifted to Rawalpindi and settled there in 1930. He started his business.

In 1943, he professed Qadianiat. He was very much interested in the study of religions. This brought him close to Bahá’í Faith. In 1946, Molvi Abdullah Vakil Kashmiri on his visit to

Rawalpindi met Sheikh Nazar Mola and gave him Bahá’í literature. Sheikh Nazar Mola convinced by the writings of Bahá’u’lláh and became a Bahá’í. In 1949, with his efforts the

Local Spiritual Assembly was formed in Rawalpindi and he became the President of the

Assembly. He was a dedicated Bahá’í but none of his sons followed his faith. When he died in

1967, he was buried in the Muslim cemetery of Dhok Ratta, Rawalpindi.

Sarwer Khanum Bakhtiari

In the list of female followers of Bahá’í faith, the name of Sarwer Khanum Bakhtiari (1896-

1968) is very prominent among the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. She was the wife of the famous Bahá’í

138 preacher, Asphandyar Bakhtiari. She was born in Yazd, Iran in 1896. She belonged to a

Zoroastrian family. In 1914 she was married to Asphandyar Khudadad Behram (later known as Asphandyar Bakhtiari). This newly married couple became Bahahi in 1915.191 They moved to Bombay in 1917 and, then, migrated to Karachi in 1920. The house of Sarwer Khanum had been the center of the Bahá’ís of Karachi and Pakistan. She hosted the members of the Bahá’í community whole heartedly and always welcomed them. She supported her husband in the preaching of Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan. She met the Guardian of Faith, Shoghi Effendi with her

Husband in 1954. She died in 1968 and buried in the Gulistan-e-Javed, Karachi.

Agha Syed Buzurg Shah

Agha Syed Buzurg Shah (d.1971) was among the first Bahá’ís of the province of NWFP (now

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa). He belonged to a Kazmi Sadat family of Peshawar. He was a learned person and always had polemic discussion with the Ahmedis of Peshawar. In 1946, he was convinced with the preaching of Molvi Abdullah Vakil Kashmiri and became a Bahá’í. He remained the President of the Local Spiritual Assembly of Peshawar for many years. He had many children but none of them accepted Bahá’í Faith. When he died in 1971 he was buried in the Muslim cemetery.

Sheheryar Rustam Yazdani

Sheheryar Rustam Yazdani was one of the prominent Bahá’ís of Pakistan whose efforts strengthened the Bahá’í community in many cities and towns of Pakistan. He was born in 1892

191Ibid.p. 166-67 139 in Yazd, Iran in a Zoroastrian family. He accepted Bahá’ísm in his youth. He migrated from

Yazd to Karachi in 1920 and started his business. Along with his business, he started to preach the message of Bahá’u’lláh. He was very much dedicated to his mission. He moved to different cities of Pakistan like Hyderabad, Sukkur, Mirpurkhas, Lahore, Peshawar, Multan,

Rawalpindi, Quetta and Faisalabad. He helped the local Bahá’í communities in establishing the local spiritual assemblies in these towns. In 1955, he settled down in Sahiwal and within a period of one year he succeeded in establishing the Local Spiritual Assembly of Sahiwal. He started the business of bakery and confectioners in the city and travelled to the nearby towns and villages for the propagation of Bahá’ísm. With his efforts the Bahá’í community acquired land for the Bahá’í center and Gulistan-e-Javed in Sahiwal. The first-ever summer school of the

Bahá’ís of Pakistan was held in Sahiwal. In 1972, he travelled to Iran due to his family matters and fell ill. He died in Tehran and buried in the Gulistan-e-Javed of Tehran. Sheheryar Rustam

Yazdani has regard and respect within the Bahá’í community of Pakistan because of his efforts in the propagation and strengthening of Bahá’í faith.

Dr Khwaja Muhammad Yousuf

It is a long list of the early Bahá’ís of Pakistan who devoted their lives for the establishment of the local spiritual assemblies and for the propagation of the Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan. There are some more prominent Bahá’í individuals who had done a marvelous job in the dissemination of Bahá’í in Pakistan. Among them is the name of Dr Khwaja Muhammad Yousuf. Muhammad

Yousuf was born in 1900 in Srinagar. He belonged to a Sunni family and was an employee in a

British Company. Muhammad Yousuf accepted Bahá’í doctrines with the efforts of Molvi

140

Abdullah Vakil of Kashmir. In 1947, he migrated from Srinagar to Skardu, Baltistan and started his medical practice in the region. He was a devoted Bahá’í and a great scholar of his time. He could speak Arabic, Persian, Kashmiri, English and Balti. He translated the pamphlet ‘Bahá’í

Principles’ in Balti language. Dr Muhammad Yousuf had four sons and three daughters. All of his children are Bahá’í. His son Prof.Mehrdad Yousuf has been the Secretary of National

Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. His son in law, Muhammad Yousuf Bijnori is also a prominent and devoted Bahá’í and serving the community in Lahore for last fifty years. 192 Dr Muhammad

Yousuf died in 1975 and buried in Skardu, Baltistan.

Asphandyar Bakhtiari

Asphandyar Bakhtiari (1895-1975) was the pioneer member of the Bahá’í community of

Pakistan. He was the most prominent and devoted Bahá’í person whose life was a beacon for the whole Bahá’í community of Pakistan. He was born in Yazd, Iran in 1875. He belonged to a noble Zoroastrian family of Yazd. His name was Asphandyar Khudadad Behram. Later he was given the title of Bakhtiari by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.193 Bakhtiari visited Akka-Haifa and met

‘Abdu’l-Bahá. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá instructed him to return back to India and spread the universal message of Bahá’u’lláh. He returned back and migrated to Karachi with his family in 1921.

With his efforts, many local spiritual assemblies were formed all over the sub-continent including Burma and Ceylon (Sri Lanka). In 1920, the first National Spiritual Assembly of

India-Burma was formed and Bakhtiari was elected a member of the Assembly. In 1957, the

192Muhammad Yousuf Bijnori, interview by Abdul Fareed Brohi2014, Lahore. 193Afaqi, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1.p. 213 141 separate National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan was formed. Bakhtiari was elected the

President of the first NSA of Pakistan. Earlier he had been elected as president, vice president or secretary of the NSA. He travelled extensively from Karachi to Muzaffarabad and other parts of the country for his devotional activities. When Miss Martha Root came India, Bakhtiari accompanied her in all her visits. He wrote down the summaries of his visits in his diary which later became the historical development of Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan. His memoir Najm-e-Dari

(Urdu) recorded the journey with Martha Root and was published in 1964. In this journey, he met many famous personalities of the time like Allama Muhammad Iqbal, Tagore, and many others. After World War II, he visited Burma. He also visited many countries and met Shoghi

Effendi and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. He participated in the International Bahá’í Congress held in London in 1963 and represented the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. The land for Bahá’í center Karachi was acquired and the building was constructed under his supervision. Adjacent to Bahá’í Hall Karachi, he constructed another building which,later, transformed into New Day School. He also funded the purchase of land for Bahá’í center in Delhi, India and Murree, Pakistan. The land of the

Bahá’í cemetery, Gulistan-e-Javed, in Karachi was, also, acquired with the efforts of Asphandyar

Bakhtiari. He also funded the construction of the tomb of Mirza Mehmood Zarqani in Iran.

Each year, he spent four months in the hilly areas of Murree for preaching. He was a writer and a poet. He died in Karachi and was buried in the Gulistan-e-javed, Karachi in 1975.

Syed Mahfooz ul Haq Ilmi

Syed Mahfooz ul Haq Ilmi (1894-1978) was a great Bahá’í scholar, poet, writer, preacher and an assistant to the Hands of Cause. He belonged to a Muslim family of Chatgam, Bengal. His

142 family shifted to Aligarh where he was born in 1894. Ilmi got his education from Punjab

University and started teaching at the educational institutes of Kanpur. Along with teaching,

Ilmi wrote different essays in magazines and newspapers. In Kanpur, he met a Qadiani scholar and was inspired by him. He went to Qadian, the headquarters of the Ahmediya movement and became a Qadiani. He started teaching at the Madressa Ahmadia in Qadian and also became a sub-editor of the Qadiani organ, ‘Al Fazal’. He was instructed by the Qadiani leader Mirza

Bahsheer Uddin Mahmood to write against Bahá’ísm. After reading books of Bahá’u’lláh and others, Ilmi transformed and accepted Bahá’í faith. It was considered a betrayal; the Qadianis boycotted Ilmi and after facing severe hardships, he left Qadian. Later, he issued a Bahá’í weekly

‘ Kokab-e-Hind’ from Agra in 1924. He wrote many books and essays against Qadianiat. From

Aligarh, he started his mission and travelled extensively around the sub-continent along with the famous Bahá’í preacher and scholar, Mirza Mahmood Zarqani. Ilmi was a great scholar of his times. He had an interaction with famous intellectuals and scholars like Moulana Zafar Ali

Khan, Moulan Aslam Jirajpuri, Allama Inayatullah mashriqi, Moulana Moudodi, Mirza

Qaleech Baig, Allama Muhammad Iqbal and many more. He was a great poet, as well. His poem ‘Sur-e-Israfil’ is very popular among the Bahá’í community which is about the resurrection and the life hereafter. In 1951, Ilmi migrated to Pakistan and settled in Karachi.

He became the editor of Bahá’í magazaine ‘Al Basharat’. He wrote a number of books about the Bahá’í Faith. He had been elected as the member of the first National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. Later, he moved to Lahore and published the ‘Bahá’í Magazine’. He had been a

143 most active and vibrant scholar of Bahá’ísm in Pakistan. A large number of people accepted

Bahá’í Faith due to his efforts. Ilmi died in 1978 and buried at the Gullistan-e-Javed, Lahore.

There is a large number of the early members of Bahá’í Faith of Pakistan who devoted their lives for the progress and prosperity of this faith. Here is the names of those Bahá’ís: Assanand

Joshi (Karchi), Miss Maleeha Qaimi Mehmoodzada (Peshwar), Syed Irtaza Hussain Abidi

(Karachi), Syed Ali Akbar Mufidi, Ardsher Rustum, Syed Karamat Ali Shah, Qazi Ali

Muhammad, Qazi Rahmatullah, Colonel Dr Mazhar Ali Shah, Dr Sabir Afaqi, Mukhlis

Wijdani, Iqbal Imani, Waris Hamdani, Muhammad Yousuf Bijnori, Mr Ramin Nabil zada and many other who contributed a lot.

It is quite interesting to know that most of the Bahai converts had a background of the Shias and the followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian. Although there are a number of converts from Sunni background as well. One could not trace the exact number of the background of these converts but among the leading Bahais most of the converts are from Shia background and then the Ahmedis or Qadianis. Although there are some converts having

Sunni affiliation.

In Pakistan there are some of the Bahai periodicals and monthly magazines that are being published monthly. Bahai Magazine is one of them which is published from Karachi. One of the famous writer and a profound Bahai, Anis ur Rahman Dehlvi had been the editor of this magazine. Mostly this magazine contains the basic teachings of Bahai faith and sometimes it

144 publishes some news about the Bahai community.194 Further it is a source of news to be transmitted among the Bahai community. Another magazine namely, Mosahid, is one of the important source of the Bahai activities. Sabir Afaqi had been very active in publishing this magazine. While reading the files of this magazine the researcher has the opinion that mostly it contains news and also pictures about the community in Pakistan.195 It also contains some of the basic teachings of the faith. Monthly Nafhat is another Bahai magazine is which is being published regulary. Mostly it contains the basic news about Bahaullah and Abdul Baha and Shoghi Effendi.

Further it is an organ for the preaching of Faith.196

2.6.3 Bahá’í Institutions in Pakistan

The activities of Bahá’í faith are administered through different institutions in Pakistan. These institutions follow the similar rules and procedures as followed by other institutions of the

Bahá’í world. Following is a brief introduction of these institutions which manage, monitor and control Bahá’í faith in Pakistan:

There are two types of Bahá’í institutions in Pakistan.

a) Local Spiritual Assembly

b) National Spiritual Assembly

194 Bahai Magazine file of years 1971-78 195 File of Monthly Mosaid 1986-1990 196 The Researcher has the almost complte file of Nafhat 145

(a) Local Spiritual Assembly

The Local Spiritual Assembly is the basic institution of the Bahá’í Faith. It is an elected body.

It is formed at any place where the number of Bahá’ís is nine or more. It is a very significant institution in Bahá’í Faith. The importance of this spiritual assembly can be observed in a letter of Shoghi Effendi which he wrote to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the

United States and Canada. Shoghi Effendi said citing Bahá’u’lláh:

“…The Lord hath ordained that in every city a House of Justice be established

wherein shall gather counsellors to the number of Baha, and should it exceed this

number it does not matter. It behoveth them to be the trusted ones of the

Merciful among men and to regard themselves as the guardians appointed of God

for all that dwell on earth…”197

According to the World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, the Local Spiritual Assembly is the basic administrative unit. It is a divinely ordained institution which operates the first level of human society. It is of great and primary importance for a stable and strong establishment of the Bahá’í

Faith. Nowadays, there are almost fourteen (14) Local Spiritual Assemblies in Pakistan. These assemblies are mostly in the major cities of the country. In Balochistan, there is only one Local

Spiritual Assembly that is in Quetta; in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), there is only one which is located in Peshawar; in Sindh, there are four LSAs in Karachi, Hyderabad,

Mirpurkhas and Sanghar; seven are located in different cities of Punjab, Lahore, Multan,

197"Bahai Administration: Selected Messages 1922-1932," Bahai Publishing Trust, http://bahai- library.com/pdf/compilations/local_spiritual_assembly.pdf.p.21 146

Rawalpindi, Sialkot, Rahimyarkhan, Sadiqabad and Sargodha; one in Muzaffarabad, Azad

Jammu and Kashmir and one in Islamabad. A small number of Bahá’ís live in other cities of

Pakistan like Sukkur, Sahiwal, Faisalabad, Mansehra, and Abbotabad. In these cities there are no LSAs. Same is the case of Gilgit Baltistan. After the independence of Pakistan, there were almost twenty Local Spiritual Assemblies around the country. During 1980s, the House of

Justice made a decision to reduce the number of Local Spiritual Assemblies to ensure better quality. Consequently, the number of Assemblies dropped across the world which had its effects on the Pakistani scene also. The number of LSAs was also dropped in Pakistan.

However, the quality improved. This decision of the Universal House of Justice was for the improvement of the quality rather than the quantity.

Each year, the Bahá’ís of the respective Local Spiritual Assembly gather at the Bahá’í center of that town and elect nine members from the community for the Local Spiritual Assembly. The election is to be held on 21st of April which is the first day of the Bahá’í month Ridvan.198The nine-member body or assembly is actually the administrative body of that area. The Assembly is responsible to coordinate and organize activities in that area. Every Bahá’í whose age is 21 or more is able to vote for electing the assembly member. One of the unique features of those elections is that the election is held through secret balloting. Convincing the electorate and taking recourse to propaganda for a particular group or person is not allowed. Every person is free to vote a person of his choice. There is no discrimination in electing member on gender

198 This is the day when Bahá’u’lláh announced his claim to be the One Promised by Bab. This day is a holy day and celebrated among the community as Eid Ridvan 147 basis. There are equal opportunities for both men and women. The Assembly members can be men and women as per the choice of the community. Every Bahá’í writes nine names on a secret ballot paper. The basic function of the Local Spiritual Assembly in Pakistan is to administer the local activities of Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan. It is also responsible for coordinating and organizing activities in the country, to spread the message and teachings of Bahá’u’lláh,

‘Abdu’l-Bahá and the Faith. One of the basic and important tasks of the Local Spiritual

Assembly is to undertake the arrangements of holy day celebrations and the Nineteen Day

Feasts. It is also supposed to be an intermediary between the National Spiritual Assembly of

Pakistan and the community or an individual of that area or town. In Pakistan or any country or region, the Local Spiritual Assembly comprises a president, a secretary, finance secretary and members of the auxiliary board. They are the office bearers of the Assembly. The assembly meets once in a month.

(b) National Spiritual Assembly

National Spiritual Assembly (NSA) is the central representative institution of the Bahá’í community in any country or a region. Each year on the occasion of the national convention, the selected delegates from all over Pakistan gather, mostly, at the Bahá’í Center, Islamabad.

There are two main functions of this national convention: one, to discuss the collective and mutual problems and issues of the Pakistani Bahá’í community along with a broader consultation; secondly, the selected delegates elect nine people from themselves as the “Nine” elected members for the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. These nine elected members are the main organs of the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. The significance of the

148

National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan is that it has a significant representation of women in it. The present representation of women in the National Spiritual of Pakistan is three (3) out of nine, which is a substantial number. The role and responsibilities of NSA Pakistan are the same which are prescribed for the NSAs in the Bahá’í writings. In Pakistan, the NSA members perform their duties very effectively through developing Bahá’í institutions, communicating with other religious groups and bringing them on one table. The NSA of Pakistan is an intermediary between the Bahá’í World Center and the Bahá’í community of Pakistan. The

NSA Pakistan also makes a liaison with the government of Pakistan in discussing the matters and issues of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan and tries to solve the problems being faced by the community. The NSA Pakistan also organizes and coordinates Bahá’í events, celebrations and holy days at the national level. It is worth mentioning that the NSA of Pakistan is very vibrant and active under its dynamic leadership.

When a sufficient number of Local Spiritual Assembles are established in a country, the

National Spiritual Assembly of the country is established, thereafter. It is quite interesting that before the partition of Indo-Pak, the Local Spiritual Assemblies were present in major cities of the present-day Pakistan. In the early years of Pakistan, the National Spiritual Assembly for

India and Burma, looked into the matters of the Bahá’í community of Pakistan.The Wali

Amrullah( The Guardian of Faith), Shoghi Effendi announced in 1955 that in the year of 1957, thirteen new National Spiritual Assemblies would be established around the world. Pakistan was in the list. This announcement created a ray of enthusiasm among the Bahá’í community of Pakistan as well. The Bahá’ís of Pakistan increased their preaching activities in the country

149 and worked hard for the establishment of the National Spiritual Assembly.Till 1956, there were almost twenty (20) Local Spiritual Assemblies across East and West Pakistan which was a sufficient number for the formation of NSA in a country.199 As per the planning of the World

Bahá’í Centre, the first National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan was established in 1957.This was the year when the Bahá’ís of Pakistan were considered themselves capable to manage and control the issues and affairs of the Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan through their spiritual assembly at a national level. The first National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan was elected in 1957. Before its establishment, there was one central National Spiritual Assembly of India, Pakistan and

Burma. The election of the first National Spiritual Assembly was held in a convention in

Karachi. In this convention, twenty delegates and a large number of observers assembled in

Karachi. One of The Hands of Cause(in Arabic: Ayadi Amrullah)(in Arabic: Ayádí Amru’lláh)

Shuaullah Alai [Shu‘á‘u’lláh ‘Alá’í]Shuallah Elahi was representing the Guardian of Faith( Wali

Amrullah), Shoghi Effendi. Abbas Ali Butt, the Assistant Hands of Cause was the representative of the Hands of Cause for Asia. Renowned Bahá’í scholar and preacher, Mahfooz al Haq Ilmi and Asfandyar Bakhtiyari were chosen the Assistant Hands of Cause ( Muawin

Ayadi Amrullah).200 Asphandyar Bakhtiyari, Chaudhri Abdur Rehman, Faridoon Yazameidi,

A.C.Joshi, Mahfooz al Haq Ilmi, Abdul Abbas Rizvi, M.A.Latif, Nawazish Ali Shah and

Mehboob Ilahi Qureshi were elected as the members of the first national assembly.201

199Afaqi, Nujoom-E-Hidayat, 1.p. 27 200Ibid.p.28 201Bijnori.also see http://Bahá’íkipedia.org/Pakistan#cite_note-oper-w-32 retrieved on 07/12/2014 150

Now in the modern day Pakistan the National Spiritual Assembly is very active and playing a vibrant role under the leadership of renowned Bahá’í scholar, Prof Meherdad Yousuf. Every year, the election of nine members is held regularly and they enjoy the trust, confidence and reliance of the whole Bahá’í community.

In Pakistan, the national spiritual assembly is responsible for organizing and arranging the activities of Bahá’í faith. Most of these activities are of religious and social nature. It is also a medium and source of interaction and communication between the Bahá’ís of Pakistan and the

Bahá’í world center. The national spiritual assembly of Pakistan has strong connections with other religious communities of Pakistan. It also has a strong relationship with the government of Pakistan in organizing Bahá’í gatherings at national level with the approval and support of the government. The Pakistani government arranges the annual dinner and a special function at the occasion of Eid-e-Ridvan, every year in the last week of April. Usually, the event is attended by the officials and ministers of the Government of Pakistan.

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There is a wide range of responsibilities of the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. The assembly is responsible for the promotion of Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan through activities at national and local scale. Another function of the assembly is to make measures and arrangements for the expansion and association of the Bahá’í community of Pakistan.

Furthermore, the assembly is responsible for the collection and disbursement of the Bahá’í fund usually collected within the community. Publication of the Bahá’í literature and its distribution in Pakistan is one of the main functions of the assembly. The national spiritual assembly is also accountable for the administrative matters of the social and economic development of different projects and growth of the Faith. Being a minority, the community may face many problems, so the assembly being the representative of the community, tries to solve these problems. The assembly also makes efforts for the betterment of the Bahá’í institutions and strengthening them in their functions.

2.6.4 Bahá’í Centers

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan have their social and religious gatherings at Bahá’í Centers or Bahá’í

Halls. These Bahá’í centers are mostly constructed in the cities where the Local Spiritual

Assemblies are established. These centers are named as the Hazirat al Quds (Sacred Land). This term usually refers to national, regional and local Bahá’í administrative centers. The first of its nature was acquired in Karachi in the early days of the development of the faith before the independence. After independence, more centers were established. The first one was built in

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Karachi. Now, there are almost a dozen Bahá’í centers and halls all over Pakistan. Most of the religious and social functions and ceremonies are held in these centers. One of the main features of these centers are the residences which are built within the premises of the community hall or center. These rooms are allocated to those Bahá’ís who come to attend the national level programs. Most of the centers are well surrounded by beautiful gardens.

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The Social Life of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan are very social. Most of them gather on different occasions to celebrate their feasts and festival.

2.7.1 Nineteen Day Feast

The Nineteen Day Feast is one of the important activities of Bahá’í faith. This activity is held at every Local Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. The Nineteen Day Feast is an essential part of the Bahá’í Faith. In his book, Bayan, Báb instructed his adherents to celebrate the Nineteen

Day Feast. This order was later endorsed by Bahá’u’lláh. Nineteen Day Feast is the initial ceremony of Bahá’í Faith. It is the basis for the functioning of each local Bahá’í community and the Local Spiritual Assembly. The feast is celebrated on the first day of each Bahá’í month.

Usually the program is organized at the Bahá’í center or Bahá’í hall of the city or that area.

Sometimes it is held at any other place, unanimously agreed by the community, which is convenient for their gathering. This place may be the house of any Bahá’í of the locality. The

Nineteen Day Feast is attended by every Bahá’í of the Local Spiritual Assembly. This is an exclusive Bahá’í event, purely organized for the members of the Bahá’í community. Special permission is sought if a non-Bahá’í wants to participate in the feast. Otherwise, no outsider is allowed to attend the activity. The Nineteen Day Feast is a religious as well a social gathering.

As mentioned earlier, the Feast is usually held at Bahá’í Center but due to the distances involved, the feast is celebrated at different places of the city, simultaneously. For instance, in

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Islamabad or Karachi, it is difficult for every member to gather at any central place of the city.

Thus, in the big cities, the Nineteen Day Feast is held sector wise or area wise, where the members of the certain area can assemble easily.202

The Feast has three parts:

1. The Devotional Part

2. The Administrative or the Consultative Part

3. The Social Part

In the first part of the meeting, the devotional part, the passages and selected verses from the scriptures are read along with prayers. One of the members of the community reads a part from the holy writings. Some of the members also recite and sing prescribed prayers that are called

Munajat. These Munajat or hymns are selected from the writings of either Bahá’u’lláh or

‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Some of them are written by Shoghi Effendi, as well. Originally, these hymns or

Munajats were written in Arabic or Persian. Later they were translated in Urdu. Now they are also recited in Urdu, the national language of Pakistan.

The second part of the Nineteen Day Feast is of the administrative or consultative nature. A brief report of the activities of the Bahá’í Faith of the area is presented by the secretary or the president of the Local Spiritual Assembly. As this part is supposed to be the consultative part therefore suggestions and opinions of the members are to be conveyed to the Universal House of Justice. However, any suggestion or advice can be communicated directly to the Universal

202 Personal interviews Abdul Fareed Brohi, August 2014. 155

House of Justice by any member. Furthermore, different affairs of the Bahá’í Faith in Pakistan, their activities and the problems faced by the community are also discussed in the meeting. As described by Momen Moojan:

“A very important aspect of this part of the meeting is a general consultation

among the gathered Bahá’ís about issues that may be raised by an individual.”203

The third and last part of the meeting is the social one. Refreshments are served at the end of the meeting. The Nineteen Day Feast is arranged in the Bahá’í centers across the world. In

Pakistan, one of the special traditions which the researcher noticed during his visits and in the interviews is that the refreshments are offered only by any of the community members. It may be a cup of tea with some cookies/biscuits or, sometimes, dinner. It is the discretion of the host, regardless of the status of the host, whether it is served in the Bahá’í center or at home. Music is not prohibited by Bahá’u’lláh, therefore, music and singing elaborate the Bahá’í gatherings.

The lyrics are based on the writings of Bahá’í teachings.

2.7.2 The Bahá’í Family Structure

Teachings of Bahá’í Faith put emphasis on the family system within the Bahá’í community.

Family is the basic unit of a society which shapes and builds the community and knits the members into a strong bond. The writings of Bahá’u’lláh, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi teach that the society progresses and gets stability by character building and spiritual

203Momen, The Bahai Faith.p.77 156 development of an individual within family. During the researcher's interaction with the

Bahá’í families, he found great cohesion and integration among the members of the Bahá’í community.204 In every event and ceremony, the members of all the families gather and interact with each other without any difference. The elders and the heads of the families bring their children to attend these functions and ceremonies. They encourage the young ones to participate in reciting the scriptures and singing the hymns. The participation by all members of the community regardless of the age and gender in the events and ceremonies promotes the communal bond and nurtures their distinct identity. The researcher noticed that the family members greeted and welcomed each other personally, and being a small minority and community, they know each other by name, as they are the members of one spiritual family.

2.7.3 The Institution of Marriage

God has created men and women to fulfill basic human instincts. A married couple, not only accomplishes the physical desires of each other, but they help each other in the development of spiritual aspects of marriage, which is considered an ultimate goal of marrying. In Bahá’í

Faith, marriage is not mere a physical contact between a male and a female but it involves the spiritual aspects, too. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá considers marriage a commitment of the two partners as well as their mutual attachment of mind and heart.205‘Abdu’l-Bahá says:

204 Personal observations Brohi. 205 Abdul Baha, Selection from the Writings of Abdul Baha, no 86, page 118, e-edition, http://reference.Bahá’í.org/en/t/ab/SAB/sab-87.html retrieved on 24/10/2014 157

“The true marriage of Bahá’ís is this, that husband and wife should be united

both physically and spiritually, that they may ever improve the spiritual life of

each other, and may enjoy everlasting unity throughout all the worlds of God.

This is Bahá’í marriage.”206

Further ‘Abdu’l-Bahá places more importance on the spiritual aspect of marriage:

“Marriage, among the mass of the people, is a physical bond, and this union can

only be temporary, since it is foredoomed to a physical separation at the close.”207

Shoghi Effendi also emphasizes the spiritual aspect of marriage than mere sexual aspect. In the

Light of the Guidance, Shoghi writes:

“Bahá’u’lláh has urged marriage upon all people as the natural and rightful way

of life. He has also, however, placed strong emphasis on its spiritual nature,

which, while in no way precluding a normal physical life, is the most essential

aspect of marriage. That two people should live their life in love and harmony is

of far greater importance than that they should be consumed with passion for

each other.’’208

Regarding the spiritual aspect of the marriage and the state of mind, which should be achieved by marriage, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá points out the problems which can arise if the couple does not harmonize with each other after getting married. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá says:

206 ibid 207 ibid 208Shoghi Effendi, Lights of Guidance (Wilmette, Illinois: Bahai Publishing Trust).P. 378-9 158

“The Lord hath made man and man to abide with each other in the closest

companionship, and to be even as a single soul. They are two helpmates, two

intimate friends, who should be concerned about the welfare of each other. If

they live thus, they will pass through this world with perfect contentment, bliss

and peace of heart and became the object of divine grace and favor in the

Kingdom of heaven. But if they do other than this, they will live out their lives

in great bitterness, longing at every moment for death, and will be shamefaced

in the heavenly realm. Strive, then, to abide, heart and soul, with each other as

two doves in the nest, for this is to be blessed in both world.”209

2.7.4 Marriage Ceremony in Pakistan

In Pakistan, generally marriages are arranged by the parents; and, in some cases people choose mates of their choice. Before marriage, it is customary in Pakistan to seek the consent of their parents. In Bahá’í faith, the permission and the consent of six people is obligatory and necessary for the completion and the validity of marriage. If any of the parents of a boy or a girl is not agreed, the marriage will not be held.210 Therefore, the consent of the bride, the bride-groom and the parents of both (total six people) should be taken before the contract (Nikah) of marriage. The objective of this restriction as mentioned in the Bahá’í scriptures, is the ‘Unity’, whether the unity of nations or the unity of two families. When all the parties are agreed then

209 Abdul Baha, Selections, no 92, Page 122 210 Interview with Yousuf Bijnori 159 a member of the Bahá’í community may solemnize the contract of marriage. It is necessary that at least one member of the Local Spiritual Assembly should be present at the marriage ceremony in Pakistan. 211

The ultimate goal of marriage, as prescribed in Bahá’í Faith, is the attainment of spiritual harmony though physical satisfaction as one of its aspect. The Bahá’ís mostly marry within their community, though marriage outside the community is not an issue. The marriage contract has to be registered in the union council (Nikah Registrar) as per laws of Pakistan.

Along with that, in Pakistan, the record of the marriage is also kept in the registers of Bahá’í community. Two witnesses are required for the Nikah. Dowry (Meher) is one of the requisites of Bahá’í marriage. There is actually a limit of dowry, but usually it is very low and is required to pay at the time of Nikah by the bride-groom. There is a difference in the amount of dowry in the urban and the rural areas. In urban areas, the payment is equal to gold rate and in rural areas it is equal to silver rate. The dowry is fixed at 19 mithqáls (almost 70-75g) of pure gold for city-dwellers, and 19 mithqáls of silver for villagers, depending on the permanent residence of the husband, and not of the wife.212 During research and interviews, the researcher met a Bahá’í who had conducted many marriages and he told that most of the bride-grooms pay the dowry on the spot. It is important to mention here that the person who conducts the marriages and gives sermon of Nikah, is not a priest nor a religious leader or clergy, as there is no priesthood in Bahá’í Faith.213 He told that marriages are conducted in the form of Ijab-o-Qubool, and

211 Interview with Mehardad Yousuf 212Kitab-i-Aqdas With reference to marriage laws 213 Personal interviews and observations Brohi. 160 sermon of Nikah by the recitation of the verses from any of the Bahá’í scriptures.The Bahá’ís are married with the following simple words known as the Bahá’í ‘vow’.

‘We will all, verily, abide by the Will of God’

These words are spoken in the presence of two witnesses. Both the bridegroom and the bride repeat these words. Usually the marriage ceremony is held at Bahá’í centers, but it is not mandatory. Divorce is allowed in Bahá’í Faith but it is discouraged and disliked. It is strongly condemned.214 Divorce is only allowed and permitted if there is differences between the two parties which could not be reconcilable. There are many conditions for the divorce that must be met. Both of the parties are given a year of separation during which efforts are made for a reconciliation. Usually they call it year of silence.

2.7.5 Exogamy

The Bahá’ís usually marry within their community. There are rare cases, when the marriages took place outside the Faith. As mentioned earlier, the consent of six people is a prerequisite for marriage. If all the six people are Bahá’í by faith then there is not any conflict. The problem arises when the parents of any of the party is a non-Bahá’í, a Muslim or a Christian or of any other religion. If they are not agreed, then, the marriage will not be held. The researcher met an old Bahá’í, converted from Islam. The man told that his Muslim family members did not endorse his beliefs and he could not marry earlier as his parents did not want a Bahá’í girl to be

214 Personal interviews and observations ibid. 161 his wife, thus, he married after their demise. To mention more, exogamy is allowed but the marriage is only valid if it is held according to the Bahá’í manners and teachings. In other words, the Nikah has to be held according to Bahá’í Faith. There is no restriction to marry within the family (cousin-marriages) but it is discouraged due to scientific reasons.215

2.7.6 Raising of Children

The Bahá’í faith puts emphasis in the rearing and development of children. One of the purposes of marriages, according to Bahá’í writings, is the birth of children and their proper upbringing.

As stated by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá:

“…The spiritual result is the appearance of divine bounties. The material result

is the children who are born in the cradle of the love of God.”216

In the Bahá’í community, both parents are responsible for the raising of children. The lap of the mother is the first cradle of a child however if husband and wife mutually agree, they may interchange the duties with the passage of time. The researcher noticed during his meetings and interactions with many of the Bahá’í families that in a Bahá’í family both parents, mother and father, are very kind and responsive. They are a role model for their children. They set examples by their conduct and values. In the events and ceremonies, the parents make efforts to create an environment of love, affection and self-respect. The Bahá’ís are very much concerned about the religious and spiritual education of their new generation. In all functions

215 Interview with Ramin Nabilzadeh 216Abdul Baha, Compilation of the Compilations, vol. 1(Wilmette, Illinois: Bahai Publishing Trust).p. 391 162 and ceremonies, they bring all their children along with them. In these ceremonies, children participate in singing, dancing, and even in reciting the scriptures.

The Bahá’í community encourages the youth and the children to attend the community ceremonies and gatherings. The children participate in the programs and activities like Eid

Ridvan, the Nineteen Day Feasts and so on. In all the ceremonies and events, which the researcher attended, he witnessed that the Children were encouraged to attend holy day observances and monthly community gatherings, Nineteen Day Feasts where they participated in general programs or attended specially arranged activities. Bahá’í parents in Pakistan took leave for their children from schools on Bahá’í holy days and make plans for their active and complete participation in these programs. It is quite encouraging that the educational institutions in Pakistan allow the Bahá’í students to attend their religious rites and rituals.217

2.7.7 Role of Women

In Pakistan, the population of women is almost 48%.218 (Table in the annex) Women form a dominant part of the society. The role of women in any society is very significant. It is very unfortunate for women even in the modern society that they do not get due respect and status.

The Bahá’í teachings and writings, asserts emphasis in the equality and the role of women in the society. Bahá’u’lláh says,

217 The researcher participated personally 218 http://pap.org.pk/statistics/population.htm#tab1.4 retrieved on 26/01/2015 163

“Exalted, immensely exalted is He who hath removed differences and established

harmony. Glorified, infinitely glorified is He Who hath caused discord to cease,

and decreed solidarity and unity. Praise is God; the Pen of Most High hath lifted

distinctions from between His servants and handmaidens, and, through His

consummate favors and all-encompassing mercy, hath conferred upon a station

and rank of the same plane. He hath broken the back vain imaginings with the

sword of utterance and hath obliterated the perils of idle fancies through the

pervasive power of His might.”219

The Bahá’í Faith does not consider women inferior to men. The Bahá’í women in Pakistan are free to choose their profession. The women play vital role in the development and progress of the Pakistani society. The Bahá’í women, the researcher met during his research, are highly educated. They are doctors, educationist, teachers, community leaders and workers. The young female generation of the Bahá’í community is getting higher education in the fields of education, medical, engineering and other social sectors. There is emphasis on education in the

Bahá’í teachings. There is no preference to boys over girls. They have equal opportunities in the Pakistani society. For instance, in Islamabad, the role of the Bahá’í women is very significant.220 Mostly Bahá’í women conduct the ceremonies. The stage secretary or the performers in different ceremonies are women. The teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and Abdul Bah are presented in every ceremony of the Bahá’ís. It is worth mentioning that in Pakistan, out of

219 Compilation of the compilation vol 2 no 2093, page 357 220 Interview with Dr Seema member NSA 164 nine members of the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan, three are women. This shows the significant representation of women in Bahá’í institutions and community. There is also representation of Bahá’í women in the local spiritual assemblies.

2.7.8 Education

Education gets importance in Bahá’í scriptures and teachings. Bahá’u’lláh emphasizes more on getting education:

“Man is the supreme Talisman. Lack of a proper education hath, however,

deprived him of that which he doth inherently possess. Through a word

proceeding out of the mouth of God he was called into being; by one word more

he was guided to recognize the Source of his education; by yet another word his

station and destiny were safeguarded. The Great Being saint: Regard man as a

mine rich in gems of inestimable value. Education can, alone, cause it to reveal

its treasures, and enable humankind to benefit there from. If any man were to

meditate on that which the Scriptures, sent down from the heaven of God’s holy

Will, have revealed, he would readily recognize that their purpose is that all men

shall be regarded as one soul, so that the seal bearing the words “The Kingdom

shall be God’s” may be stamped on every heart, and the light of Divine bounty,

of grace, and mercy may envelop all mankind. The one true God, exalted be His

glory, hath wished nothing for Himself. The allegiance of humankind profiteth

Him not; neither doth its perversity harm Him. The Bird of the Realm of

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Utterance voiceth continually this call: “All things have I willed for thee, and

thee, too, for thine own sake.” If the learned and worldly-wise men of this age

were to allow humanity to inhale the fragrance of fellowship and love, every

understanding heart would apprehend the meaning of true liberty, and discover

the secret of undisturbed peace and absolute composure. Were the earth to attain

this station and be illumined with its light it could then be truly said of it: “Thou

shall see in it no hollows or rising hills.”221

Education has very importance in Bahá’í Faith. The process of education starts from early childhood. The first place of education, according to Bahá’í teachings, is home. It begins from the birth of a child. Thus, the mother and father must be well educated. In Pakistan, the literacy rate in Bahá’í community is almost 100%. Ignoring few exceptions in the interior Sindh’s rural area, the Bahá’ís of the urban areas like Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore, Quetta, Peshawar and

Muzafarabad and other cities of Pakistan are literate.222 All the Bahá’ís whom the researcher met during his research were at least graduates. Many of them were postgraduates. For instance, one of the Bahá’í families at Islamabad was a doctors' family. The husband and wife and their son are medical doctors. Many of the families sent their children in universities for higher education. There is no discrimination between the boys and the girls in the matter of education.

It is a positive aspect of Pakistani society that none of the Bahá’ís remonstrated against the prejudice faced in educational institutes.223

221Bahaullah, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahaullah.p.259-60 222 Personal interviews and observations Brohi. 223 Personal interviews and observations ibid. 166

2.7.9 The New Day School

Training, education and character building are the noblest causes in Bahá’í Faith. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá says:

“The education and training of children is among the most meritorious acts of

humankind and draweth down the grace and favour of the All-Merciful, for

education is the indispensable foundation of all human excellence and alloweth

man to work his way to the heights of abiding glory. If a child were trained from

his infancy, he will, through the loving care of the Holy Gardener, drink in the

crystal waters of the spirit and of knowledge, like a young tree amid the rilling

brooks. And certainly he will gather to himself the bright rays of the Sun of

Truth and through its light and heat will grow ever fresh and fair in the garden

of life.”224

Keeping in view the above mission and vision, the Bahá’ís of Pakistan established their first school named New Day Montessori School225 in March, 1978 in Karachi adjacent to the Bahá’í

Hall Karachi near Mausoleum of Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The school started with a Montessori section but later on upgraded to primary and then to secondary level. The school that was started with three students has now enrolled seven hundred students. The New

Day School has been registered as a non-profit organization since 2011. It is one of the best educational institutions run by the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan. Its mission is to

224 Abdul Baha, Selections, Sec.103, pp. 129–31) http://reference.Bahá’í.org/en/t/c/BE/be-56.html retrieved on 27/12/2014 225 The Researcher visited the school 2014 167 provide best educational services through experienced academic staff. It is serving the nation through personal, social and intellectual growth of the students by providing quality education.

This school does not enroll Bahá’í students, only. New Day School gives admission to all children regardless of religion and race. The National Spiritual Assembly supervises the New

Day School with well-trained Montessori Bahá’í teachers. Now, the school is among the best growing secondary level schools in Karachi.

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The Social Activities of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan organize different kinds of activities. Most of these social programs are arranged for their own community. The Bahá’í community arranges some activities in which other communities can participate, also. Most of the social activities of the community are held at the Bahá’í centers. Some of the activities are arranged in other parts of the city or town.

These diverse activities highlight their mission and program. The teachings and writings of

Bahá’u’lláh are the main source of these social activities. Here is a brief introduction of these activities, which are based on the interviews with members of the assemblies and auxiliary board.226 The material is also retrieved from the website of Pakistani Bahá’ís. The researcher personally met the person who administers all these activities and he confides information to the speaker regarding these activities. These programs are as follow:

a. Study Circles

b. Devotional Gatherings

c. Children Classes

d. Junior Youth Empowerment/Development

e. Discourses

226 Interview with Iqbal Imaani and other members of Bahai Community 169

This reflects the socialization of the community and the transmission of their tradition. As these programs are based on the Bahá’í teachings, it is the way of transferring the religious traditions down the generation and a call towards the Faith. a. Study Circles

The main objective of the study circle is to enlighten the participants with the teachings of

Bahá’u’lláh. Study circle enhances their knowledge and intensifies the spiritual power. Another purpose of study circles as prescribed in the Bahá’í teachings is to make the participants a better citizen and people. They are prepared to work for the betterment of the society and the nation.

These study circles are not confined to Bahá’ís, only. These are open to all. Anyone who wants to get knowledge, true knowledge (according to Bahá’í Faith), are invited to participate in these circles. Mostly these circles are conducted in small groups in almost all cities and towns.

A study circle is being conducted in Islamabad 227

A tutor or facilitator convenes the study circle. The participants are provided reading material.

Book 1 is given in the beginning.228 All the participants of the group, whether they are two or

227.photo courtesy by http://www.bahai.pk/what-bahais-do/study-circles.html retrieved on 20/12/2014 228 Interview Iqbal Imaani 2014 170 more, are supposed to read the material before the program. The participants discuss the points, which are given in the reading material in a friendly environment. The study circle program is a process of learning Bahá’ísm through participation and discussion. There is not any specified place for these circles. Usually the place, time and duration of the program is decided with the consultation of the group participants. The place may be the Bahá’í center of the town or house of any of the member as convenient for the participants.229

b. Devotional Gatherings

Prayer has a great impact in a better understanding of Bahá’í Faith. Further, it helps to harmonize soul with the rhythm of the divine power. It is the way to communicate with God.

A Bahá’í devotional gathering is a way to regain the gladness of hearts. It brings the followers close to the Word of God. These ‘Devotional Gatherings’ are arranged and organized at Bahá’í centers or at the house of any Bahá’í. Different sections and passages from the scriptures and writings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá are recited and read aloud in these gatherings. These meetings are open for all people regardless of religion and faith. Anyone can attend this program. Usually it is followed by some refreshment, which is hosted by any of the members of the Bahá’í community. Prayer is a central part in all religious traditions and these meetings stress its universal nature. Participants discuss and converse with each other on different issues

229 Interview with Ramin 171 at the end of the program. Socialization is also a purpose of such gatherings. Participants also meditate in these devotional gatherings. c. Children Classes

There is much emphasis on childcare in Bahá’í writings. Great importance has been given to different stages and periods of childhood. The teachings of Bahá’í Faith provide clear guidance to parents and communities to raise children in a nurturing and friendly environment. It is believed that moral, spiritual, and value-based training for children and youth is essential in order to nurture their capacities. Thus, these classes are for children from all backgrounds. In an interview,230 one of the members of the Bahá’í community told the researcher that it is not necessary that the mentor have to be a Bahá’í. He or she can be any person regardless of religion or race. The main aim of this program is to provide knowledge to young generation. Different kinds of activities are arranged for the character building of children according to their age.231

These activities may be games, quizzes, stories, songs, etc. Basic moral teachings are inculcated in the minds of children. These teachings include the knowledge of God, truthfulness, honesty, love, hope and excellence and justice.

“Regard man as a mine rich in gems of inestimable value, "wrote Bahá’u’lláh,

“Education can, alone, cause it to reveal its treasures, and enable mankind to

benefit there from.”

230 Interview with Ramin Nabeelzadeh(2014) 231 Ibid 172

In accordance with such inspirations, efforts are made to bring forth these “treasures”—the nobility and beauty that are part of every person’s nature. The Bahá’í community of Pakistan is committed to work for social, economic and spiritual advancement of the nation and humankind as a whole. The classes, offered in increasing numbers by Bahá’í communities around the world, can help to ensure that our children grow strong intellectually, morally, and spiritually.232

d. Social Activities

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan contributes individually for the capacity building of the society. They involve in these activities to promote peace, well-being and happiness of the people of Pakistan.

The Bahá’í assembly encourages them to be involved in the activities at grass-root level. e. Junior Youth Spiritual Empowerment Program

One of the significant activities is the diffusion and dissemination of the Bahá’í Faith and tradition to the next generation. This can be seen in almost all of the Bahá’í activities, programs and events. The most meaningful and active program is the Junior Youth Spiritual

Empowerment Program. The main aim of this program as prescribed and designed is to assist

Bahá’í youth of ages between 11 and 14 to develop a sense of responsibility through taking spiritual and intellectual development. This program is devised in such a manner that the youth

232. Personal interviews and observations Brohi. 173 become so active and experienced that they make good decisions and become a role model for the community as well for the nation. The main objectives of the program are to:233

 Assist them to recognize the moral issues underlying everyday decisions;

 Identify the moral outcome of speech and action;

 Empower them to channel their energies towards both strengthening their own

character and serving their community.

2.8.2 Socialization of Bahá’í Community

In the Pakistani society, the Bahá’í community is well integrated. The community cohesion is exemplary. The members of the Bahá’í community of Pakistan socialize with each other and with other citizens of Pakistan in many ways. The main occasion for Bahá’ís to meet and gather is the Nineteen days feast. The feast as mentioned earlier is held on the first day of each Bahá’í month. The feast is the best way of interaction within the community. The feast is organized at the home of any of the Bahá’ís of the town or at the Bahá’í center of that city or town.

The best place for the Bahá’ís to meet is the Bahá’í center. Most of the Bahá’ís lives in main cities of Pakistan. They have Bahá’í centers in many cities. Most of the Bahá’í activities and gatherings are organized in the Bahá’í Centers.234 At some places, they are called the Bahá’í

Hall, for instance the Bahá’í hall of Karachi. Various events and ceremonies related to Bahá’í community such as the Birthday of Bahá’u’lláh, the day of covenant and the Birth of Báb, are

233. Personal interviews and observations . 234 Personal observations 174 arranged centrally at the Bahá’í centers. For instance, most of the programs took place at the

National Bahá’í center of Islamabad or at the Bahá’í Hall Karachi. The social and religious gatherings are also best ways of socialization within and outside the community. A good number of people regularly come to attend these ceremonies with all their family members.

Most importantly, the Bahá’ís invite non-Bahá’ís to attend their social gatherings. One important aspect that the researcher observed in these meetings and gatherings is the Persian influence within the community. Most of the Bahá’í community members especially in

Islamabad are Iranian descendants. Few of the members are Punjabi, Sindhi or any other caste of Pakistan.235

Whenever the members gather in any meeting or program, they share good time with each other. Children play with each other. The Bahá’í center in its essence is a cultural and social place of the Bahá’í community not merely a religious center. Bahá’í families and community members know each other. All the community members not only know names and families but they also know the members of the community outside of that town. Many people know each other very well and the members of the community are not unknown to each other.236

This is one reason for keeping their identity. Normally the community members do not visit or gather at the Bahá’í centers other than the holy days and events. Most of the members frequently meet in the events or at the Nineteen-day feast.

235 Personal interviews and observations Brohi. 236Bahais of Pakistan, interview by Abdul Fareed Brohi2012-2015, Islamabad,Lahore, Rawalpindi, Karcachi. 175

The most popular place for a social gathering of the Bahá’ís once a year is the auditorium of the National Council of Arts, Islamabad. The government of Pakistan organizes and hosts a cultural show followed by a grand dinner in commemoration of the Eid-e-Ridvan (pronounce

Rizwan) in the last week of April each year. This event is very much important and celebrated in remembrance of the proclamation of Bahá’u’lláh. A large number of Bahá’ís attend this event regularly. Members of other religious groups also attend this event. Ministers and other government officials gather to show solidarity with the Bahá’ís of Pakistan on this occasion.

Bahá’ís of nearby cities, like Lahore, Peshawar, Abbottabad, Mansehra, Rawalpindi, and

Muzafarabad. They come to Islamabad to participate in this eventful day of the year.

The Bahá’í community is quite active in Pakistan. It organizes events where the members meet frequently. There are also some other occasions where the community members meet each other privately and meet selected people. These may include study circle classes (discussed in detail), confined conferences, and youth program (discussed separately). The community also socializes on funerals. The funeral prayer is the only prayer, which is performed in congregation.237

Few Bahá’ís also socialize with the non-Bahá’í Pakistanis but in a limited manner. Mostly these meetings and socialization is done on the religious and social events in case the ‘Others’ are invited. The Bahá’í community members do not feel any kind of fear or humiliation from the Pakistanis who are Muslims, Christians or profess any other religion. In Karachi, the

237Interview with Yousuf Bijnori 2014 176 interaction of the Bahá’í community with the "outsiders" is established through the New Day

Montessori School. This school was established in 1979 in Karachi adjacent to Karachi Bahá’í

Center near Mazar-e-Quaid. New Day School and is administered by the Bahá’ís of Karachi, but there is no restriction in admissions of the adherents of other religions. This is one of the ways of communication of the Bahá’ís with other communities.

It is to be noted that because of the current security situation of Pakistan, many of the Bahá’ís do not show their religious identity publicly. They feel themselves sometimes threatened.

Hence, they do not mix with the common Pakistani community. Most of the Pakistanis do not have knowledge about Bahá’í Faith. They consider the Bahá’ís as sect of Islam or a cult. That is the reason of less interaction and socialization of Bahá’ís with other communities.

2.8.3 The Persian Influence

Most of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan has their roots in Iran. They migrated to Pakistan and, now, enjoy Pakistan's citizenship but they have Persian background. The majority of the Bahá’ís in

Pakistan speaks Persian. It is important to note that most of the Bahá’ís in Pakistan is of Persian race and descent. A few members of the community are Punjabis or Sindhis. There are many reasons of this Persian background. The early Bahá’í settlers, who came from Bombay in the last decade of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century, were originally from

Iran. Later, when the persecution against the Bahá’ís started in Iran, a number of the Bahá’ís migrated to Pakistan. For Instance, after the Iranian Islamic revolution, many Bahá’ís were persecuted. They came to Pakistan and settled down here. They are now Pakistani citizens.

177

Many Bahá’ís speak Persian in their meetings and with each other as many of them are of

Persian backgrounds.238

The Bahá’í Calendar and its Observation in Pakistan

The Bahá’í calendar is different from the Gregorian and the Hijra calendar. It follows the solar year. The Bahá’í year consists of nineteen months of nineteen days each and makes a total of

361 days. This is adjusted to the solar year by adding four days in ordinary years and five days in leap year. Báb named the names of the months. These reflect the attributes of God. The

Bahá’í year commences from the month of March, usually, and it is same as the ancient Persian year. The Bahá’ís celebrate the feast of Nav Roz (New Day) at the start of the year. The Bahá’í calendar begins with the year of the declaration of Báb that is 1844.

The months in the Bahá’í Calendar are as follows:239

Arabic Name Translation First Days

1st Bahá Splendor March 21

2nd Jalál Glory April 9

3rd Jamál Beauty April 28

4th ‘Aẓamat Grandeur May 17

5th Núr Light June 5

238 Personal interviews and observations Brohi. 239Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era.p.185 178

6yh Rahmat Mercy June 24

7th Kalímát Words July 31

8th Kamál Perfection Aug. 1

9th Asmá’ Names Aug. 20

10th ‘Izzat Might Sept. 8

11th Mashíyyat Will Sept. 27

12th ‘Ilm Knowledge Oct.16

13th Qudrat Power Nov. 4

14th Qawl Speech Nov. 23

15th Masa’il Questions Dec. 12

16th Sharaf Honor Dec. 31

17th Sulṭán Sovereignty Jan. 19

18th Mulk Dominion Feb. 7

19th ‘Alá Loftiness March 2

Intercalary Days Feb 26 to March 1, Inclusive

This calendar is observed by the Bahá’ís of Pakistan as the Bahá’ís of the world is following it.

The Bahá’ís celebrate their feasts and anniversaries according to their own calendar. There are a number of feasts and holidays throughout the year, which are being celebrated by the Bahá’ís of Pakistan with jubilation and pleasure. There are some days, which are observed with great sorrow and grief. Brief introduction of the Bahá’í feasts and festivals and how the Bahá’ís observe these days in Pakistan is described under:240

240 The Researcher participated in these activities as per the Bahai Calender 179

2.9.1 Celebration of Nav ruz

The Bahá’í year commences on March 21. This is the start of the ancient Persian Calendar.

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan celebrate this day with great joy and pleasure. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá said once on the day of Nav ruz while he was in Alexandria, Egypt in 1912:

“In the sacred laws of God, in every cycle and dispensation there are blessed

feasts, holidays and workless days. On such days all kinds of occupations,

commerce, industry, agriculture, etc., should be suspended. All should rejoice

together, hold general meetings, become as one assembly, so that the national

oneness, unity and harmony may be demonstrated in the eyes of all. As it is a

blessed day it should not be neglected, nor deprived of results by making it a day

devoted to the pursuit of mere pleasure. During such days institutions should be

founded that may be of permanent benefit and value to the people. ...

Today there is no result or fruit greater than guiding the people. Undoubtedly,

the friends of God, upon such a day, must leave tangible philanthropic or ideal

traces that should reach all humankind and not pertain only to the Bahá’ís. In

this wonderful dispensation, philanthropic affairs are for all humanity without

exception, because it is the manifestation of the mercifulness of God. Therefore,

180

my hope is that the friends of God, every one of them, may become as the mercy

of God to all mankind.”241

The central program is usually celebrated at Bahá’í centers and Bahá’í halls of different cities of

Pakistan. The program of Islamabad and Rawalpindi is held jointly at the National Bahá’í

Center in Islamabad. Almost all the Bahá’í families of the twin cities gather at the occasion.

This day is a joyful day for Bahá’ís. They gather at the Bahá’í center Islamabad and recite the writings of the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh. The participants do the chanting of verses and supplications. The participants present make short speeches suitable to the occasion there. All people who gather there greet each other. Food is prepared and served by one of the Bahá’í families who host the program.

2.9.2 Eid-e-Rizwan

Every Bahá’í celebrates the feast of Ridvan for almost twelve days from April 21 to May 2, each year. It is celebrated in order to show joy and happiness. These were the days when Bahauallah announced that he was the one whose coming had been foretold by the Báb. (Manyaz urullah).

He proclaimed that he was the Chosen of God and the promised One of all the prophets. He announced these glad tidings to his followers at the gardens of Najeeb Pasha in Baghdad in year

1863 when the Ottoman Empire ordered him to proceed to Constantinople. The garden where

Bahá’u’lláh proclaimed his declaration is known as the Garden of Ridvan. These days are

241Esslemont, Bahaullah and the New Era.p.187-8 181 celebrated each year to commemorate the declaration of Bahá’u’lláh. In these twelve days,

Bahá’u’lláh stayed at the Garden of Ridvam. It is now commemorated annually as the Feast of

Ridvan. It is known as the Eid-e-Rizwan in Pakistan. The Bahá’ís of each spiritual assembly gather at the Bahá’í Halls and centers to show and pay full respect to Bahá’u’lláh. They become happy and enthusiastic. The significance of this day in Pakistan is that the Eid-e-Rizwan is organized at the government level.242 The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Interfaith

Harmony, Government of Pakistan hosts a religious cum cultural program for the Bahá’ís, which is followed by a grand dinner in Islamabad. The Federal Ministry of Religious Affairs and Interfaith Harmony organizes and coordinates this program, which is usually held at the auditorium of the National Council of Arts, Islamabad. Notables and government officials including the ministers and federal secretaries attend this program. A large no of Bahá’ís from

Islamabad and nearby cities like Rawalpindi, Lahore, Sargodha, Sialkot, Abbottabad, Mansehra,

Peshawar and even from Muzafarabad, Azad Jammu and Kashmir, gather on this occasion with great enthusiasm and pleasure. The Bahá’í readings are recited on this occasion and different members of the Bahá’í community present the introduction of Bahá’í Faith. Bahá’í girls and boys present tableaus and sing the hymns of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá with and without music. The members of the Bahá’í community chant supplications and cheer. Usually the members of the National Council of Arts perform cultural dances and show. Members of other religious communities and minorities and their leaders are also invited in the program. The

242 Personally attended 182

Chairman of the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan addresses and expresses his gratitude to the government of Pakistan, ministry of Religious Affairs and Interfaith harmony and the officials. The Bahá’ís appreciate the friendly and congenial behaviour of the government of

Pakistan towards the community. Oftentimes, the Minister of Religious Affairs and Interfaith

Harmony addresses at this occasion otherwise any of the representative of the government can be the chief guest. The program ends with a splendid dinner. The community members greet each other. Another aspect of Eid-e-Rizwan is the holding of the elections of the spiritual assemblies of Pakistan on 21st April.

2.9.3 Birth of Bahá’u’lláh

The Bahá’ís all around the world celebrate the birth of Bahá’u’lláh on November 12. This day is also celebrated in Pakistan with great enthusiasm. Traditionally, the Spiritual assemblies organize programs at city or town level across Pakistan. The Bahá’ís of Islamabad and

Rawalpindi mostly organize combined program at the National Bahá’í Center of Islamabad.243

This program is very well organized. Every detail of the program is chalked out in detail. The

Program starts with the recitation from the Bahá’í Scripture. Then the life of Bahá’u’lláh is presented very briefly in which almost all aspects of the life of Bahá’u’lláh are covered. But mainly the myths and miracles related to Bahá’u’lláh are read. Then a prayer of Bahá’u’lláh regarding his birth is recited which is called the Lohe Eid Milad Bahá’u’lláh (The Tablet of the

243 Personally attended 2012-2015 183 birth of Bahá’u’lláh). It is read and recited mostly by a senior member of the community. After the recitation of the Tablet of Bahá’u’lláh, the uniqueness of Bahá’u’lláh’s stature (Muqam-e-

Bahá’u’lláh) and the greatness of his mission and revelation is presented. Sometimes a quiz is included in the program and questions regarding the life of Bahá’u’lláh are asked. In between these readings and recitation, prayer songs and hymns are presented by the Bahá’í youth and children. A unique thing of this program is the participation of youth and even small children

.This is a unique and distinctive way of transmitting the Bahá’í Faith and tradition to the new generation. Many children perform tableaus, which encompass the life and teachings of

Bahá’u’lláh. Others tell stories of Bahá’u’lláh and about his childhood. At the end, the last prayers of Bahá’u’lláh are recited and all the participants recite the supplications. The program ends with refreshment, which is usually hosted by one of the families. All the verses are read in Urdu. The hymns and songs are sometimes sung in English along with Urdu.

2.9.4 Day of the Covenant

There is much importance of the day of Covenant in the life of a Bahá’í. This day is observed on November 26. The Bahá’ís gather at the Bahá’í Centers of their respective cities and towns.

The faith of a Bahá’í is based on the principle of the Covenant. The concept of the Covenant is the focal point of the Bahá’í Faith. As stated by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, it is the axis of the Bahá’í Faith:

“To attain to this supreme station is, however, dependent on the realization of

certain conditions: The first condition is firmness in the Covenant of God. For

184

the power of the Covenant will protect the Cause of Bahá'u'lláh from the doubts

of the people of error. It is the fortified fortress of the Cause of God and the firm

pillar of the religion of God. Today no power can conserve the oneness of the

Bahá’í world save the Covenant of God; otherwise differences like unto a most

great tempest will encompass the Bahá'í world. It is evident that the axis of the

oneness of the world of humanity is the power of the Covenant and nothing

else. Had the Covenant not come to pass, had it not been revealed from the

Supreme Pen and had not the Book of the Covenant, like unto the ray of the

Sun of Reality, illuminated the world, the forces of the Cause of God would have

been utterly scattered and certain souls who were the prisoners of their own

passions and lusts would have taken into their hands an axe, cutting the root of

this Blessed Tree.”244

The Day of Covenant is celebrated at city and town level in Pakistan. A sizeable number of

Bahá’ís of Islamabad and Rawalpindi attend this program. Readings from the scriptures and chanting of tablets and hymns and singing songs are part of this program.245 One of the Bahá’í families serves refreshments at the end as per their tradition. This is a significant feature of this program that each year one of the families hosts a good meal or lunch.

244 Abdul Baha, The Tablets of the Divine Plan,p.17 http://reference.Bahá’í.org/en/t/ab/TDP/ retrieved on 27/12/2014 245 The researcher personally attended these gatherings and interacted with the Bahais 185

There are some other feasts and holidays, which are observed by the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. The

Declaration of the Báb is celebrated on May 23; it is also the date of birth of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the ascension of Bahá’u’lláh is observed on May 29, the martyrdom of Báb is observed on July 9,

Birth of Báb is celebrated on October 20, ascension of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá is observed on November

28. Although many of the feasts are celebrated with great joy and pleasure, but the day of the martyrdom of Báb and the days of death of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá are observed with grief and seriousness. The meetings and programs of these days consist of chanting of supplications and prayers and recitation of verses and tablets.

186

Community Affairs of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan

2.10.1 Funeral

The Bahá’ís bury their dead bodies very soon after the death of a person. The burial is usually done at the same place where a person dies. As Shoghi Effendi, The Guardian of Faith, died in

England, he was buried there. The Bahá’í funeral service is very simple; consists of a congregational prayer which is read before the burial. This is the only prayer in the Bahá’í

Faith which is offered in congregation. The Bahá’ís bury the dead bodies in their own cemetery which is allocated to the community by the government of Pakistan. These cemeteries are called Gulistan-e-Javed. The City District Governments of Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad have allocated separate community cemeteries to the Bahá’ís of these cities.246

2.10.2 Dress

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan are not different from other Pakistanis in terms of dress code. There is no particular dress that they wear. The men usually wear trousers and shirt and shalwar qameez as do the other Pakistani. The women also wear the dress as many of the other Muslim women wear. They are like other Pakistanis in terms of dress code even the Persian descendant Bahá’ís.

They are totally integrated with the Pakistani society.

246 Interview with Ramin 2014 187

2.10.3 Language

Most of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan originally belong to Iran and are Persian descendant. Those who born in Pakistan are now Pakistani by birth and have citizenship. Their parents and fore- fathers migrated from Iran to escape the persecution under Pahlavi's regime. After the 1979

Iranian revolution, a large number of the Iranians moved to Quetta and Peshawar. Then, they settled down in other cities of Pakistan. Most of the Bahá’ís speak Persian. The indigenous converts speak Punjabi, Sindhi, Pushto or any of the other languages of Pakistan.247

2.10.4 Population

The exact population of Bahá’ís cannot be documented despite efforts by the researcher. Few sources are eager to exaggerate the actual statistics. The researcher, here, presents the information, which he has accrued, from the various websites and his experience with the

Bahá’í community.

According to the 1998 census of Pakistan, the last census done, the population of Pakistan was approximately 132million (132352279)248. In the census, the demography by religion is divided into six major groups. The population of Muslims in the 1998 census was approx.96.28percentage. The Muslim population of rural Pakistan was 96.49% and the urban population was 95.84%. The Christians were 1.59% of the total population of Pakistan, rural

247 Interviews with Mehardad Yousuf, Iqbal Imaani, Jamal Yousf 248http://census.gov.pk/AreaDensity.htm retrieved on 29/12/2014 188

1.10% and urban 2.59%. The largest minority according to 1998 census was the Hindu community. The Hindus comprises of 1.60 % of the total population of the country. Most of the Hindus live in the rural Pakistan with a 1.80%. Their population in the urban areas was

1.16%. The Qadiani (Ahmedi) and Scheduled Castes were 0.22% and 0.25% respectively. 249

In the 1998 census the Bahá’ís are included in the option of religious groups, ‘Others’, i.e. 0.07.

The remaining religious groups in the option of "Others" include Parsis/Zoroastrians, Bahá’ís,

Sikhs, Buddhists, Kalasha, Kihals, and Jains. According to the International Religious Freedom

Report 2002 of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, U.S. Department of State, the estimated population of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan was 30,000.250 In its 2010 and 2013 reports

2013, U.S. government estimates the population of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan approximately

30,000.251 A report was published in the Express Tribune on September 2, 2012 regarding the subject under discussion. According to the report, the National Database and Registration

Authority (NADRA) of the government of Pakistan claims that over 2.9 million minorities possess their Computerized National Identity Card (CNIC). These minorities belong to seven different faiths. It also gives a breakdown of the religious minorities of Pakistan:252

249, http://census.gov.pk/Religion.htm retrieved on 29/12/2014.

250, http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2002/14026.htm retrieved on 29/12/2014.

251.ibid 252.http://tribune.com.pk/story/430059/over-35000-buddhists-Bahá’ís-call-pakistan-home/ retrieved on 29/12/2014

189

At the time of applying for a CNIC (Computerized National Identity Card), among other information, the form includes a column about the religious affiliation of the applicant.

According to NADRA, the column of religion in the CNIC application form is not a mandatory column stating that it is the choice of each individual whether he or she wants to declare his faith or not. According to the data received by NADRA from the applicants, who get their CNIC, there are over 33,000 Pakistanis who declare them as Bahá’í.253 These are the official figures which show the Bahá’ís of Pakistan are a significant minority. However, the

253 ibid 190 ground facts seem different. A large number of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan belong to the rural areas of the province Sindhi. There are many Hindu tribes in the rural Sindh called the Bhels and

Meghwar. A significant number of these tribesmen accepted the Bahá’í faith and converted to

Bahá’ísm. But many of them are no longer active in the Bahá’í activities. This mass conversion is due to some social works done in the areas of Hyderabad, Matli, Badin, Sukkur and

Mirpurkhas. The Bahá’ís of Pakistan state that they do not know the actual population of

Bahá’ís and they rely on the statistics of NADRA. It is an assumption that the Bahá’ís do not want to declare their exact population, which is supposed to be more or less 3000 in total. One of the most senior members of the Bahá’í community in Lahore, Muhammad Yusuf Bijnouri, a 50-year-old convert from a Muslim family, said that the total strength of the Bahá’ís in Lahore might not exceed from 60 to 70254. So is the case of Islamabad and Rawalpindi where the total number of Bahá’ís is approximately 300255. There are only two families in Peshawar, Mansehra and Abbottabad each. Two or three families are in Quetta as most of them have moved to

Islamabad. The large number of the Bahá’ís is in Karachi and the rural Sindh. However, the statistics offered by NADRA has to be believed. However, the exact population of Bahá’í community is not known.

254Bijnori. 255Pakistan. 191

2.10.5 Conversion

The Bahá’ís of the world claim that it is the second fastest growing religion of the world. Many of the adherents of other religions accepted Bahá’ísm all around the world. The conversion and preaching are quite different phenomena. Most of the Bahá’ís told the researcher that there is not any concept of conversion in Bahá’í faith. Most of the Pakistani Bahá’ís are those who accepted this new religion in the early days of the independence or before independence. Many of them had a Qadiani or Ahamdi background like Mahfooz al Haq Ilmi. Some of them came from the Shi’a school of thought. Conversion from Islam to any other religion is considered as apostasy and its penalty is death according to the Islamic Sharia law. That is the reason that the majority of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan are of Persian descendant. The Bahá’ís do not preach their religion among the Muslims. There are many motives of conversion to the Bahá’í Faith like economic considerations and liberal attitude towards life. Usually the people from villages are attracted to this concept, especially the suppressed segments. In an interview with a Bahá’í, it is discovered that in Pakistan the belief of the Muslims in the finality of the prophet hood of

Muhammad (PBUH) is one of the main reasons of non-conversion. The Muslims of Pakistan cannot even think of leaving their religion, Islam and to accept a new religion. The Muslims of

Pakistan have a firm belief in the finality of Prophet Mu╒ammad (Peace be upon him).

Therefore, there are rare cases of conversion from a Muslim especially from a Sunni background. Most of the Bahá’í converts are from the Qadiani or Ahmedi sect or from the

Shi’a school of thought.

192

2.10.6 How to become a Bahá’í256

Bahá’ísm is a world religion. The Bahá’ís claim that they are one of the fast growing faiths of the world. In Pakistan, the Bahá’ís do not preach their faith and religion publicly but they invite people to come, attend their programs and read their literature. The people who have converted to Bahá’ísm are mostly literate. If anyone wants to enter into the fold of Bahá’í faith, he has to make a declaration of faith to recognize him as a Bahá’í. The Bahá’ís asks the person who wants to be a Bahá’í whether he has understood the core principles of Bahá’í Faith. The new coverts should be aware of the Faith and affirms that Bahá’í Faith is a universal and world religion. They are convinced that the purpose of the Bahá’í Faith is unity that is the unity of all the people around the world with a common cause that there is universalism and all the humanity is the servant and creature of One God. According to the Bahá’ís, to be a Bahá’í means to follow Bahá’u’lláh and his teachings. They further believe that Bahá’u’lláh is the promised one of all ages and his teachings enable to harmonize society, which is based on peace and prosperity, and it is the basis of a civilization promised by many traditions. The Bahá’ís however, encourages the person that he should thoroughly investigate the Faith, the sacred writings and make him acquainted and accustomed with the Bahá’í moral laws and standards of personal conduct before accepting Bahá’ísm. The importance of this registration is mentioned in a letter on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual:

256Ibid. 193

"You have asked if the mere declaration of faith by a new-comer suffices to recognize him as a Bahá’í, and whether living the Bahá’í life should not be regarded as the basis of admission into the Faith. You should bear in mind that the signature on a card, in the sense that it represents a record of the date of the declaration and data about the declaring, is to satisfy administrative requirements enabling the enrollment of the new believer in the community. The deeper implications of the act of declaration of faith are between the individual and God.

Shoghi Effendi has made several statements on this important subject, and we have been asked to share with you the following two excerpts from letters written on his behalf to individual believers:

'There is a difference between character and faith; it is often very hard to

accept this fact and put up with it, but the fact remains that a person may

believe and love the Cause - even to be ready to die for it - and yet not

have a good personal character, or possess traits at variance with the

teachings. We should try to change, to let the Power of God help recreate

us and make us true Bahá’ís in deed as well as in belief. However,

sometimes the process is slow; sometimes it never happens because the

individual does not try hard enough. But these things cause us suffering

and are a test to us in our fellow-believers, most especially if we love them

and have been their teacher!’

194

'The process of becoming a Bahá’í is necessarily slow and gradual. The

essential is not that the beginner should have a full and detailed

knowledge of the Cause, a thing that is obviously impossible in the vast

majority of cases, but that he should, by an act of his own will, be willing

to uphold and follow the truth and guidance set forth in the Teachings

and thus open his heart and mind to the reality of the Manifestation.'257

The new comer should be aware that Bahá’u’lláh laid down the laws, including the prayers and scriptures. These laws are expected to be followed. A better understanding can be achieved by reading books and through attending the study circles and other devotional gatherings. This provides a good orientation towards new faith. After reading literature, a person is supposed to be convinced to become a Bahá’í. He has a deep understanding of the faith, reaches, and achieves the basic spiritual requirement for being a Bahá’í. At this stage, the person contacts the Bahá’í administration. The person shows his consent to become a Bahá’í. The person has to declare his faith. The Local Spiritual Assembly may assign any member of the Assembly or auxiliary board to have a conversation with the new comer making sure that he accepts the faith with his full conviction and free will. A registration form is to be filled by the new comer. He has to provide his name, address, interests, age and education. This helps the community to keep the record of new converts. Mostly, it is computerized. There is no registration fee and it is free.

257, http://bahai-library.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=16 accessed on 15/02/2015 195

Becoming a Bahá’í is a matter of commitment with God. To register and signing in the Bahá’í faith, one makes a declaration of faith that Bahá’u’lláh is the Manifestation of God for this day and age, and his recognition of the stations (Muqamat) of Báb and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. He declares that he believes the Bahá’í scriptures are divine and he will follow them. He further declares that “…in signing this registration form, I declare my belief in Bahá’u’lláh, the Promised One of God. I also recognize the Báb, His Forerunner, and Abdul Bah, the Center of His Covenant.

I request registration in the Bahá’í Community with the understanding that Bahá’u’lláh has established sacred principles, laws and institutions, which I must follow. I asked the National

Spiritual Assembly to accept me as Bahá’í.”258

After this declaration and registration, an identity card was issued to the new convert from the office of the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan, which is located in sector H-8/4,

Islamabad. Now he can vote and be elected for Bahá’í institutions. After 2002, registration is done but issuance of Bahá’í identity card has been stopped.259

2.10.7 Government of Pakistan and Bahá’í Religion

The Government of Pakistan is tolerant towards the Bahá’ís of this country. In 1980s, the

Pakistani government recognized Bahá’ís as religious minority considering them as non-

Muslim. This recognition is the most important legal recognition, which was made through a constitutional amendment in the constitution on April 8, 1981. The constitutional amendment

258 The researcher has the photo of the registration form which is in Urdu 259 Interview with Yousuf Bijnori Lahore 2014 196 declares the Bahá’ís a religious minority like other non-Muslims. The Bahá’ís of Iran and then

Afghanistan were welcomed to Pakistan who escape from the persecution of the Bahá’ís in those countries. Later, these people settled in Pakistan permanently as the citizens of Pakistan.

They are given full protection and religious rights. The Bahá’ís of Pakistan have the right to hold their meetings, establish their religious and social centers, teach their faith and organize ceremonies and events within the community and sometimes at public level. The government of Pakistan grants holiday to the Bahá’ís of Pakistan on Eid-e-Rizwan. They are allowed to establish Bahá’í halls and centers in the major cities of Pakistan. The Bahá’ís of Pakistan has their publishing trust from where they publish the Bahá’í books and literature. Moreover, annually, the Federal government of Pakistan arranges and hosts a cultural and social program at the eve of the Eid-e-Rizwan in Islamabad. A large number of Bahá’ís attend this grand show followed by an overwhelming dinner. There is no restriction on the Bahá’ís to hold their election of National and Local Spiritual Assemblies. In these elections, they are free to elect their administrative councils and members without any interference from the government.

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Chapter 3

The Parsis of Pakistan

Zoroastrianism is one of the oldest religions of the world. Defining religion is not an easy task especially when there are layers of misconceptions and misunderstandings about the origin and founder of a religion. There are many things in history which could not be defined easily about the religion, so is the case of Zoroastrianism. The history of this oldest religion dates back to

10th century BCE. Zoroastrianism was supposed to be the indigenous religion of old Persia having its roots in Persia, now Iran. One of the oldest sources about the beliefs and practices of the religions and people of Persia is Herodotus who wrote about them in the 5th century BCE.

Zoroaster or Zarathushtra in the Old Persian is believed to be the prophet of Zoroastrianism.

He was not the founder of Zoroastrianism but supposed to be the reformer of this old tradition and religion. Zarathushtra has often been called a religious reformer who transforms much of the teachings of the Old Iranian religion and constructed it in a new way.260

260Mary Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices(London, UK: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979).p. 8 198

Origin and Development of Parsi Faith

3.1.1 Introduction

There are some evidences that indicate that Zoroastrianism is one of the world’s oldest religion dates back to 1000 BCE. Zarathushtra (in the old Avestan language) or Zoroaster (as known in the West) could be a Prophet. Although many Western scholars consider him a reformer of the

Old Iranian religious beliefs and religion that is Zoroastrianism Daena Mazdayasni (meaning the religion of Mazda worship)261. In simple term religion of the Persian people that had been revealed to Zoroaster by God, Ahura Mazda. Zarathushtra was convinced he had seen God

Ahura Mazda in visions.262Later on, it became the religion of the three great empires of Iran the

Achaemenian (550-330 BC), the Parathions (141-224 CE) and the last great empire of the

Sasanians (224-651 CE). Under the rule of the Sasanian dynasty, the faith became the state religion of the vast and great empire. Zoroastrianism became the faith of all the people of Persia, although the old Avestan language was being obsolete, the Pehlvi language serves the literature.

Under the Sasanian period and empire, Zoroastrianism flourished and got power throughout the empire. The Sasanian rulers established fire temples and the Zoroastrian priests became more and more powerful and authoritative. The temples became the central place. As the empire strengthened, Zoroastrianism became the most powerful religion of that millennium.

261Jenny Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction(London, UK: I.B.Tauris, 2011). p.xix 262 Traveler’s guide page 319 199

The Sasanian Empire disintegrated when Islam defeated the Sasanians at the battlefield of

Qadisiyya (Ctesiphon) and Nihavand in 642 CE. The rule ended finally when the Sasanian King

Yazdgerd died in 651 CE fighting the Muslim army. This defeat marked the end of

Zoroastrianism in Iran. However, it is quite interesting that many of the Zoroastrians held key positions in the Muslim court and caliphate. Advertarrox Ferroxzah is one of the examples who was a Zoroastrian priest yet retained the position and authority of the Zoroastrians and served the Caliph al Ma’mun.263

3.1.2 Life and Teachings of Zarathushtra

Zarathushtra or Zoroaster, the Prophet of Persia, preached the message of good and evil which he brought from the Wisest God, Ahura Mazda. This was the name given to God by

Zarathushtra himself. The exact date of the advent of Zarathushtra is not known. It is not an easy task to discover, as there are many ambiguities among the historians and the scholars. As stated by one of the experts and authority on Zoroastrianism, Mary Boyce:

“Zoroastrianism is the most difficult of living faiths to study because of its

antiquity, the vicissitudes which it undergone, and the loss, through them, of

many of its holy texts.”264

It had been the state religion of three Old Persian empires from the 6th century BC to 7th century of the Common Era. It is regarded as one the oldest world religions. Before him, the religion

263Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction.p. 163 264Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices.p. iii 200 of Persia was Mazdayasnianism, the religion of the worship of Mazda, the one all-wise god.

There are many assumptions and speculations about the time of the prophet of Iran,

Zarathushtra. There are many doubts and controversies regarding the date of birth of

Zarathushtra. Some of the scholars and historians accepted the opinion of R.C Zaehner of

Oxford University that the period of the prophet was from about 628-551 BC.265 Nevertheless, many other scholars had very different opinion regarding the period of Zarathushtra. One of the well-known Parsi oriental scholars was Mr. Khurshedji Rustomji. He also had command and authority on both Jewish and Greek writings has the view that Zarathushtra lived 1300 years before Christ.266

The highest priest of the Parsis, in Karachi, Dr.Maneckji Nusservanji Dhalla, in his remarkable book, The History of Zoroastrianism, dated the period approximate 1000 BC.267Whereas Mary

Boyce has written the date between 1500- 1200 BC. The birthplace of Zarathushtra is uncertain.

He was born at the city of Rai in Persia, a town near present-day Tehran. He belonged to the warrior clan of Spitama, which had connection with the royal family of ancient Persia. His father, Pourushaspa, was a noble and pious man who married a noble woman from Persia,

Dughdhova. He was brought up in a society and environment where the truth was vague and the rational thought was replaced by superstitions and devil thoughts. According to

Zoroastrian traditions, Zarathushtra wandered many years for the quest of truth and at the age

265The Religions of the World, 2 ed.(New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988).p. 62 266Dosabhai Framji Karaka, The History of the Parsis, 2 vols., vol. II(New Delhi, India Indigo Books, 2002).p. 148 267Maneckji Nusservanji Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism(New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1938).p.3 201 of thirty, he saw Ahura Mazda in a vision and received the revelation. The whole story is well narrated by Boyce:

“According to tradition Zoroaster was thirty and was being at a gathering met

to celebrate the spring festival, went at dawn to a river to fetch water from the

midstream; and when he returned back in a state of purity emerging from the

pure element, water, he had vision and saw shining being, who revealed himself

as Voho Manah (Good Purpose). This Being led Zarathushtra into the presence

of Ahura Mazda, and it was then, he received his revelation.”268

As Dhalla mentioned he devoted his whole life in one Idea that is Ahura Mazda.269 Zarathushtra received the message of good and righteousness in the presence of Ahura Mazda. This revealed message had come down to us in the hymns called the Gathas.270 He argued with Ahura Mazda about the creation, the nature of the universe and about the riddles of life. This conversation is well recorded by great poet Firdusi in his great epic Shahnameh. In these Gathas the basic beliefs and doctrines are ascribed and attributed which proclaimed Ahura Mazda as Omnipresent,

Omniscient, and the Uncreated God, He who governs the whole of the Universe with wisdom.

Further, the Gathas depict God who exists from all eternity and the Creator of all. The essence of the Zoroastrian creed and faith could be comprehended and understood by these Gathas.

After a long struggle and suffering in his mission and preaching the message of God, he succeeded in converting the ruling king of Iran, Vishtaspa. This was the cornerstone for the

268Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices.p.19 269Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism. 270 Gathas is rendered as hymns, poems or psalms composed by the Prophet himself 202 establishment of Zoroastrianism in Persia followed rapidly by a conversion to the new religion, as the ruler embraced the Zarathushtra’s faith and came in the fold of the divine message.

3.1.3 Basic Beliefs

The Zoroastrian religion asks a person to have three main and basic things to believe in:

1. To believe in the existence of Ahura Mazda , The Wise Lord, The One and Only

2. The Immortality of soul

3. Life hereafter

The teachings of Zarathushtra revolve around these three basic beliefs and doctrines. Further emphasis is on the responsibility of being good in thoughts, words and actions. Zarathushtra’s divine message is enshrined in the Gathas. The faith is centered on the All-Wise lord, Ahura

Mazda. Ahura Mazda is the name Zarathushtra named to God.271 Literally it means The All-

Wise Lord or God. It is a compound of ‘Ahura’ means ‘Lord’ or ‘God’, and ‘Mazda’ means

‘Wise’. These were the words, which Zarathushtra spoke to the new converts. These words were not heard before. Ahura Mazda of the Gathhic and Avestan periods became Ormazd in the Pahlvi period.272 The naming of God Ahura Mazda seems a move towards monotheism.

Framji mentioned this while referencing Dr Huag’s essays:

271Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism.p. 52 272Zoroastrian Theology: From the Earliest Times to the Present Day(1914).p.xxxii 203

“The leading idea of his (Zoroaster) theology was Monotheism, i.e. there are not

many gods but only one; and the principle of his speculative philosophy was

Dualism, i.e. the supposition of two primeval causes of the real world and of the

intellectual; while his moral philosophy was moving in the triad of thought,

word and deed.”273

Zarathushtra portrayed Ahura Mazda as the One Supreme Being, the Creator of the universe and the heavens and the earth, the source of day and night; a being not begotten, nor is there like unto Him.; the supreme law giver, laws which are ordained for man by Him for spending a righteous life on the earth and the source of moral order and justice. Mary Boyce discusses:

“Zoroaster was inspired to apprehend a similar original uniqueness in the divine

sphere also, with, in the beginning, only one beneficent Being existing in the

universe, Ahura Mazda, the all-wise, and also the wholly just and good, from

whom all other divine beings emanated.”274

The qualities of Ahura Mazda are very elaborately defined in the Gathas.

3.1.4 The Two Spirits: A Riddle

While portraying the picture of the Ahura Mazda, where the Supreme God is the Creator of the universe, the prophet observed the two antagonist forces, the forces of righteousness, wisdom, and justice and the forces of evil, wickedness and injustice and cruelty. This riddle and

273Karaka, The History of the Parsis, II.p.184-185 274Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices.p. 20 204 problem of evil and good became a confrontation in the religion. In the worldview of

Zoroastrianism, Ahura Mazda created the world and after the creation of the universe; He created the knowledge and the good Spirit, Spenta Mainyu, the Spirit of Truth or the Beneficent

Spirit. On the contrary was the evil spirit called Angra Mainyu, the destructive spirit become

Ahriman in Pahlvi text. There is nothing in Gathas to show that both the spirits emanated from

Ahura Mazda or were they the creation of Ahura Mazda.275There is an encounter between these two spirits of good and evil; ultimately, ‘Good Spirit will overcome the ‘Evil’.

3.1.5 The Free Will

In the Zoroastrian tradition, man is free to choose the commands of either Ormazd, the Wise

Lord or Ahriman, the evil. Human beings are given the freedom of action. The ceremony of

Novjote or Initiation is a symbol of this free will. The seven-year-old child is given the freedom to choose between the light and darkness, between the truth or falsehood, between the good and evil. The mission of man on earth is very well defined in the Zoroastrian scriptures. The scriptures expound man to be pure on the earth and follow the commands and laws of Ormazd and to cultivate the virtues according to the teachings of Zarathushtra.

3.1.6 Reward and Punishment

According to the teachings of Zarathushtra; man’s missions on earth is to fulfill the commandments of his lord as ascribed in the religious scripture of the Zoroastrians, the Avesta.

275Rustom Masani, Zoroastrianism:The Religion of the Good Life (1962).p.65 205

Ormazd is pleased if His vicegerents on the earth be purified and get rid of the evil thoughts.

The life of a man should be composed of good thoughts followed by good words and good deeds. Man will be judged after death on what is done on the earth by him. Every act of a person affects his life after death. The Parsis believe in life after death and resurrection of the body. It is believed that after death the soul of the corpse departs after four days of death. So the descendants of the dead make prayers for four days continuously for the salvation of the dead. However, the body is brought to the dhakhma just after funeral ceremonies

Zarathushtra very clearly speaks of two worlds: Astvant; the earthly world and Manahya; the heavenly or the life hereafter.276 He taught his followers that one day they would meet their dear ones after the resurrection of their bodies. All their sufferings and incongruities will finally be adjusted in the heavens. Death is the entrance into the heavenly world. According to Parsi scholars, Zarathushtra is first among the prophets who preached the doctrine of immortality of soul. Framji while quoting Dr, Haug, says.

“The idea of future life and the immortality of the soul are expressed very

distinctly in the Gathas and pervade the whole of the Avesta literature. The belief

in a life to come is one of the chief dogmas of the Zend-Avesta”277

Mary Boyce also compliments this, she says

276Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism. 277Dosabhai Framji Karaka, The History of the Parsis, 2 vols., vol. I(New Delhi, India: Indigo Books, 2002).p.192 206

“Zoroaster was thus the first to teach the doctrines of an individual judgment,

Heaven and Hell, the future resurrection of the body, the general Last Judgment,

and life everlasting for the reunited soul and body.”278

After death, all the souls have to cross the bridge of judgment called Chinvat (literally ‘of the dividing one’). The righteous souls will cross the bridge easily and safely to enter into the heavens for a long lasting life. Whereas the evil and wicked souls will be tumbled and trembled at this, span, which contracts to the width of a blade-edge, and will sink in the darkness of hells.279 Dr Dhalla very elaborately ponders on this, he says:

“The doctrine of reward and retribution in the other world forms the chief part

of the ethical teachings of Zarathustra's Gathas. …the soul is the master of the

body and is responsible for the good or evil deeds it has done in this life. Man

carves his destiny for the next world by his thoughts, words, and deeds in this

life, and good and evil destiny awaits the soul in the next, or the spiritual world,

which is essentially the place of reward and retribution. The life in this word is

incomplete without its prolongation in the heavenly world , for it is only a life

of probation, and the harvest of good and evil deeds sown here is the to be reaped

hereafter by the soul in the world of spirit.”280

Ormazd will judge the souls and the righteous ones will be rewarded and live forever in the paradise. That is the reason for emphasis in Parsi belief on Manasni or Humata, Gavasnior

278Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices.p. 29 279 Ibid 280Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism.page 103-4 207

Hukhta, and Hunusni or Hvarshta; Good Thoughts, Good Words, and Good Deeds; the foundation of the whole moral teachings and works of Parsis.

3.1.7 Fire Reverence

In the Zoroastrian religion, there is too much respect and reverence for fire. This veneration raises misconception that the Zoroastrians are the Fire Worshipers. According to Zoroastrian traditions and narratives, fire is the most essential and vital part of their religion. They give much gratitude to fire and it is the most sacred element along with water and sun. Fire symbolizes a man who remembers the One and Only God. It is the symbol, which reminds a person about his creator. There is heat and light in fire. The Parsis give so much reverence to fire because of many reasons. In the young Avestan texts, Fire or Atar, is said very frequently to be the son of Ahura Mazda.281Fire is the emblem of glory and light and the truest symbol and the noblest representative of the divinity of God. From fire light or guidance is sought. A

Parsi looks upon fire to concentrate on God. Fire is also respected because of its benefits and usages. It is considered the noblest and the most useful creation of Ahura Mazda. It is used in the service of humankind and for the benefit of the creatures of God. It is an element, which purifies and is considered pure in its nature. Quoting Bishop Meurin of Bombay referencing his pamphlet Zoroaster and Christ, Framji Karaka says:

281 Ibid page 247 208

“Zoroaster not restored not only the unity of God but also the most ancient and

characteristic Aryan form of divine service, the worship of fire, as the most

suitable representative of God , corresponding to higher idea of God as Eternal

Light.” Further, on he says, “A pure and undefiled flame is certainly the most

sublime natural representation of Him who is in Himself Eternal Light.”282

The priests are assigned to keep the fire burning constantly by feeding sandalwood.

Zarathushtra considers fire the purest symbol of divinity. The Parsis perform their prayers and ceremonies in the presence of fire.

3.1.8 Zoroastrians towards Monotheism

Here a disputed question arises whether the Zoroastrians are worshipers of fire or not? Many of the Parsi scholars and religious authorities and historians of the Parsi world deny the worshiping of fire. They consider it a faith towards monotheism.

3.1.9 Sacred Texts

(a) Avesta

Avesta is the sacred Zoroastrian scripture. It was the language of the prophet Zarathushtra that was actually the ‘Gathic Avestan’, the Eastern Iranian. Zarathushtra himself composed the oldest part of the Avesta in the Avestan language in seventeen Gathas. The word ‘gatha’ is

282Karaka, The History of the Parsis, I.p 215 209 rendered as hymn, poem, or psalm.283 Avesta is the chief source of the teachings of

Zarathushtra. He composed these hymns but had not been written down. For a long period, the Iranians were alien to writing the religious text. Memorization helped these hymns transmit down the generations. The Gathas of Zarathushtra are short texts, which contain the teachings and divinely inspired visions of Zarathushtra, which were addressed by him to Ahura Mazda.

Avesta was a dead language since the Parthian period (2nd BCE). During the Sasanians' reign,

Pahlavi became the religious language of Persia. The priests translated the religious texts of

Avesta into Pahlavi language and the Avestan prayers verbatim.

The date of the writing of Avesta is not known. The Greeks in 330 B.C.E. under the leadership of Alexander destroyed the Zoroastrian temples and burnt the Avestan scriptures totally after defeating Persepolis. The priests were killed and the Avesta was lost. In the first century of the

Common Era, the Parthians were the rulers of Persia. One of the Parthian rulers directed the scribes to collect the scattered parts of the lost Avesta.

(b) Zand Avesta

The priests who translated the parts of the Avesta were not much aware of the Avesta. They started to write down the commentaries and explanations of different passages and prayers.

This interpretation for the exegesis of the Avestan text through translations and commentaries is called the ‘Zand’or ‘Zend’. Zand means interpretation or commentary and it is a Pahlavi word. Sometimes it was misnomer and in the West erroneously refers to Avesta as Zand Avesta.

283Mary Boyce, Textual Sources for the Study of Zoroastrianism(Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1984).p. 1 210

The first translation of the Avesta was done by a Frenchman, Anquetil du Perron in 1771. He named it Zand Avesta.284

Anyhow, Sasanians who were the last rulers of Iran imposed their own language, Middle

Persian or generally known as Pahlavi.285 This Middle Persian Zand or Pahlavi survived and it is regarded as the Zand as well. Later on, almost all the religious works of the Avesta traced back to Pahlavi language. That is the reason that the Sasanian period was distinct in the history as it marked the revival of the oldest religion Zoroastrianism, particularly the Avesta text.

(c) The Great Avesta

In the Era of the Sasannians, the Avestan texts and scriptures were developed and established.

The priests included and recorded every form of the Avestan texts. They compiled and grouped the whole text into twenty one (21) books or Nasks. It became an immense collection of the holy Avestan texts and formed the ‘Great Avesta’. The Great Avesta contained not only the

Avestan texts but also many other texts. It included the lives and legends of the prophets, books of Zoroastrian laws, the creation of the Universe, and the apocalyptic works and all the texts already described. 286 Copies of the Great Avesta were placed in the libraries including the libraries of the fire temples and other offices of the dynasty. After the Arab invasion, followed

284Hartz, World Religions: Zoroastrianism.p.73 285 Ibid p.2 286Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism: The Early Period(Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1975). p.3 211 by the Turks and the Mongols, not a single copy of the texts survived, only the Denkard, which was transmitted by the priests who learned it by heart.

Avesta includes the Gathas, Vendidad, the Yasts etc.

(d) Gathas

Gathas are actually the poems or hymns composed by Zarathushtra himself. Although the order of the Gathas is not known exactly. However, the later priests and scholars grouped them into five portions:287

1. Ahunavaiti Gatha Ys. 28–34

2. Ushtavaiti Gatha Ys. 43–46

3. Spenta Mainyu Gatha Ys. 47–50

4. Vohu Khshathra Gatha Ys. 51

5. Vahishto Ishti Gatha Ys. 53

(e) Yasna Haptanghaiti

Yasna Haptanghaiti is the oldest text after the Gathas. In the Avesta it has been given the second highest position after the Gathas. Yasna Haptanghaiti is prayers for good rule, peace, health, devotion and the teachings of the prophet.

287Hartz, World Religions: Zoroastrianism.p.75 212

(f) Yasna

Yasna is the collection of the liturgical hymn. Basically, it is a compilation from various Nasks for liturgical purposes. It has seventy-two chapters and is considered holy with the seventy- two interwoven strands of the Kusti. Yasna means service and the words of worship.

(g) The Vendidad

The Vendidad is a collection of prose texts which is more related with laws. A religious law book contains instructions for the priests, purity laws and laws combating the evil forces. This is a liturgical text, which is very long and is not recited from memory. Further, the text contains laws of purification, ritual sanitation and hygiene. Beside others matters, it contains the rituals of priestly purification and some of the laws which deal with sexual misdemeanors and violence against human and animal. It contains the code of laws of ceremonial ablutions, repentances and cleansing.

(h) The Visperad

It is a long liturgy in praise and worship of All the Masters. It is recited as a part of the liturgy consists of an extended Yasna used to solemnize Gahambars, the seven great holy days of the Zoroastrian faith.

(i) The Yashts

Yasht means worship. It is dedicated to the Zoroastrian ideals and comprises a series of hymns of praise. Yashts are twenty-one hymns of praise.

213

3.1.10 Other Sacred Texts

There are some other books of Zoroastrian Faith, which are sacred and significant but are not revealed. One of these books are religious texts in Pahlavi (the Middle Persian) called the

Dinkard (Denkart). Denkart contains the traditions, principles, instructions and the history of the religion of Zoroastrianism. It is a voluminous work in the Pahlavi language.

Bundahishn or Creation is another book which is not referred to Zarathushtra and is claimed to be written in the late Sasanian period in the Pahlavi language. It tells the readers about the story of the universe. One of the collections of prayers is called the Khurda Avesta or Little

Avesta. It combines both the Avestan and the later texts of Middle Persian or Pahlavi languages.

This book of prayer is used by Zoroastrians every day.

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History of Parsis in Asia

3.2.1 Historical Account

The Islamic caliphate allowed the leading Zoroastrians to live according to their religion.

Zoroastrians were retained on the government posts. This was an important attempt to keep the old Sasanian governmental system working. Later on, the Umayyad (661-744CE) began appointing Muslims on key positions of the government. Many of the Zoroastrians were removed from the seats of authority. During the Abbasid period (744-1258 CE), the

Zoroastrians felt themselves unsafe. When the Mongols took over Baghdad, they became more frightened. They were marginalized, persecuted and became political victims especially in Fars and Khorasan.They became a persecuted and deprived minority in Iran. In 10thcentury, one of the dasturs288 suggested the Zoroastrians to migrate from Iran. They decided to leave Iran.

Initially, they took refuge in the mountains of Khurasan and Yazdan then to Hormaz. From

Hormaz, they departed from their homes and sailed towards India. They landed at the shores of Diu Island of Gujarat India. They named the new land Sajnan, The whole story of the migration is well narrated in the oldest account of this event, the Qisse-ye Sanjan (Qesse) which is supposed to be written by a Parsi Priest Bahram Kaikobad Sanjani of Navasri in Persian in

1599 CE.289

288 Dastur is the high priest in Zoroastrianism 289Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction. p.189-190 215

There is no historical evidence found about the date when the Qisse was written. It was claimed that it might be written almost five centuries after the migration of the Parsis from Iran. There are many controversial debates about the authenticity of the Qisse because they were written after a long period of the settlement of Parsis in India. Their masters transmitted whole story to the new generation verbatim. There is no evidence that the whole population of these

Zoroastrians left Iran or not. After their settlement in Gujarat, the Zoroastrians flourished and lived their lives peacefully. This migration to India mostly took place from Iran under the late

Abbasid period and during the Mongol invasion and persecution of the 13th century.

They adopted different Hindu traditions along with their customs, dress and language. They totally mixed up and integrated with the Hindu society. They were allowed by the Hindu Raja to settle down in Gujarat subject to certain conditions, like,

“…they speak the local language, observe the local marriage customs and carry

no weapons…”290

Following years, they spoke Guajarati, followed the customs like application of kumkum (red color turmeric for the tilik – a ritual mark on the forehead of Hindu women) and wearing of

Saris (a traditional women dress). Since then they speak Guajarati and English and gradually they forgot their native language, Persian. This was mentioned in their history when one of the Parsis, Hoshang, visited Iran and met the Zoroastrian priests beseeching their guidance for

290Robert D. Baird, Religion in Modern India, 2 ed.(New Delhi, India: Manohar Publications, 1989).page 163 216 their religious counterparts of India. Further, he asked them not to write in Persian because they did not know Persian. Adopting Hindu culture, Guajarati dialect and language had a great impact on the Parsis. After their settlement in India, they interacted with the Persian followers for guidance in religious matters. This interaction was mentioned in the written documents, which are known as Rivayats. That is why the Zoroastrians of Indo-Pakistan use the ethno- religious term, Parsi, denoting the 1000 years Old Persian roots. As Jenny Rose mentioned in her book:

“The first Rivayat, brought from Iran by a lay man, Nariman Hoshang, is dated

1478, towards the end of the Timurid period of rule…the second Rivayat of 1481

refers to Nariman Hoshang’s earlier visit to Yazd, claiming that he could not

speak Persian when he first arrived from Baruch…told him that the Mazda-

worshipping priests and laity of Gujarat did not know it.”291

In 17th century, the British arrived in India. The British East India Company captured Bombay

(now Mumbai) from the Portuguese in 1662. The Company established the port of Bombay.

The Parsis get involved in trade and business especially with the British East India Company

(BEIC) under the British rule. Bombay became the economic zone and hub of India. Many

Parsis from Surat and Gujarat moved to Bombay and established their business, there.

Gradually, they became the business kings of Bombay.292 They constructed the Atash Bahram

291Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction.174 292 The largest population of Parsis is in Mumbai, India 217 in Bombay, which was funded by the Wadia family, and erected the, Dakhma, the Tower of

Silence, for disposing of their dead. (It is quite interesting that a British colonial officer, Sir

Robert Murphy in the 1830s, gave the name Tower of Silence. Otherwise, religiously it is called dakhma.)

With the passage of time, Parsi community accumulated riches and became prosperous by establishing and flourishing their business and trade. Most of the bankers, industrialists and businesspersons under the British Rule were the Parsis. They also participated in Indian politics and many of the early presidents of Indian National Congress were Parsis. The first three members of the Westminster Parliament were Parsis. They became more and more prominent because of their social character and philanthropic approach.

3.2.2 Early Settlement of Parsis

There may be some individuals who settled in the region of Sind but many of the modern settlers trace dates from the middle of the nineteenth century. Hinnells gives a detailed account saying:

“There are indications of individual Parsis in Sind in the tenth and twelfth

centuries, but essentially the modern community dates from the middle

of the nineteenth century. The basis of Karachi wealth was their role as

218

military contractors and commissariat agents from the days of Sir Charles

Napier”293

Jehangir F.Punthakey, the author of Karachi Zoroastrian Calendar, published in 1919(reprinted in 1989, Karachi), had the view that the first Parsi firm was the Jassawalla Company which was based in Hyderabad Sind in 1820-25.294Shops were opened in Karachi and Fereozpure. Many of the current Parsi families living in Karachi trace their roots to the first settlers.295

The center of Sind shifted to Karachi from Hyderabad when the British Raj captured Sind. This event attracted many Parsis along with other communities of India to move to Karachi. The first Parsi who established his house in Karachi was Hormusji Dadabbhoy Ghadialy, a contractor in the British forces, and, also, a buyer of precious jewels from the Amir’sof

Afghanistan. He was the first to bring his family to Karachi for permanent settlement. Later many Parsis followed the footsteps of Ghadialy. A large number of Parsi migrants foresaw

Karachi as a flourished port city and made permanent residences of their own. They made permanent Parsi compounds and colonies. Thereafter, many Parsis shifted to the new harbor city and started their businesses there. Among them was the nephew of Gadhialy, Dinshaw

Pherozeshah Minwala, Ruttonji Framji Canteenwala and Dosabhoy Meherwan Wadia. They established trade links with America. After some time, Gadhialy became honorary American council in Karachi. One of the prominent Parsis who arrived in Karachi was Hormusji Sohrabji

293John R. Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).p. 199 294 Punthakey , The Karachi Zoroastrian Calendar,p.13 with reference to Hinnels 295, http://www.fezana.org/files/JournalArchives/fall2008.pdf(20/09/2014) , Fezana Journal-Fall 2008 22, no. 3 (September 2008).p. 37 219

Kothari. He arrived from Surat, India in 1846. Kothari helped many people during the cholera epidemic in the city. The early settlers were involved in the businesses of cloth, watch making, liquor etc as some of them worked as engineers, doctors, surveyors and dubashes (du means two; basha means language). Later in the mid of the eighteenth century Dosabhai Ghadialy (silk trade), Hormusji Pestonji shroff(dubash), Ardeshir Wadia( Shipping, after opening the port in1853), Byramjee Eduljee ( liquor), Byramji Pirojshah Minwala ( fishing),Dinshaw Maneckji( printing press),Hormusji jamshed Rustomji( trade with Europe, real estate and insurance later he became the member of the Karachi municipality and a trustee of Karachi port) were the prominent figures of Parsis.296In last years of eighteenth century, more respected and prominent

Parsis moved to the newly established port city. Among the founding members of the Karachi

Chamber of Commerce were the Ardashir & Co and Sir Jehangir Kothari.

More Parsis got opportunities from the Afghan war which opened new avenues for the establishment of their families in Karachi. Eduljee Dinshaw was one of the fortunate and leading Parsi who took part in business and trade and achieved prominence due to his charitable work particularly in health care and education. In Karachi, Lady Dufferin Hospital, Dinshaw

Dispensary and Sind Arts College are still located in the center as witness to the charitable services by Eduljee Dinshaw. It is worth mentioning here that he was among the major donors for the college. Further, he was the sole fund provider for the hospital.

296Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration. 220

The population of the Parsis increased from 1062 to 2411(almost double) between the years,

1881 to 1911. Religious institutions were established as the number of Parsis increased. In 1848, the first dakhma was opened to dispose the dead. In 1849, the first fire temple was opened and the second in 1869.297In 1904, the second temple was upgraded to the Atash Adaran

(permanently burning fire).298The first Dar-e-Mehar was consecrated in 1849 in Saddar Karachi and the second one in 1869 in the area of Ghadikhata near Pakistan Chowk Karachi.299 The size of the community enhanced gradually during the last decades of nineteenth century. Thus, their need for establishing institutions also increased. After the fulfillment of the religious requirements; the community elders focused on the education of their new generation. The first school, where the children were taught Gujarati and Zoroastrian prayers, was opened in

1859. The school was for both boys and girls. Later when the number of the students increased, the school shifted to a large house owned by Shapurji Soparivala, who donated the building for the education of the community and named it after his late wife Bai Virbaijee. Frishta Dinshaw writes about the school in the special section of FEZANA journal, which is about Karachi

(Apru Karachi). She writes,

“Bai Virbaijee Soparivala Parsi High School, popularly referred to as BVS, is a

prestigious school boasting alumni in all walks of life. A centenary volume (1859-

1959) of the ‘The Virbaijeeite’, the school magazine, states that it started in 1859

as an elementary school for both boys and girls. In 1870, Shapurji H.Soparivala

297Ibid. 298Ibid. 299Brohi. 221

offered his spacious house, to accommodate the school. It was renamed Parsi

Virbaiji School in memory of his beloved wife who had died a year earlier. Sir

William Merewether, the Commissioner of Sindh, performed the Opening

ceremony. In 1904, Virbaiji and Shapurji’s eldest son Seth Khurshedji laid the

foundation of the present school building, which was completed in 1906.”300

With the increase of students, Mama Parsi Girls Secondary School was opened in 1918. This school was exclusively for girls. It is now situated in the area of Saddar, Karachi and enjoys reputed name and fame.

To meet the social needs especially the accommodation for the newly settled Parsis in the city of Karachi, the first settlement was constructed by the donation of Jehangir Rajkotwala in 1889, known as Jehangir Bagh. Many other Parsi colonies were built with the funds of Parsi philanthropists after the construction of Jamshed Baug. Dharamsalas or rest houses for the Parsi travelers, flats at Parsi club for visitors and for the poor Parsis, Panchayet Wadilater known as

Anjuman Buag in 1911, Katrak Parsi Colony in 1926 constructed301. Living in isolation and in boundaries make the Parsis of that age more social with each other which ultimately resulted in the opening of the Parsi Gymkhana or the Karachi Parsi Institute, where different sports and indoor games are organized and arranged. The formation of the Young Men’s Zoroastrian

Association (YMZA) in 1910 was a way of socializing with the community members.

Discussing the objectives of the association, Hinnels says:

300. p. 41 301.ibid 222

“…it was concerned to provide recreational opportunities, reading matter in

order to cultivate a taste for literature, and help with health and physical fitness.

Clause 2 of the rules and regulations passed in October 1910 stated: The objects

of the association are:(a) The diffusion of ethical and religious knowledge and

cultivation of elocutionary and argumentative powers by means of lectures,

debates and reading on literary and scientific subjects open either to the members

of the association or top the general public as the association from time to time

determines. (b) The promotion of goodwill and friendliness by means of social;

gatherings etc.”302

In the meantime, the women of the community in 1912, that is the Karachi Zarthoshti Banu

Mandal (KZBM) with an objective to alleviate the sufferings of the poor, formed another body and work in such directions as would make a Parsi Lady an ornament of a Parsi home.303

By end of the 19th century, there was a substantial Parsi community in Karachi. Alexander

Baillie, in his book Kurrachee (1890) writes:

“The number of Parsis residing in the town by no means represents their

importance as factors of trade and commerce of the port. As their name implies

they originally came from Pars or Persia, and are said to have settled in India in

the seventh century. They are called “fire worshippers” but I question very

302Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p. 210 303 ibid 223 much whether that title explains their tenets. The community is not large throughout the country, and is said not to exceed a quarter of a million, but that body is compact and entirely self-supporting. There are no Parsi beggars, and there are no Parsi women of bad character. They are extremely charitable; they not only look after their own poor, but they raise a fund for paying the capitation tax levied on their co-religionists in Persia. They are clever at languages, and have a wondrous power of collecting information from all parts of the world. A Parsi in his office at Bombay proBábly knows more about the current opinions of Muhammadans and Hindus in India and its neighbour countries, and then all our commissioners and collectors, put together, and could forecast what is likely to occur with much greater nicety, then our combined intelligence departments. Of the foreign markets, they watch every change; by no means restricting themselves to those of Europe, Asia and Africa; they extend their operations to Australia and United States, to Brazil and even to South

American Republics. Endowed with great quickness of perception, and animated with an insatiable desire to acquire wealth, which, however, they dispense freely, it is charged against them that they strike extremely hard bargains. Their commercial success is certainly well deserved, for they display an amount of energy and activity, which is seldom exceeded by

Europeans. There are Parsis who have traveled in light marching order round and round the world, searching for new trade outlets. Their baggage frequently

224

consists of a solitary carpet bag, but it is one that emulates that of the great

prestidigitator Houdini, for out of it are produced ordinary wearing apparels,

books and maps, photographs and plans, and if ceremony demands its use, a suit

for the evening dress is never wanting. The number of Parsis in Karachi does not

exceed 1000 but among them are to be found many cultivated gentlemen of great

wealth and keen intellect, exceedingly charitable and patriotic, in the sense that

they are always ready and anxious to develop, and benefit the town in which

they reside, and in which their interest are concentrated.”304

3.2.3 Parsi Faith comes to Pakistan

1875-1947 was a significant period for the Parsi community. Many of them migrated and settled down in different parts of the Indian sub-continent like Karachi, Calcutta, Madras (now

Chennai), Bangalore and Delhi for trade and education. Few among them went abroad. Many of the Zoroastrians settled down in the areas of Pakistan before the partition. The exact date of their arrival to the present-day Pakistan is difficult to be determined exactly. History reveals that the early Parsis came to the province of Sind, in the city of Hyderabad. A Parsi, Punthakey states:

“The early historical notes regarding Parsis have been examined by me at the

offices of the Parsi Prakash of Seth Bomanji Patel, but I found no mention in

304Alexander F. Baillie, Kurrachee:Past, Present and Future(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997)., p 189 225

them of the exact year of the arrival of Parsis in Sind. However, from the notes

of Parsi Prakash it can be substantiated that there was a Parsi community in Sind

in the year 916… So it cannot be said exactly that when did they arrive at Sind,

but if we rely on the “Parsi Parakash” for this we can reach to the result that

Parsis started settling in Sind between 1820 and 1825.”305

The British forces, under the command of Sir Charles Napier troops, occupied Sind in 1843.

The British occupation of Sind provided a chance to the Parsis to migrate towards Karachi and settle there. Karachi at that time was being established as a natural harbor for the British. Many

Parsis, at that time, came from Bombay and few from Gujarat and settled down in Karachi.

Gradually, they established trade and businesses in Karachi and flourished. Karachi was a pride for them as they were the “Makers of Karachi”. 'Charity thy name is Parsi, Parsi thy name is

Charity;' this was very true of the Parsi community who believed in philanthropy. The Parsi community was the educational pioneer in the city. They took part in different welfare activities as to provide amenities such as hospitals, orphanages etc.

The institutions and buildings built by Parsi philanthropists welcomed all irrespective of caste, creed or class. These institutions, today, follow the same policy; "open to all". The contribution of Parsi community particularly in Karachi and in Pakistan can be observed in the social and

305Jehangir Framroze Punthakey, The Karachi Zoroastrian Calendar(Karachi: Golden Graphics (pvt) Ltd, 1989).p.12. 226 educational fields. Although the number of the Parsis in Pakistan is very low but their presence through their work and contribution is very evident and prominent.

The early Parsis who settled in Karachi came from Bombay or Gujarat in the early nineteenth century. Among them were the traders, educationist, and priests and so on. Most of the Parsi individuals and families who live in Pakistan settled, here, during British rule as their ancestors came from India especially from Bombay. Many businesspersons and traders foresaw the prosperous future of Karachi at that time so they decided to establish their businesses in the newly established and flourished harbor.

The next hundred years were the brightest years for the Parsi community as they developed and built this city with great enthusiasm and Karachi became a jewel of the crown of the British

India. The Parsis are also known as the makers of Karachi. They established and built numerous buildings and institutions, which became the landmark and heritage of Pakistan. By the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, a large number of Parsi doctors, engineers, educationists, bankers and merchants migrated from Bombay and Gujarat to Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi. The early Parsi community established their religious centers to practice rites and rituals. In Karachi, the Parsis established their dakhma (the Tower of Silence) in 1847, and the atashkada (fire temple) in 1848. Many Parsis enjoyed high status in the society as they played a vital role in strengthening the roots of the newly created state.

227

The Parsis of Pakistan have been living in the region since the annexation of Sindh by the

British forces. The British government in India captured Sindh in 1843. The province Sindh is famed to be a culturally rich area as it is a basin of Indus valley civilization. To counter the dangers from the neighboring countries; Iran and Afghanistan, the British rule annexed Sind and moved the regional headquarter or capital from Hyderabad to Karachi and established the city as a free port as British governor of Sindh, Charles Napier, anticipated it is potential. The

Karachi port became a backbone both for the economic and military development of the Raj.

In 1887, the Karachi Port Trust was opened.306 As there was expansion in the economic growth of the city, many Bombay banks opened, expansion in railway line was made, Karachi to Kotri and then Karachi to Quetta. In 1897, Karachi chamber of commerce opened after the expansion of trade in the region. In 1936, accepting the political demand from Muslim League, Sindh was separated from Bombay and became a separate province, Karachi being the provincial headquarter. Karachi not only enjoyed great importance because of the city's economic wealth but there were political reasons, too. It was the birthplace of the Father of Nation, Quaid-e-

Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, secondly after the independence it became the capital city of the newly created Pakistan, although there were many opposition within Muslim.307

One of the most prominent and outstanding personalities and figures was Jamshed

Nusserwanjee Mehta (1886-1952). He was the first elected mayor of Karachi. Mehta has the

306Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p. 191 307Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase, 1857-1948, 2 ed.(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1992). p.269 228 distinction that he was elected the mayor of the city for twelve consecutive years (1922-1933).

He is also remembered as the ‘Maker of Modern Karachi’ He established many schools and many institutions like Mama Parsi Girls High School at Saddar Karachi Pakistan. Another outstanding personality is Dastur Manneckji Nusserwaji Dhalla (1875-1956) who was a priest, intellectual and scholar. He belonged to an ecclesiastic family of Surat, India. He moved to

United States for higher studies as soon he received donations. He accomplished his doctoral studies under the supervision of A.V. William Jackson, who had the chair of Indo-Iranian

Studies at Columbia University. Dhalla worked on the Nyayishn Avetan (Prayer Songs to

Yazatas).308 Dhalla wrote a number of texts about the history and evolution of the Zoroastrian religion after being initiated as high priest at Karachi. It is worth mentioning here that through his rational analysis and research he claimed, “An original ethical monotheism revealed to

Zarathushtra has been corrupted by the polytheism and superstition …

In twentieth century, the Parsi community established a number of educational institutions, dispensaries, hospitals and hotels. They participated in charity works and contributed to the development of the society.

The Zoroastrian religion does not preach renunciation of the world. It allows its followers,

Parsis or Zoroastrians, to enjoy their lives and earn the comforts of the world keeping in mind three basic principles; Good Thoughts, Good Words and Good Deeds. Even before the creation of Pakistan, Parsis took active part in various walks of life; politics, education, social welfare,

308Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction.p.208 229 philanthropy, etc. It is very evident that the Indian national Congress was formed by the initiative of some of the courageous Parsi men of Bombay in the year 1885. Among the prominent Parsi politicians was Dadabhoy Naoroji (1825-1917), also known as the Grand Old

Man of India, because of his enthusiastic contribution to the nation.

230

The Parsi Community of Pakistan

The Parsi philosophy revolves around three noble and significant Avestan phrases. Humata,

Hukhta, Huversta (Huvarshta) means; Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Deeds. One who wants salvation and peace in this world and the hereafter has to follow these three teachings of

Zoroaster, the prophet.

The Zoroastrians or Parsis of Pakistan are mostly settled in Karachi, which is the economic center of Pakistan, and the provincial headquarter of Sindh. There are few Parsis living in other cities of Pakistan like Lahore, Quetta and Rawalpindi but they are a handful population. Most of the population is concentrated in Karachi. The population of the Parsis at the time of partition was almost five thousand. However, nowadays, it is not more than two thousand.

3.3.1 Religious Life of a Pakistani Parsi

(a) Purification

Purification is given much importance in Zoroastrian religion. In Parsi scriptures, the importance of purity is much emphasized and it should be observed from early age (Yaozdao mashyao aipi zanthem vahishta ) . This is taken from the Avestan text. There are many reasons for giving due importance to the purification of soul in the Zoroastrian religion. It was prevailing among the ancient Persians that the purity of the body is a step towards the purity

231 of the mind, the purity of the soul.309.Purification is as fundamental for health as well as morals.

A healthy body harmonizes the functions of mind and soul. Every human being should purify himself or herself not only for the betterment of themselves but also for the betterment for the others. For removing the impurities of the body, the holy texts prescribed many ritualistic ceremonies and obligations. There are four kinds of purification ceremonies among the Parsis:

1. Padyab , 2. Nahn, 3. Barashnom and 4. Riman

1. Padyab is the simplest form of purification and is a kind of ablution. Padyab (modern

Persian), Paiti-ap (Avestan), Padyav (Pahlvi) means throwing water over the exposed

parts of the body. Padyab is performed in three steps. First, the person recites a short

prayer, which is said to be Khshnaothra Ahurahe Mazdao (I do this for the pleasure of

Ahura Mazda). Then, the recitation of the short prayer, Ashem Vohu, is done. After the

recitations of these prayers, the person washes the face, hands and feet. Padyab ends

with the untying and retying the Kusti, the sacred thread. Padyab is performed at four

different occasions.

a. Early in the morning after getting up from the bed, just to remind the person

how to spend the whole day in piety and purity following the straight path of

God.

309 J.J.Modi page Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The Religious Ceremony and the Customs of the Parsees, (Bombay: Jehangir B. Karani's Sons, 1937). p. 71 232

b. After answering call of nature. This is necessary from the point of view of

cleanliness. It is an occasion when one has to wash the exposed parts of the body

before contacting to any person.

c. The third time Padyab is performed before taking meals. One has to wash his

hands before touching the food and eating meal.

d. Before saying the prayers for the purification of soul and mind.

If a Parsi could not find water the process of Padyab could be performed with pure sand

or dust rubbing it over the exposed parts of the body i.e. hands and face. It is very much

like the Wudu or Tayyamum of the Muslims.

2. The highest form of purification is called the Nahn, which means to take a bath on some

special occasions. It is performed with the help of a priest. As Padyab is washing only

the exposed parts of the body whereas Nahn is purifying the whole body, it is completed

in four steps, which takes almost 30 minutes. First, the Padyab Kusti is performed that

is washing the face, hands and feet. After that, the person eats or chews the leaf of

pomegranate and symbolically drinks the urine of cow or bull (gomez). Then, the person

recites the prayer of repentance, which is called the Patet. Finally, the person proceeds

to a bathroom, undressed and sits on a stone stool. The priest hands over him the

consecrated water, a few drops of Gomez, and sand. After rubbing all these things on

his body, the person takes full bath with water, which is an element of purification

itself. A Parsi usually performs the Nahn on four different occasions:

233

a. On the occasion of Navjote, which is initiation

b. On the occasion of marriage

c. Women at the end of their monthly periods or at the end of the forty days of

their accouchement

d. On the occasion of Farvardeganm, the ten days Zoroastrian holidays at the end

of the year

3. The third form of Purification is Barashnom. It is the highest form of purification which

lasted nine days. In contrast Padyab is a work of two or three minutes and Nahn of

about half an hour. It also differs from Padyab and Nahn in respect of the help of others.

The Padyab requires no help of any priest; while Nahn requires the help of one priest.

The Barashnom requires the services of two priests. The barashnom is a very detailed

and large intricate form of purification. Its descrioption varies in differnet parst of

Vendidad.310

4. The fourth form of purification is Riman. It gives the meaning of desecrate or filth. It

is one that has become polluted by coming into contact with filth from dead bodies.311

The services of a layman and a priest is required in this kind of purification.

310 J.J.Modi page ibid. p. 82 311 Ibid p. 124 234

3.3.2 The Symbol of a Parsi: Sudreh and Kusti

A Parsi child, whether a boy or girl, is initiated at the age of seven. He or she is supposed to wear the religious symbols, Sudreh and Kusti. Every Parsi is supposed to wear Sudreh and

Kusti.It is claimed that this was first worn by the King Jamshed before Zarathushtra. Sudreh is a white shirt weaved of by cotton thread called Sut. It is the also a symbol of simplicity. Sudreh is a vest like garment, which must be worn under the garments. There is heavy symbolism, which can be seen on the Sudreh. For example, there is a small pocket, gareban like V of the neck, a Chokri that symbolizes the spiritual storage of good thoughts, good words and good deeds. It is believed that whenever a person does something good, it is stored in this small pocket. It is also believed that this Sudreh is not only a vest worn next to the skin but also a guardian and spiritual protector for the believer. Likewise, the neck pocket there is also a small

V type pocket, A Chokri, on the collar side. It is believed that whenever a person does a wrong deed it is also stored in that pocket and he takes the burden of his bad deeds and sins on his shoulders. These are not mere symbols but they also symbolize the basis of the Parsi belief that is Manasni, Gavasni and Hunusni, Good Thoughts, Good Words and Good Deeds.

Kusti or Kamarband, is a thin woolen cord and it is passed around the waist three times and tied with four knots. It is made of wool from the best lamb, woven of seventy-two threads. It symbolizes that a person should earn his earnings himself using his hands. It has seventy-two small and thin threads which represents the seventy-two has or chapters of the Parsi sacred book

235

Yazashne.312Both the men and women wear the Sudreh and Kusti after the Initiation. In an interview with the priest in Karachi, the priest revealed that the wearing of Sudreh and Kusti is obligatory for all Parsis although some of the Iranian Zoroastrians, who are less in number, only wear these garments when they come for the prayer in the Agiary. The Sudreh and Kusti are also the symbols of spiritual guidance from Ahura Mazda. These are not ordinary clothes but enjoy symbolic associations.313

3.3.3 Navjote

Navjote or initiation is the official acceptance of Parsi religion that is Zoroastrianism by a child.

The word Navjote is made of two words Nao (Avesta,Nava) which means new and Jote or Zote

(Avesta,Zoatar from Zu) which means one who offers prayers.314 The local priest at Dar-e-Meher in Karachi told the researcher that Navjote means new light. He elaborates it as a new light enters into the Light. The Navjote is a real symbol or a ceremony after which one has to offer the prayers and observe the religious customs and rites, The required age for the performance of this ceremony is seven, though it is relaxed up to the age of fifteen (15) under exceptional cases. After the age of fifteen the initiation or Navjote ceremony is not allowed to be performed.

A child at the age of seven is given a free choice to enter into the fold of Zoroastrianism with

312Karaka, The History of the Parsis, I.p. 168 313 Facebook chat with ex Mobed of Garikhata Agiari Karahci Mr Magol Dinshaw 314Jivan J. Modi, The Naojote Ceremony of the Parsees(Bombay, India: Fort Printing Press, 1914).p. 1 236 his or her decision. After the understanding and religious guidance given by his parents he or she chooses the right path by his or her own choice.

The ceremony starts with the purification of the child by taking a bath called Nahn. The child is, then, taken to a separate room where the family members, friends and priests are assembled.

There is only a sheet, which covers the body of the child which is removed later on easily by the priests. In the room, the child sits on a piece of a carpet in front of the priest. The things, which are placed on the carpet, are:315

1. A new set of clothes for the child including the Sudreh or Sudrah (The sacred vest

like shirt, which is worn next to skin) and Kusti (a thread that is to be tied round the

waist).

2. A tray of rice, which is presented at the end of the ceremony to the family priest, a

symbol of good luck and prosperity.

3. A tray containing flowers to be presented to family members and friends at the end.

4. A lighted lamp, generally a lamp burning with clarified butter.

5. Fire burning on a censor with fragrant sandalwood and frankincense.

6. A tray containing rice, pomegranate grains, a few small slices of coconut, raisins,

nuts and almonds, which, at the end, are sprinkled on the child as a symbol of

prosperity.

315 ibid 237

The priest starts the ceremony by placing the shirt on the hand of the child reciting the Petit or the prayer of repentance. The child also recites the whole prayer or a part of it. After the recitation of the Petit, the priest stands and makes the child stand before him and follows the investiture by reciting the Declaration of the Faith by the child, the recital of the Nirang-e-Kusti or the Ahura Mazda Khodai prayer, the recital of the Articles of faith by the child with the priest and finally the recital of the Tandarusti prayer by the priest. The priest asks the child to make the declaration of faith as follows:

“Praised to be the most righteous, the wisest, the most holy and the best

Mazdaysnian Law, which is the gift of Mazda. The good, true, and perfect

religion, which God has sent to this world, is that which Zarathushtra has

brought. This religion is Zarathushtra’s religion which Ahura Mazda

communicated to holy Zarathushtra.”316

As the child declares the faith publically, the priest puts on the child the Sudreh while chanting the hymns and prayers. After that, the priest stands behind the child; facing towards east if it is morning or facing towards west if it is evening and put the Kusti round the waist of the child.

After the investiture with Sudreh and Kusti, the child affirms the following articles of faith and enters into the fold of Zoroastrianism:

“O Almighty! Come to my help. I am a worshiper of God.I am a Zoroastrian

worshiper of God. I agree to praise the Zoroastrianism religion, and to believe

316Masani, Zoroastrianism:The Religion of the Good Life 238

in that religion. I praise good thoughts, good words, and good actions. I praise

the Mazdayasnan religion which curtails discussions and quarrels, which brings

about kinship or brotherhood, which is holy , and which , of all the religions

that have yet flourished and are likely to flourish in the future is the greatest the

best and the most excellent, and which is the religion given by God to

Zarathushtra. I believe that all good things proceed from God. May the

Mazdayasnan religion be praised.”317

At the end of the ceremony, the priest blesses the child with prayers and flowers are given to the guests.

3.3.4 Five Daily Prayers

To pray five times a day is given very importance in the Zoroastrian religion. The Parsis perform their daily prayers five times a day which is called ‘Gah’.Gahs are actually five different periods of the day in which the members of the Parsi community perform their prayers five times a day. The first Gah begins with the sunrise and the last starts from the midnight. The remaining three Gahs are performed in between these two periods.

Following are the names of these prayers:

1. Hawan

2. Rapithwin

3. Uzerin

317Modi, The Naojote Ceremony of the Parsees.page8-9 239

4. Aiwisruthrem

5. Ushahin

These prayers and their timings are not exactly same but seem similar to the five daily Islamic prayers. Modi describes the timings of these prayers in detail:

“These periods are the following: — (1) Hawan. It begins from early morning

when the stars begin to cease to appear, and lasts upto 12 o’clock when the sun

comes overhead. Literally, it means the time when the ceremony of pounding

the haoma is performed. (2) Rapithwin. It runs from 12 o’clock noon to three p.

m. literally, it means the pith (pithwa) or the middle part of the day (ayarê) (3)

Uzerin. It runs from 3 p.m. to the time when the stars begin to appear. Literally,

it means the time of the advancement of the sun. (4) Aiwisruthrem. It runs from

nightfall to midnight. (5) Ushahin. It runs from midnight to dawn when the stars

begin to cease to appear.”

These prayers are not performed in any congregation or not necessarily in the Agiary (the fire temple). They are said individually or sometimes in the family groups. The Parsis are required to recite and repeat the selections from the Zoroastrian scripture, Avesta. Most of the rituals and prayers are performed by the priests. A common or lay Parsi is not expected to attend the rituals or ceremonies. Washing feet and face before a prayer is a pre requisite. The Zoroastrian daily prayers are very much important in the life of a follower. Mary Boyce analyzes the

Zoroastrian daily prayer as:

240

“The five daily prayers were a binding duty on every Zoroastrian, part of his

necessary service to God, and a weapon in the fight against evil. The ritual of

prayer, as known from living practice, is as follows; first the believer prepares

himself by washing the dust from face, hands and feet; then, untying the sacred

cord, he stands with it held in both hands before him, upright in the presence of

his Maker, his eyes on the symbol of righteousness, fire. Then he prays to Ahura

Mazda, execrated Angra Mainyu (flicking the hands of the cord contemptuously

as he does so), and reties the cord while still praying. The whole observance takes

only a few minutes, but its regular repetition is a religious exercise of the highest

value, constituting both a steady discipline and a regular avowal of the

fundamental tenets of the faith.”318

3.3.5 Parsi Places of Worship in Pakistan

In Zoroastrianism, the Zoroastrians worship in a fire temple often called Dar-e-Mehr in Persian or Agaiary in Guajarati. Fire is given much reverence in Zoroastrianism. It is a means of purification. The Parsis perform their rites and rituals in a Dar-e-Mehr or Agiari. They pray in these places. The places of worship are only for the Zoroastrians or Parsis. No other person is allowed to either enter the Agiari for a visit or observe the prayers and rituals. The researcher could not enter the temple and was stopped at the gate, as he was an "outsider".319 However,

318Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices.p.33 319 Visit of the Researcher to this place at Saddar Karachi 2014 241 the priest at Ghari Khata Agiary, Karachi allowed the researcher to look the inside of the temple from the door.320 In Pakistan, there are four such places of worship where the Parsis perform their prayers; two are in Karachi, one in Quetta and one in Lahore. All four places of worship were consecrated in the nineteenth century. These places are named after the persons who funded the establishment of these places. In Karachi, the main Parsi fire temple is situated at

Saddar opposite Bohri Bazar at Dr. Dawood Pota Road. This Agiari or Dare-e-Mehr was named after Seth Hirjbhoy Jamshedji Behrana. This was consecrated on 3 May 1849. This is a beautiful building with good architecture. The purity of these temples was proverbial as witnessed by the researcher. The temple is divided into halls; first comes the main hall that is used for congregation and special ceremonies followed by small rooms known as anteroom and atashgah, the inner most room where the fire is ablaze.

320 Interview with the Mobed at this Agiary 2014 242

(Hirjibhoy Behrana Daremeher. Dr. Daud Pota Rd. Karachi)

The Saddar Agiari has an inner sanctum where the fire is always burning for the religious ceremonies. This rectangular sanctuary, demarcated by furrows, is called the Pavi. (Some authors refer to the furrows that demarcate the inner sanctum as the pavi.)321. Only ritually purified priests can enter the demarcated pavi area. The afargan or fire urn, is placed on an elevated marble platform at the south end of the pavi area. The ritual instrument table called the alat-khwan is placed towards one end of the pavi area.322

321Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism: The Early Period.p. 166

322, http://www.heritageinstitute.com/zoroastrianism/temples/agiary.htm 243

The second Agiari or Dar-e-Mehr is at the Parsi colony at Garikhata Pakistan Chowk Karachi.

It is near N.E.D College, which was also founded by one of the Parsis. It was consecrated on

28 May 1869. The researcher visited the Garikhata Agiary, met the priest, interviewed him, and saw the outer part of the Agiari. The Agiari has sacred fire set ablaze by the priest and burns continuously.

The Fire on the Pavi

The third temple is in Lahore at Gulberg III. Its name is Avabai Ardeshir Cooper and Ardeshir

Behramji Limboowalla Dar-e-Mehr. It was consecrated on 29 July 1893. The fourth one is in the Parsi Colony M.A.Jinnah Road Quetta. Its name is Quetta Parsi Zarthoshtri Dar-e-Mehr.

This Agiary was consecrated on 03 June 1883.

244

3.3.6 Parsi Priesthood in Pakistan

Among Parsis, priesthood is a hereditary profession. The son of a priest could be a priest whether he is able or not. However, it is not mandatory that the son has to become a priest.

He can choose any profession of his choice. There is no restriction in adopting any profession other than priesthood. A non-professional Parsi cannot be a priest, even he has more knowledge and educated than the son of a priest. There are three levels of Parsi priesthood; Ervad or

Herbad, Mobed and Dastur. Those priests who have completed the required training and qualification as Navar, are given the title of Ervad ( in India) or Herbad ( in Iran ). So to become a qualified priest, one has to undergo two grades of initiation and ceremonies: The Navar and the Martab. Navar is the first initiatory ceremony for priesthood in Parsi Faith. The candidate for initiation into priesthood has to go through two-barashnom purification, the first is tanpak, purification of body, and the second is niyat, intention.323The candidate goes through many ceremonies and after successful completion, the title of Ervad or Herbad is given to him. This is the first level of priesthood in which he can assist the Mobed or Dastur. He can perform the outer circle ceremonies, outside the sanctum of the fire temple that is called the Pavi. The

Herbad or Ervad after obtaining the Navar, still not allowed to take part in the higher rituals of the Zoroastrian ceremonies. He cannot perform the Vendidiad, Yasna, and Baj ceremonies.

Although he can perform the thread ceremonies, marriages and Afringan ceremonies.324To

323Modi, The Religious Ceremony and the Customs of the Parsees.p.160 324Karaka, The History of the Parsis, II.p.240 245 perform the ceremonies of the inner circle, the priest has to get the higher level and the second degree of priesthood known as Martab. As Modi says:

“The degree of Nawar does not entitle a priest to perform, what may be called,

the ceremonies of the inner circle of the Fire-temple. He cannot perform the

Yasna, the Vendidad and the Baj ceremonies. He cannot officiate at the

purification ceremonies of nânand barashnom. In order to qualify himself to do

so, he must go through the Martab ceremony. Besides the Yasnaand the Visparad,

which he had to read for his Nawarhood, he has now to read the Vendidad.”325

The candidate other than a training and study of the scriptures, has to go through one barashnom of ten days. After the ceremonies, accompanied by a qualified priest, the candidate performs the Yasna and Vendidad ceremonies, which complete the Martab, and he becomes a

Mobed. Mobeds are allowed to perform the ceremonies of the inner circle of the fire temple.

The third level priesthood is the Dastur( Dastbar in Pahlavi), means the authority of the law.

They are the high priests and are the most learned in the Avesta and in conducting ceremonies.

Dasturs are actually the religious and spiritual guides and teachers of the community.

In Pakistan, there are four temples but there is an issue regarding the number of priests to be staffed. Hinnells presented this in detail:

“The temples have continued in use, but theproblem of staffing them has

increased. The 1995 community census recorded seven priests in Pakistan; this

325Modi, The Religious Ceremony and the Customs of the Parsees. 246 is for three temples—the two in Karachi and the very pleasant modern structure housing the hundred-year-old fire in Lahore. The maintenance of permanently burning fire requires a team of priests in order to feed the fire at the five appointed times of the day and night. The problems of maintenance in a small community are especially acute: in Lahore, there are now only eighty-six

Zoroastrians. In the interregnum between priests, lay Parsis undertook the care of the fire on rote basis. However, even in Karachi, the number of priests is a problem. For the two fire temples, there are only six full-time priests and two- part-time priests. This is partly because, as in Bombay, few of the able young men wish to enter the full-time priesthood; consequently, most priests are elderly. Some of the younger men of priestly descent who have entered business have migrated to the West. The number of priests is declining rapidly. On my first research visit to Pakistan (December 1985) there were nineteen Mobeds, including six below the age of 35, although five of these worked part time; by contrast, in the 1995 survey there were seven priests throughout Pakistan. The shortage of priests to maintain the community's devotional life is therefore an acute problem. The fact that none of the serving priests has a son entering the profession means that in the next generation the problem will be even worse.

One of the younger Mobeds, P. D. Magol, has started a Mobed Welfare Trust to care for the older members of the profession, not only in Pakistan but also back in the holy center of Udwada. It has been somewhat controversial, as the

247

Athravan Trust in Bombay has been. ButMagol, too, has now left and settled in

India.”326

This issue still persists. The priest of the Agiaray at Garikhata Pakistan Chowk Karachi, whom

I met and interviewed, returned back to India with his family in 2014.327 The priests wear masks covering their mouths and noses so that the fire is not desecrated by their breath or saliva.

Currently, the situation is a little bit better. The Parsi community takes care of the priests, locally.

3.3.7 Parsi Institutions of Pakistan

There are many exclusive areas and colonies of the Parsis where the Parsis live exclusively.

These Parsi colonies are situated at Mahmoudabad, Saddar, Cantt, Soldier Bazar and some of the other parts of Karachi. There is also a Parsi colony in Quetta and Rawalpindi but very few

Parsis live there. In Quetta, there are only seven homes of Parsis at the Parsi Colony Quetta with a population of 17 people.328 The institutions discussed above which were established for the Parsi community but, later, these welcomed other communities, too. There are other types of Parsi institutions, which are exclusively for the members of the Parsi community of Pakistan.

Most of these institutions are Karachi-based where more than ninety percent of the Parsi population lives. Parsis of Pakistan and India are more ethnical than religious. This ethnicity is very visible in their institutions and their social gatherings.

326Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p.228 327 Personal observation and Interview with some of the residents of Parsi Colony Pakistan Chowk Karachi 2014 328; Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p.228 248

a. Karachi Zarthosti Banu Mandal (KZBM)

The Karachi Zarthosti Banu Mandal is an important body of the Parsi women. It is a social organization of the Parsi women of Pakistan.The organization is engaged in administrating numerous socio-economic activities and involved in the charity welfare especially of medical and education nature. It is one of the most dynamic and globally interactive Parsi organizations of Pakistan. Banu Mandal was started in 1912 by some of the active and visionary Parsis in

Karachi. The mission statement of the Mandal is Seva and Sakhavat(means 'service and charity’), shaped by the visionary Parsi iron men, Mr. Jamshed Nusserwanji Mehta, Mr.

Ardeshir Mama and Dastur Dr Maneckjee N Dhalla. The constitution was also laid down by these Parsi thinkers and scholars. The founding members were Goolbai Nusserwanjee Mehta,

Soonamai Poochajee Bomanjee Jeejeebhoy, Dinbanoo Rustomjee H J Rustomjee, Mithibai

Doosabhai Ralli, Cooverbai Maneckji Dhalla, Maniheh Hormasji Mehta, Bachubai

Nusserwanjee Sethna, Alamai Fardonjee Challa, Dastorjee Maneckji Nusserwanjee Dhalla,

Jamshedjee Nusserwanjee Mehta, Hormusji P Byramjee and Cowasjee Sohrabjee Lawyer.

Although the mastermind behind the idea for starting the Mandal was Shirinbai Dadabhai

Collector who wrote a series of articles in the Parsi Sansar in 1910.329 Initially, it was started with the aim of educating Zarthoshti women, helping them to learn sewing, embroidery and other skills, and to support the poor and helpless women. But, with the passage of time, Mandal

329. ibid 249 got involved in focusing the whole community by giving loans to students, spending money on education , medical and promotion of technology, arts and sports as well. Mandal is also involved in solving the social problems of the community by supporting them in their payment of hospitals and dispensary bills of the poor and needy lower middle class. Banu Mandal is also associated by teaching the community members arts and crafts to make them self-sufficient.

All of the works, which are being done at the Mandal, are voluntary. One of the major and significant works of the Mandal is the census of the Parsis of Pakistan, which was done under the leadership of Toxy Cowasjee (ex-President of KZBM). This work has a greater impact and is a valuable document. In 1968, on the golden jubilee of Banu Mandal, scholarships for the students who wish to go abroad for higher studies started for the promotion of education. The students who got assistance to study abroad, repaid the loans without interest to the Mandal after the completion of their studies. In the nineties of the twentieth century, Bandal expanded its activities by starting business loan facility scheme for the assistance of individuals. It is worth mentioning that the loan repaid without interest. Further, the Mandal also started monthly assistance to needy people, patients and school-going students. Mandal also conducts workshops for the youth and the new generation. It also organizes and takes initiatives for the youth to take part in sports and fund-raising schemes and make a network of the global

Zarathushtri organizations. The number of members as displayed on their website is presented as:

“As mentioned earlier, in 1919 KZBM had 140 members compared to the present

- on July 1 1998 - there are 691 members of KZBM out of which 56 are ordinary

250

members paying an annual fee of Rs12. Patron members are 15, paying a one-

time amount of Rs500, and the balance are life members having paid a fee of

Rs200. The membership fees are the same since inception.”330

Along with its social and charitable activities, Karachi Zarthosti Banu Mandal has its publications. There is a variety of publications of the Bandal. For instance, Manna, is a cookery book; What’s On, book contained the activities of Mandal which is sent to all members of

KZBM and other worldwide Zoroastrian associations, later it become a newsletter; A&T, directory of the entire community residing in Pakistan; Blood Directory, listing the donors and the blood groups of the community; Services Directory, a list of small and large service provider;

Evening News, a project undertaken by selected children. The most remarkable work published by Mandal is the publication of a booklet based on a nationwide Parsi Census undertaken in

1995. It contains the total number of the Zarathushtris (Zoroastrians) registered in Pakistan.

In 2012, the Banu Mandal celebrated its 100th anniversary. The centenary celebrations commenced with vigor and joy in the year 2011and ended with the participation of the community at Karachi. On this occasion, special programs and events were arranged in Karachi.

A souvenir was also published in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Mandal.

Presently Navaz K. Aga is the President and Sunnu F Golwalla works as the secretary of

KZBM.

330Ibid. 251

b. Karachi Parsi Institute (KPI)

The Karachi Parsi Institute is one of the oldest Parsi institutes, which was established in 1893.

Originally, it was called the Parsi Gymkhana and was established for the encouragement of sports like cricket, tennis, and other sports for the community members. Karachi Parsi Institute was founded by two enthusiastic and keen Parsis, Dr Kaikhusroo N. Spencer and Prof. Burjorji

J. Padshah. In the beginning, it was supposed for men only but after twenty years, in 1909, women were allowed to participate in all games. This place, which was actually meant for, sports only; after independence, it was converted into a community center. Most of the functions and ceremonies take place in the building of KPI. Teenage Parsis come here and transformed themselves into a responsible community member and responsible citizen. This institute provides a pleasant and friendly environment to the community members who sit, play gather and celebrate events. It is a best place of socialization. The new KPI building is situated in Jamshed Town of Karachi near Saddar. The grounds of KPI along with its lawns are, sometimes, rented out to generate extra revenue. Shahrokh Mehta, a Karachi Parsi now in the United States of America recalls his memories about KPI, which shows the role and impact of KPI on the social life of the Parsis of Pakistan:

“KPI provided an excellent place for young adults to meet, participate in outdoor

and indoor sports, attend community dinner-dances, and socialize in general.

Many members had their engagement receptions and marriage ceremonies

performed on the Institute's lavish lawn surrounded by coconut trees. The

252

Papeti and New Year’s Eve dances were well attended with a few gold medalists

in dancing leading the way. The ghambars held at KPI were a gourmet’s delight.

Of course, due to major reductions in the population of Parsis in Karachi, the

hustle and bustle of KPI has now diminished. On my visits to Karachi over the

past four decades, I always look forward to visiting KPI and it remains a priority

on my schedule. Interestingly, while visiting KPI the faces of most young

members are not immediately recognizable, but after brief conversations and

some informal introductions, something magical happens. The physical

resemblances and similarity in mannerisms to that of their parents, uncles, or

aunts, and in some instances even grandparents, are astonishing as well as

gratifying to me. It is heartening to know that KPI continues to serve and

support the community’s young men and women in creating excellence in sports

and community leadership.”331

3.3.8 Contribution of the Parsis of Pakistan

The Parsis of Pakistan has a long history of their efforts for the development and prosperity of Pakistan. The story begins before partition. Most of the Parsi families who live in Pakistan nowadays, they were settled down in the cities of Karachi, Lahore, Quetta and other parts of the region long before the independence. They established themselves in trade, commerce,

331. Ibid p. 62 253 industry and finance. Further, they were involved in the philanthropic and welfare activities.

The Parsis of the Indian sub-continent were also active and vigilant in the political activities. In the politics of Indo-Pak, they played a vital, vibrant and vigorous role.

Dadabhoy Naoroji

The Parsis were involved in the formation of Indian National Congress in the year 1885, which later became a movement for the independence. Along with Allan Hume, the first secretary general of the Congress, Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee, the first president of the Congress, were three prominent Parsis, Dadabhoy Naoriji(1825-1917) , Pherozeshah Mehta (1845-1915) and Sir

Dinshaw Edulji Wacha ( 1844-1936). Dadabhoy Naoroji was the first Indian who became the member of the British parliament. He was a reformist Zoroastrian and founded the Rahnumae

Mazdayasne Sabha (Religious Reform Association of Mazda Worship) in 1851.It is worth mentioning here that during his stay in London, being the member of the parliament, he was the center of gravity for the people of India especially for the young students. They sought help and guidance from Dadabhoy. Gandhi and Muhammad Ali Jinnah were among the young students who had learnt a lot from Dadabhoy. Jinnah , later the president of All India Muslim

League and the founder of Pakistan, praised and admired the contribution and the services of

Dadabhoy Naoroji in his presidential address at 30th Annual session of League. Muhammad Ali

Jinnah said: “…It is men of character of the great Dadabhoy Naoroji that inspired us with some hope of a fair and equitable adjustment.”

254

Jamshed Nusserwanji Mehta

Closely associated with Dadabhoy Naoroji, were two distinguished Parsi politicians who had been the member of the British parliament, viz, Sir Mancherjee Bhowanagree and Shapurji

Saklatwala. One of the most prominent Parsis, the son of Karachi, was Mr. Jamshed

Nusserwanji Mehta (1886-1952). He was a political activist and an enthusiastic and devoted social reformer. He did not join the civil disobedience movement led by Gandhi because he believed in the process of evolution than revolution.332Mehta was not a mere politician or an administrator but a benefactor and a social reformer. His father was a successful businessperson owning many factories, being a rich man by birth having a golden spoon in mouth, Mehta gave away the luxuries vitually and dedicated his life for the service of the needy community.333

Farishta Murzban Dinshaw admired him in the following words,

“Parsi presence in Karachi continued to grow in the twentieth century. The

community gave rise to one of the Karachi’s most distinguished leaders, Janshed

Nusserwanjee Mehta, who has the unique distinction of being elected the Mayor

of Karachi for twelve consecutive years ,and is fondly remembered as the “

Maker of Modern Karachi”.”334

Rendering the words of this visionary personality, Hinnels quoted the concluding words of

Jamshed Mehta from his review of Karachi Municipality in 1925, Karachi Municipality: its

332Faredun Kavasji Dadachanji, Parsis, Ancient and Modern and Their Religion(1989). 333Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration. 334Farishta Murzban Dinshaw, "A Tale of Two Cities in One," Fezana Journal 22, no. 3 (2008).p.38 255

Administration, Activities and its Future at page 144, Mehta wrote: “Let each person rise early morning, put his hands on his heart and say ‘This is my city’ and let only fifty men act conscientiously to that vow ‘This is my city’ and all will be well. Almighty pours his blessings on them, gives them knowledge, gives strength and leads them on to become His instruments.”335 During his long-term mayor ship, he developed the city with a vision, providing a very strong infrastructure by erecting buildings, constructing schools, educational institutions, hospitals, and libraries. He urged the Governor of Bombay, Lord Lloyd to build

Sukkar Barrage. He was a very generous man, a humanitarian and loyal to the people of his nation. He had a pure soul, with a purity of thoughts, words and deeds. He had been the member of the Sindh Legislative Assembly, when Sind was separated from Bombay in 1936.

After partition, he worked for settlement of the migrants from India, as many of the migrants settled in the urban cities of the new Pakistan like Karachi and Lahore. The government closed all public offices and school in reverence when Jamshed Nusserwanji died in 1952. A large number of people gathered on the streets of Karachi at his funeral.

The Parsis have contributed in different fields from politics to industry and business, from municipality and local government to education, sports, music and philanthropy right from the time of the independence of Pakistan. The role of the Paris in the development and formation of the nation is very diverse, important and very significant. The early pre-cabinet meetings of Liaqat Ali Khan were held at the Beach Luxury Hotel and at the Metropole Hotel,

335Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration. p.222 256 both owned by two Parsi businesspersons, Dinshaw Avari and Cyrus Minwala. In this section, emphasis is on the efforts of the Parsis of Pakistan who contributed a lot to the betterment of the society and nation.

Edulji Dinshaw

One of the leading Parsis of Karachi is the Edulji Dinshaw family who owns a lot of respect before and after independence of Pakistan. In the late nineteenth century, the family began trade and business and soon became the biggest land owner of Karachi. The family is renowned and distinguished for many charitable and philanthropist activities especially in health and education sectors. Lady Dufferin Hospital and Edulji Dinshaw Dispensary in Karachi was founded by the donations of this family. His son Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw was a businessperson who continued his father’s business and mission of philanthropy. Hoshang was the eldest son of N.E Dinshaw who played an important role in the economic development of

Pakistan. In 1921, Prince of Wales College of Engineering was set up in Karachi, which was renamed NED Engineering College, in 1924, after the donations of the family in honor of the family father. In 1977, NED College was granted university status. Now, it is NED University of Engineering and Technology, and it offers graduate and post graduate degrees in almost eighteen engineering and non-engineering disciplines. The university campus is spread over a land of 95 acres having gymnasium, sports complex, grounds, cafeteria, mosque and libraries

257 containing thousands of books. In 1923, only 50 students were enrolled in the college, has now gone up to 7000 students.336

Hoshang N.E.Dinshaw

Hoshang N.E.Dinshaw held many key posts in the public sector councils and departments. He had been the president of the Central Board of Directors of Pakistan’s largest National Bank of

Pakistan, vice president of the Federation of the Chamber of Commerce, chairperson of the

Public Investment Council and a director of the former Karachi Electric Supply Corporation, now Karachi Electric. A road in Karachi is named after him; Hoshang Road. He died in1967.

Dossabhoy Golwalla

Among the early Parsi settlers, some Parsi families made Quetta as their permanent home. The

Golwalla family was the first family, when Dossabhoy Golwalla, who worked as a military contractor, established his house and later a printing press, the Albert Press, owned by Golwalla and Sons in 1888.

The Markers

Later the Markers and the Patels settled in Quetta. After the migration of the Parsis from other parts of India, the British government gave land to the Parsis where the Parsis built the Parsi

Colony. The first Agiary, the fire temple, was built in 1883. Later the Parsi Anjuman formed and a primary school was started for the Zoroastrian children, which was named after Khan

Bahadur Ardeshir D.Marker, who donated for the building of the school. Jamsheed Marker

336. ibid 258

(born 1922), a renowned diplomat, who represented Pakistan in many countries, had his early education in this school. Jamsheed Marker is among those Parsis who played a vital role, in the development of the nation. Jamsheed Marker was the grand son Ardeshir Marker, who donated for the school mentioned above, and the son Kekobad Ardsher Marker(1896-1984), whose autobiography, A Petal from a Rose , has been published in two volumes in 1985.(Hinnells 2005, p.224) The Markers started their business as supplier and later the family ran an ice factory and a pharmaceutical company. The family members served the British government as First Class

Magistrate and Senior Civil Judge. His mother, Mehran Marker, was a woman activist and a pioneer in social work especially in Girls Guide and All Pakistan Women’s Association

(APWA).She wrote a book, The History of the Parsis, which shows her deep interest in the community affairs. Further, she donated all money for the farmers of Gujarat which she got from the sale of the book. Jamshed Marker was a distinguished diplomat and served Pakistan as an ambassador to Ghana, Romania, Russia, Canada, East Germany, Japan, West Germany and France. He played a vital role in resolving the East Timor crisis being the special envoy of

United Nations. He speaks English, Urdu, Guajarati, French, German and Russian very well.

The Markers were related by marriage to such leading families as the Minwallas and the Edulji

Dinshaws. They were prominent in the links with Iran, both in the nineteenth and twentieth century's, and in the post-1979 events yet to be related. Kekobad Marker travelled widely, for business, pleasure and medical treatment, and so he met many beyond the confines of Pakistan, including the Shah, Bhownaggree and Saklatvalla. He was present at the Delhi Durbar in 1912, and at the Independence celebrations, and was subsequently horrified at the mass killings and

259 assaults. It was Kekobad Marker who led the deputation to Jinnah seeking assurances about the community’s future. At the national level he worked with energy and integrity to develop

Pakistan’s economy as director of the Pakistan Industrial Finance Corporation, and then as chairman of the Industrial Development Bank of Pakistan for seven years (two was supposed to be the maximum term, but the Government urged him to continue).337

The Cowasjees

Another prominent Parsi family is the Cowasjee family. Mr. Cowasjee Rustimji Variana, the head of the Cowasjee family, established his business of stewarding and shipping after the

Afghan war in 1827. His business later became the leading shipping company of Pakistan in private sector, in the late forties of the twentieth century. After independence, his son,

Mr.Rusom.F.Cowasjee, who excelled at the business of his family, was appointed as the chair of the Pakistan National Shipping Corporation. When Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto became the prime minister of Pakistan, he nationalized many industries and companies, the shipping business of the Cowasjee was also nationalized.

Jimmy Engineer

In arts, a known name of a professional artist of Pakistan is Jimmy Engineer338. Jimmy is born in 1954 in Loralai, Balochistan in a Parsi family. He completed his schooling from St.Anthony’s

High School Lahore, and then at the Foremen Christian College (FC College), Lahore. After spending three years at the National College of Arts in Lahore, Jimmy started his professional

337The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p.225 338 Met and Inteviewed Jimmy Engineer in August 2014 at Karachi and have contact with him through net 260 life as an artist with a vision and creative prowess. Jimmy is not only an artist but also a humanitarian with a soft heart for the depressed and impoverished people of Pakistan. He has done ‘walk-a-cause’ for many human right issues and undertaken long and strenuous journeys on foot to create awareness about these issues. He had 50 walks for noble causes and awakening people about the difficulties and challenges faced by the handicapped, blind, orphan, and depressed children. He is a peace-loving man with a deep love in his heart for Pakistan. This deep affiliation is reflected in his paintings, which depicted the sacrifices of 1947 partition story.

He has also presented the thoughts of Iqbal and Rumi through his paintings. Jimmy has more than 3000 paintings and calligraphies on his credit. More than sixty art exhibitions are held around the globe by Jimmy Engineer. He has been awarded Sitara-e-Imtiaz339(civil) for Art from the Government of Pakistan in 2005 along with the other twenty-six different awards in the recognition of his outstanding work. He is a proud son of Pakistan. In recognition of his efforts for peace, he is honored to be the honorary citizen of Houston city USA to serve as

‘Good Will Ambassador’.

Bapsi Sidhwa

Author, playwright and essayist, Bapsi Sidhwa is a prominent Parsi woman who is an internationally acclaimed author and English novelist. Born in Karachi and raised in Lahore, she was attacked by polio in her early childhood and was tutored at home. She graduated from

339 National Highest Award of Pakistan in Arts 261

Kinnaird College for Women Lahore and, then, married at the age of 19. As written in the book, the Daughters of Mashyani:

“Bapsi Sidhwa is the first Zoroastrian Woman to achieve worldwide success as

an English novelist. Her much talked about novel Ice-CandyMan (also published

as Cracking India) was chosen as the Most Notable Book of 1991 by the New

York Times as well as the American Library Association. The film Earth based

on the novel was released in 1999 to both critical acclaim and box office success.

It was India’s official entry for the 1999 Academy Awards for the Best Foreign

Film, and was also included in President Bill Clinton’s briefing kit before his

tour of India and Pakistan in March 2000.”340

Bapsi Sidhwa held the Bunting Fellowship at Radcliffe/Harvard in 1986 and was a visiting scholar at the Rockefeller Foundation Center in Bellagio, Italy in 1991. She teaches creative writing and English at Columbia University, University of Houston and Mount Holyoke

College in United States of America. She is the Fanny Hurst writer-in-residence at Brandeis

University in Waltham, Massachusetts, and currently serves on the Board of Imprint, a

Houston based organization to support writers.341 She received the highest award of the

Government of Pakistan, Sitara-e-Imtiaz (Civil) in 1991. Other than that, she got the Pakistan

Academy of Letters Award; the Patras Bokhari Award, Pakistan; the Literature Prize, Germany

340Toxy Cowasjee, Daughters of Mashyani:Hall of Fame(Texas, USA: seventh world Zoroastrian congress, 2001). p.31 341 ibid 262 and the Lila Wallace Readers’ Digest Award. Her novels have been translated in Urdu, French,

Russian and German.

Gool Khursheed Minwalla

In the field of education the name and role of Gool Khursheed Minwalla is very evident and prominent. Born on May 1, 1913, Gool Minwalla started her social work as a volunteer at the age of seventeen in an environment where women struggled for their status in the society. She worked hard for the betterment of the deprived and depressed people of the society. In 1939 when Dr. Maria Montessori conducted the first teacher-training course at Madras, Gool

Minwalla was one of the trainees. Later, with the co-operation of Jamshed Nusserwanji Mehta, she was instrumental in inviting Dr. Montessori to visit Karachi in 1946, and once again in

1949. After 1965, Gool Minwalla became the guiding light behind the Montessori Teacher

Training Course, under the auspices of Pakistan Montessori Association (PMA) of which she was a co-founder. The government repeatedly expressed its confidence in her abilities. She was nominated as the first Chairman of the National Council of Social Welfare, a member of the governing body of the Pakistan Red Cross Society and the Pakistan Leprosy Association. She served on the United Nations Commission on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of

Offenders on behalf of the government of Pakistan.342 She contributed to education and social welfare in Pakistan and remained involved in these activities for many years. She was nominated on different positions of national and international organizations and the

342Cowasjee, Daughters of Mashyani:Hall of Fame.p.16. 263 government of Pakistan had recognized her services to the nation by awarding her a Sitara-e- lmtiaz and in 1958Tamgha e Quaid e Azam,the first Zoroastrian woman who received this award.

Deena Mistri

In the field of education, Parsi women are very much active and still play a vibrant role. Deena

Mistri, the great-grand daughter of the founder of Bai Virbaijee Soparivala (BVS) Parsi High

School, and its former principal (Born in 1925) is one of them. Deena Mistri graduated in arts with honors in English literature in 1945 from D.J. College, Karachi and after the independence, in 1957, she did her BT (a degree that was later called B.Ed.) from the

Government Teachers’ Training College in Karachi. In 1950, she became the first female teacher at BVS Parsi School, which was exclusively for boys. Then, she moved to United States for her higher studies on a one year Fulbright Scholarship in 1962. She met the then American

President John F. Kennedy after the completion of her studies. On her way back home, she stayed in United Kingdom for further studies in teaching methods. In 1965, Mrs. Mistri became the Vice Principal of BVS Parsi School and seven years later took over as the Principal, a position she held until her retirement in 2004. On March 23, 2002, she was awarded the Pride of Performance by the Government of Pakistan in appreciation of her services in the field of

264 education.343Her contribution to the field of education accounts for thousands of students who are now reputed names in their professions.344

Justice Dorab F. Patel

The Parsi community has not served its own members, only but made efforts in strengthening

Pakistan. Pakistan is proud of many names. One of the most remarkable personalities was

Justice Dorab F. Patel (1927-1997). He belonged to a well-known Parsi family of Quetta. He received his early education from Bombay and, then, moved to the London School of

Economics. After completing his studies, he practiced law in London and after two years of practice, returned to Karachi and started working as a lawyer. Having been at the bench of Sind

High Court, he was appointed to the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 1976. (Hinells, 2005, p.226)

In 1977, he was one of the three judges in the trial of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. This trial led to the hanging of Bhutto. Even though he was opposed to the policies and style of the government of

Bhutto, he delivered that the judgment of hanging Bhutto was wrong and he wrote his dissenting note regarding the judgment; calling it a wrong judgment. Hinnels admired his bold steps as:

“When Zia promulgated the Provisional Constitutional Order subordinating

judiciary to military courts and requiring judges to take an oath to uphold the

constitution, Patel refused and thereby proBábly lost the opportunity to become

343"Remembering Mrs. Mistri," www.parsinews.com. 344Rabia Ali, "Zoroastrian Women in Karachi:Her Religious Status, Its Impact and Her Contribution in the Society " (International Islamic University, 2011). p. 58 265

Chief Justice of the Pakistan Supreme Court. He was invited to be the

ambassador in Paris, but said that he could not represent a government with

whose policies he had such fundamental differences. Thereafter, he devoted his

life to human rights and social welfare, becoming in 1984 a member of the Asian

Human Rights Commission and then in 1987 of the International Commission

of Jurists. In achieving such high office in a Muslim state, and in standing so

fearlessly against a president known not to like opposition, Patel showed

remarkable courage as well as a powerful sense of justice.”345

345Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p. 226 266

The Social Life of Parsis of Pakistan

3.4.1 Parsi Individual

The Parsi community of Pakistan is a very harmonious and peaceful community.346 Sixty (60) percentage of the total population is over 60 years of age.347In many families, the younger generation has moved abroad for better opportunities. They leave their aged parents in Pakistan who remain alone at homes, are cared, and looked after by the community as a whole.

3.4.2 The Issue of Identity

Identity defines the attitude and behavior of a personality. A person or a group is recognized by his or her identity. Identity is a major problem nowadays especially in the current geo- political scenario of the global world. A Parsi individual has different aspects of his or her identity; that is, of religion or ethnicity or culture or tradition. Although, Parsis live with other communities in peace but the issue of identity seems very perplexed. The issue of identity is very broad and complex as described by Mr. David Knaute.348

Further, it is elaborated as:

346 Interview with Framjiminwala 2014 347David Knaute, "The 2010 Household Survey: Analytical Report of the Household Survey Carried out among the Zoroastrian Community of Karachi,"(UNESCO: Parzor, 2011).p. 17 348 Ibid. p. 17 267

“The Parsi socio-religious practices stems from a philosophy of exclusivity,

adapted on religious grounds earnestly for maintaining the exacting purity laws

and for preserving Parsiism through ethnic identity and Parsi rights.”349

3.4.3 Culture

Being Parsi does not mean a follower of Zoroastrianism, only, but it defines the ethno-cultural identity of the community. The Parsis of Pakistan being a very small religious minority struggle to keep alive their distinct identity. As intermarriages are not allowed, the community struggles to retain the separate identity. When the Parsis migrated from Iran to settle down in the sub- continent, they were allowed to live, subject to certain conditions. They needed to speak

Gujarati instead of Persian, their women were asked to wear Saree (the traditional Hindu dress of women) and had to follow local wedding rituals. Accepting these conditions, they were allowed to settle down in Gujarat. The whole account is recorded in Qisse of Sanjan. Thus, the community adopted local traditions and customs. The Parsi community faces decline not for religious reasons but for social reasons. Modernity and globalization threatens the basis of faith so is case of Parsis living in Pakistan. Many members face the identity crisis as their interest in religion has ebbed. The Parsi individual speaks Urdu and Gujarati along with English. By the passage of time, the new generation is not very much aware of Gujarati language. Religious identity starts losing its effect on the Parsi community.

349Jer D. Randeria, Parsi Mind: A Zoroastrian Asset to Culture(New Delhi, India: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 1993).p. 117 268

3.4.4 Professional and Economic Life of a Parsi

Parsi individual is very peaceful, patriotic and loyal to his country. In individual capacity, a

Parsi is a very faithful citizen of Pakistan. Many Parsis has served Pakistan on very good positions. Majority of the Parsis are involved in businesses, trade, and a good number of them works in private business sector, as well. They are teachers, bankers, architects, doctors, lawyers etc. The Parsis are very professional in their respective fields. Most of them are urban-based but few are, also, involved in agriculture and own lands in interior Sindh. A good number of Parsis run the family businesses established by their ancestors. Many individuals manage their businesses successfully and are the wealthiest icons of Pakistani business community. The

Avaris, the Cowasjees can be cited as example.

3.4.5 Life as a Pakistani Citizen

The Parsis of Pakistan have a very positive image in the society. They do not face any threat from the followers of any other religion or from any other community of Pakistan. They have very good relationship with other members of the society. Being a Pakistani citizen, they are loyal to the state and follow the rules of the government.

They contribute to the betterment of Pakistan. They took part in the development and prosperity of the newly created country during post-partition period. A very small number of

Parsis moved to India after partition. The remaining citizens proudly call themselves Pakistanis and Pakistan as their homeland. They consider themselves as proud Pakistani citizen as

269 mentioned in the Karachi Household survey. The answer of a respondent indicates that the

Parsi community owns Pakistan as motherland. The answer as following:

“I am from Pakistan. My dad was born in Karachi and my mom in Lahore so technically

they have always lived in the Indian area, which is now Pakistan. Pakistan is therefore

my home country. When did we lose connection with Iran and India I don’t know?”350

This shows a very profound attachment of the Parsis to Pakistan. With reference to Karachi survey, almost 79% of the Parsis are born in Karachi or somewhere else in Pakistan. Even people living abroad or having dual citizenship or nationality, they, also, have close ties with their native country and they visit Pakistan to meet their relatives and show their bond with

Pakistan.

3.4.6 Future Vision of a Parsi Individual

A Parsi individual is as much worried about the current situation of Pakistan as any other

Pakistani. The security situation in Pakistan nowadays is not very encouraging for a person whether he is a Muslim or non-Muslim. The Parsi individual has his or her concerns about the socio-religious and socio-economic issues but they feel themselves safe and comfortable. Like many other Pakistanis who got any opportunity to settle abroad, the Parsis also seek opportunities to settle abroad for the welfare of their future and their generation.

350Knaute, "The 2010 Household Survey: Analytical Report of the Household Survey Carried out among the Zoroastrian Community of Karachi."p. 18 270

3.4.7 Parsi Festivals and Calendar in Pakistan

The Parsi festivals are related to different seasons of the year. They are seven in number. These festivals are called Gahambar. The six Zoroastrian gahambars (festivals) are:

a) Maidhyoizarem (Midspring)

b) Maidhyoishem (Midsummer)

c) Paitshahem (Harvest)

d) Ayathrem (Bringing in Cattle)

e) Maidhyairem (Midwinter)

f) Hamaspathmaedem Muktad (All Souls)

The seventh festival is considered the greatest Zoroastrian festival. It is the festival of Navroz, the New Year. It is celebrated in spring almost after the sixth gahambar. The Navroz is also the beginning of the new year of the Zoroastrian Calendar. The Zoroastrian calendar consists of

12 months with 30 days in each month. This makes a total of 360 days. To bring the calendar closer to the actual Gregorian calendar of 365, five special Gatha days are added to the calendar.

It is very interesting that the Parsis, who sailed to India, they brought with them the Persian calendar, which was called the Qadmi or Kadmi. Puala expresses it as follows:

“They continued to add the extra month, so their calendar came to differ from

the Qadmi calendar. In 1720, a priest visiting from Iran noticed that the Iranians

and the Parsis were using different calendars. Some returned to the Qadmi

271

calendar used by the Iranians. Others stayed with their calendar, called

Shenshai.” 351

With the passage of time, there emerged a difference between the Parsis of India and the

Zoroastrians of Iran on the adoption of the Zoroastrian calendar. Some of the scholars suggested the use of a more modern calendar of 365¼ days. The spring equinox (the date when night and day have same time) always falls on March 21. Many of the Zoroastrians adopted this calendar. As this calendar is being followed by the seasons of the year, it is called the Fasli (Fasl means season and Fasli means ‘seasonalsit). On the other hand, those who adopted the old calendar called it Shenshai or Qadmi calendar. There is a difference among the followers of these calendars. Because of these differences, the Zoroastrians of Iran and the Parsis of India and Pakistan, celebrate their holy festivals, the gahambars, at different times of the year. For instance, the festival of Navruz may fall in July or August as per the Shenshai calendar. In contrast, the Navruz always falls on March 21 according to the Fasli calendar. The conflict of observing three different calendars has a long history as mentioned by Jenny Rose:

“In 1906, while Dhalla was studying in New York, two significant events

occurred that still impact Parsi self-definition. In that year, an attempt was made

to resolve the Qadimi/Shehenshai division with the introduction of a new

calendar along the lines of the Gregorian calendar. This provoked the formation

of a separate group (fasli) who are mostly based in western India. The

351Hartz, World Religions: Zoroastrianism. p.103 272

Fasli(‘seasonalist’) calendar holds the Nav Ruz on the traditional date of

21stMarchand intercalates a day every four years. Three different Parsi

calendrical systems remain in operation today, which mostly affect community

celebrations regarding the observance of the New Year.” She further added, “The

Shehenshai remain in the vast majority in India, but many Parsis celebrate

Jamshedi Nav Ruz on 21 March with a visit to the Agiary, a jashan at home or a

meal out with the family.”352

The Parsis of Pakistan mostly follow the Shenshai calendar.353 They celebrate the Navruz mostly in the month of August. On this day, the Parsi community of Pakistan visits the Agiary, exchange presents and gifts, put new clothes and prepare special Parsi foods to celebrate the festival with great joy and zeal. The community, on this day, gathers at the Agiary of Saddar and Ghadikatha, Karachi and the Agiaries of Lahore and Quetta. The priests perform the Jashn in congregation with the recitation of the selected Zoroastrian scriptures. Many of the Parsis of Pakistan, having Iranian descent celebrate Jamshedi Navruz on March 21 accompanied with the visit of the Dar-e-Mahr, celebrating a Jashn at home having a meal with the family.

352Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction. p.209 353Keki M. Dastoor, interview by Abdul Fareed Brohi2014, Dar-e-Mehr, Gari Khata, Karachi. 273

Community Affairs of the Parsis of Pakistan

The Parsis of Pakistan, both the men and women, is a vital community. They had played an important role in the development and prosperity of Pakistan. Still, they play a very constructive and significant role for the progress of the country. Irrespective of religion and ethnicity, they are unique in the social life of Pakistan.

The origin of Zoroastrianism is Iran, however, after the conquest of Fars by the Muslim army, many adherents of Zoroastrianism embraced Islam. However, after some years, a group of the

Zoroaster followers migrated to the shores of India and settled down in Navsari and Gujarat.

The whole story is narrated in the Qisse Sanjan, the first written account by a Parsi. The process of migration had many impacts and consequences on the community, especially on their social and religious norms. They had to adopt the dress and language of the Hindu community, which was a condition from the Hindu Raja for their settlement. Afterwards, they moved to Bombay and, then, to Karachi. In the mid of twentieth century, the British rule ended and two nations,

India and Pakistan, emerged on the globe. This political situation brought great changes for the

Parsis, threatening the ties, which bound their community together. 354

3.5.1 Community over Religion

In proportion to the size and population of the community, their contribution and the social impact on the society is great and huge in all fields of life. There are many great names and

354Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices..p. 223 274 figures as army men, scientists, industrialists, journalists, educationists and so on. Parsi is a very helpful and cooperative community. The community is bound based on ethnicity rather than religion. They are very restricted in their religious matters. There is no conversion. The community is very strong binding the members of the community not only based on religion but on social and communal basis, also.

3.5.2 Language

The Parsis who live in Pakistan speak Urdu, English, and Gujarati. The Parsis whose descent is from Iran speak Persian but they are few in number.

3.5.3 Dress

Every society feels the impact of modernity and globalization. There is not any particular dress code defined for the adherents of Zoroaster in Parsis' religious scriptures and books. The dress of Zoroaster depicted in religious books and places of worships and houses is a long Kurta(shirt) and a Pyjama (trouser) with a beard. This is followed by the ecclesiastical class in the Parsi community. The new generation follows modern lifestyle in its dress code. When Parsis settled in India, their women wore sari, which was the traditional dress of the Hindu women.

Therefore, they also follow that tradition. Till now most of the old women wear sari in India.

In Pakistan, majority of the Parsi women wear shalwar qameez but the western dress code is also being followed by youth. At various religious and social occasions, most of the elderly

275 women wear saree and men kurta pyajama and a cap especially worn on funerals and marriage ceremonies.

3.5.4 Religiosity of Parsi Community

Modernity has its impact on almost all religions and belief systems. Religion faces many threats from the forces of modernity. Modernity and liberalism has challenged the religious beliefs and traditions. This has affected the lives of the Parsi individuals and the community. Although the community follows the religious rituals but the Parsis are not very strict observer of daily prayers. The older people who constitute the sixty percent of their population follow the rites and rituals in a very strict manner but the younger generation is liberal towards observing religious obligations. A fair number of the Parsis take religion as a private matter of any person.355 They read the basic teachings of Zarathushtra in the spiritual sense, only. They do not believe in imposing the Parsi teaching upon the adherents as they think the right path is very evident and known to every adherent. The response of a woman when she was asked the role of religion in her life reveals the Parsi approach towards Zoroastrianism as a religion. The response is documented but the work is not published, yet. The woman holds the view that religion does not play a significant role in achieving success in her life and she hold the Parsi community as vital in her achievements. The Paris society is a strong and supportive society, which takes good care of its members.356 The wearing of Kusti and Sudreh is also being

355 Dr. Framji Minwala, interview by Abdul Fareed Brohi2014. 356Ali, "Zoroastrian Women in Karachi:Her Religious Status, Its Impact and Her Contribution in the Society ". page 46 276 questioned by liberal-minded Parsis who are more attracted to secular ideas. The response of a

Parsi in the survey conducted by UNESCO in Karachi reveals the liberal attitude of the new generation towards past traditions and the religious obligations. To quote the response:

“I do not believe that wearing or not wearing, a Sudra and Kusti make you any

more or less a Parsi Zoroastrian! To my way of thinking , it is very hard to

separate tradition from religion, and one of the frustrations I have is that for a

community that prides itself of being well educated and liberal, the Parsis can be

just as conservative and blinkered in their thinking without recognizing the

necessity to change and adapt to circumstances.”357

However, it does not mean that they are away from their religious traditions. In Pakistan, they still practice their religious rites and rituals, offer their prayers, visit the agiary or the atash ghar, and take part in their cultural and religious traditions such as Navjote, wearing of Sudreh and

Kusti. The funeral rites are also performed according to their traditional religious teachings.

There seems a division between the orthodox and so-called liberal or reformist within the community. In contrast to their practices, the community’s level of religiosity is much high.

They strongly believe in their prayers and the life after death.

357Knaute, "The 2010 Household Survey: Analytical Report of the Household Survey Carried out among the Zoroastrian Community of Karachi." p.29 277

3.5.5 Population

A large number of Muslims migrated from India to Pakistan during the early years of the independence. Most of the migrants settled down in the urban cities of Pakistan like Karachi and Lahore. In 1951, almost 57% of the residents of Karachi were the migrants.358In the early sixties, Islamabad was declared the capital of Pakistan. Still, Karachi remains the economic hub of the country. The total number of the Parsis in 1947 was approximately 5000. At the time of partition, the Parsis of Karachi were the fourth largest Parsi population after Bombay, Surat, and Navsari. After independence and establishment of Pakistan, the first census was conducted in 1951. The number of Parsis at that time was approximately 5000(5018).359Migration was one of the reasons of increase in the Parsi population of Karachi.

In the next decade, the population started to decrease especially in the sixties, when it came down to 4,685 Parsis in 1961, until 1995 there were 2,824 Parsis in Pakistan. Further decrease was recorded in the following years, in 2004, there were 2121Parsis across Pakistan. It is interesting to reproduce here the figures and tables, which were given in the FEZANA journal by Toxy Cowasjee.

358Burki, Pakistan: The Continuing Search for Nationhood p. 39-42 359Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p. 217 278

Table 1. PARSIS IN SIND

Year Male Female Married Unmarried Widow Total

1881 605 458 479 507 77 1063

1891 843 691 656 783 95 1534

1911 1259 1152 479 507 77 2411

Table 2. PARSIS IN SIND, 1911

Male Female Total

Karachi 1144 1056 2202

Hyderabad 54 42 96

Larkana 5 1 6

Sukkur 46 50 96

Tharparkar 5 1 6

Upper Sind Frontier 3 2 5

Total Parsis in Sind 1259 1152 2411

The tables reflect the breakdown of the population and the figures, she writes:

“The population of the Parsis in Sind for the years 1881, 1891 and 1911 is shown

in table 1. A breakdown of the Parsis by location, obtained from each district of

Sind, by Mr. Punthakey, is shown in Table 2. Mr.Punthakey mentions that with

the absence of a “proper census study” he could not give an exact figure of Parsis

279

of Sind in 1918 but felt it would be about 3,300, with 3000 residing in Karachi.”

Further Toxy says, “I am not aware of any further survey taken by Parsis, but

was informed one was taken in either the late 1950s or early 1960s, but the

findings are not available to me. In 1995, a nationwide census was undertaken by

Karachi Zarthoshti Banu Mandal, which I am confident that 100% accurate (see

Table 3). In 1995 there were 1327 males and 1504 females, for a total of 2831

Zarathushtis residing in Pakistan.”360

Table 3. Census Data

1995 Oct 2001 Sep 2004

Karachi 2647 2220 2012

Lahore 94 72 46

Islamabad/Rawalpindi 30 36 30

Multan 8 7 2

Sargoda - 5 -

Peshawar 7 3 1

Gujranwala - 3 -

Pakistan 2831 2378 2121

The Percentage of non-Zarathushti Spouses in Karachi is 2.4% (2012+50)

360Toxy Cowasjee, "Demographics in Pakistan," FEZANA 17, no. 4 (2004).p.51 280

Table 3 is also showing the figures of 2004 reflecting the population of 2121 Parsis.361According to a research paper presented at the XVI North American Zarathushti Congress August 2-5,

2012 in Rye, New York, Roshan Rivetna presented a paper on ‘The Zarathushti World – demographic Picture’. In her paper she quoting Toxy Cowasjee, presented the population of the

Parsis of Pakistan. According to her data, the population of Parsis in 2004 was 2121, which declined to 1675 in 2012. 362 Following is an extract from the Roshan Rivetna’s updated figures:

“Source of the data for Pakistan is Toxy Cowasjee (toxy39@gmail.com) past

president of Karachi Zarthoshti Banu Mandal, who has kept meticulous census

records of the Parsis in Pakistan since 1995. The table below gives the

Zarathushti population of Pakistan by city, as of 31 January 2012, Sept 2004, Oct

2001 and 1995.”363

City Males Females Totals Totals Totals Totals

2012 2012 2012 2004 2001 1995

Karachi 728 871 1599 2012 2220 2647

Lahore 16 20 36 46 72 94

Multan 1 1 2 2 7 8

361 On my visit to Karachi, the Mobed at the Garikhata and the some other people informed the researcher that the number of Parsis in Karachi nowadays is around 1200-1400( visited Aug 2014) 362Roshan Rivetna, "The Zarathushti World – a Demographic Picture," in XVI North American Zarathushti Congress (Rye, New York2012). 363 Ibid 281

Quetta 10 7 17 30 32 45

Pindi/Islamabad 9 12 21 30 36 30

Sargoda/Peshawar, 0 0 0 1 11 7

Gujranwala

Total 764 911 1675 2121 2378 2831

3.5.6 Irani Zoroastrians of Pakistan

In the last decade of the 19th century, a group of the Irani Zoroastrians migrated from Iran to

Pakistan and settled in Karachi. They were associated with the business of restaurants and teashops. There were a sizeable number of Irani restaurants in Karachi especially in the area of

Saddar. However, many of the Irani restaurants were closed down but Jahangir Restaurant at

Saddar is still there. These early Irani Zoroastrians were supported by their counter Parsis. In

Pakistan, the Irani Zoroastrians are almost 2% of the total Zoroastrian people. It makes 33 Irani

Zoroastrians.

Table 5. Distribution by Origin (Parsi-Iranian) and Sex (male-female)

Country % Parsis % Iranians % Males % females

Pakistan 98.0 2.0 45.6 54.4

282

3.5.7 Reasons of Decline in Population

There are many factors, which are responsible for the decrease in the population of the community. One of the reasons of this decrease in population is the ageing population. Others comprise low ratio of marriages and late marriages. The median age of marriage among the

Parsis is 37 and, thus, resulting in producing small families. This phenomenon can be observed in the Parsi community across the world. There are late marriages within the community, which results in low birth and the decline of the population. Another factor involved in decreasing the number of Parsis is migration from Pakistan to abroad in search of better opportunities. Young generation is inclined to the idea of studying abroad and, then, settling in United States, Australia and the European countries. One of the reasons of this decline is the over aging of the population, sixty percent of the population is above 65.364 Hinnells elaborates other factors for this decrease in the population that is out- marriages. He writes:365

“Parsis often suggest that out-marriage is a further factor in the decline of

numbers.”

Referring to the figures and list on out marriages provided by Ervad Charna, it reflects the fact: from 1947-1985, 106 boys and 109 girls out-married to Christians, Muslims and Hindus; with a significant number of girls married to Muslims.366

364Minwala. 365Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration.p.219 366 Ibid 283

3.5.8 Career and Profession

Parsi men and women are very educated people. As compared to other women of Pakistan, the

Parsi women are more educationally empowered and professionally strong. Parsis work in the government sector and are successful businesspersons. A survey was conducted by John

Hinnels which indicates that by the course of time in the twentieth century, the nature of the community has changed; 220 individuals holding the seats of managers, while 141 are teachers or academics, 83 bankers, 64 doctors, 99 engineers ,11 judges or advocates.367

3.5.9 Institution of Marriage

Marriage is an important institution for the prosperity of a family and due importance is given to this institution in the Zoroastrian religion. It is a fact that the Parsi community is the most literate community of Pakistan regardless of gender. Marriage in Parsis is considered as a safeguard family virtue.368Most of the marriages take place within the family or cousin marriages. There are many influences of the Indian and Hindu culture on the Parsis of India and Pakistan. They have adopted many traditions from the Hindus but, still, the religious part of the ceremony is more or less performed and conducted in the later Pazand language369.It consists of the a) preliminary benediction or approval, b) questions to the marrying couple, c) the witnesses and d) a sermon by the priest/s. The performing priest ensures the witnesses, the

367 Ibid 368Randeria, Parsi Mind: A Zoroastrian Asset to Culture.p. 6 369Masani, Zoroastrianism:The Religion of the Good Life p. 97 284 benediction and a sermon followed by a dinner or lunch. Most of the marriage ceremonies in

Karachi take place at the Beach Luxury Hotel or Avari Towers Karachi. It is also permissible to have the marriage ceremony at the Dar-e-Meher or the Agiary but it happens very rare. The mobed or dastur asks the parents or guardians whether the consent of the couple is taken. The father of the bridegroom is first to be asked the following question:

“In the presence of this assemblage which is gathered here in this town

(mentioning the date month and year) of Emperor Yazdezard the king of the

Sassanian dynasty of auspicious Iran, say whether you have consented according

to the rules and customs of the Mazdayasnan religion to take this bride in

marriage for this bridegroom on a promise of paying her two thousand ‘derams’

of pure white silver and two ‘denars’ of red gold (of the coinage) of the city of

Nishapore?” After the affirmation, consent of the father of the bride then asked.

Then the couple is asked about their consent and a promise to be remaining

honest with each other after this bond or contract of marriage. After these

questions and answers, the priest or dastur calls them husband wife and gives a

sermon containing advices, blessing and prayers. At the end rice from a tray

sprinkled on the newly wedded couple. Rice is considered a powerful symbol of

blessing. The dastur prays for the newly married couple seeking blessings and

285

prayers from Ahura Mazda the Wisest God and reciting the holy text in the

Pazand language."370

3.5.10 Exogamy

Among the Parsi community, marriage outside the community is a debatable and complex issue. This problem is not restricted to Pakistan but is being faced by the Zoroastrians all over the world. Although there is no restriction in marrying outside the community, but most of the Parsis are in favor of marrying within their ethnic community. They prefer not to marry if they could not find a perfect match within the community. One of the reasons in the decline of population is not marrying at all or late marriages and not having children. This issue becomes more complex when one spouse is Muslim. It is taken as a threat by the Parsi community who thinks that marrying with a non-Parsi may result in conversion to other belief system. Few cases can be mentioned in which the Parsi accepted the spouse's belief system

(mostly Islam, in Pakistan). This makes the issue of intermarriages more controversial. Many questions are raised within the community regarding this conversion to any other religion, especially Islam, which is the state religion of Pakistan. There are many factors involved in intermarriages, especially those that involve a spouse from a Muslim family. The liberal segments of the Parsi community are more open to marriages outside the community. They do not raise questions regarding these marriages. The liberal minds accept the non-Parsis in their

370Karaka, The History of the Parsis, I.page 181 286 fold. The couples who belong to two different belief systems manage their relationships on personal and social basis rather religious basis. Another factor, which is much discussed and becomes a hurdle in intermarriages is the issue of the children of the couple. The community has many reservations in accepting the children of the intermarried couple in the fold of

Zoroastrianism. These children are not allowed to initiate or have the Navjote. Furthermore, it becomes more difficult for them to enter the fire temple or attend the social gatherings of the community. In the past, there were two historical judgments of Davar and Beaman, judgment in 1909 regarding the Tata marriage with a French woman and her conversion as Zoroastrian from Christianity. It was opposed by the orthodox segment of the Parsi Faith. Another was the case of the adoption of an Indian orphan as a Parsi, known as the Bella case, which raised many questions regarding the adoption, conversion and intermarriage. These cases later modified which shows the Parsi identity or their ethnicity. However, one of the parents is a born Zoroastrian, their children feel and faces many problems, in the social gatherings and ceremonies. Socialization is difficult for them in some cases. However, there are some factors, which increase the ratio of intermarriages. One factor is demography, the number of female is more than the male members of the community and having higher education. They wish to marry inside the community but may not find a perfect match as per her education and social status. Thus, it becomes difficult for the women to marry inside the community and marrying outside the community is not a welcome step. This situation results in increasing the ratio of unmarried women or spinsters in Pakistan. Here is the response documented in the Karachi survey:

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“One respondent delivered his own analysis of the problem, linking the problem

of intermarriage to the new way of life of Zoroastrian women: indebted “Parsi

girls are very well educated and self-sufficient. They are either more materialistic

or more dominating. Among those who are materialistic, many tend to marry

outside for sake of money or prefer to remain single. Nowadays I witness more

and more girls seeking divorce within a couple of years after the day of their

marriage. Your survey should have probed this aspect. How many girls prefer

non-Parsi boys and why the trend of divorce is on the increase?”371

Sociologically, these factors affect the population and the entire community of Parsis of

Pakistan. There are a number of ‘one-person household’ Parsis in Pakistan. They are ageing and unmarried or single Parsis. The community has its great concerns on these issues. Most of the couples are being formed outside the country. There are the Parsi girls and boys who go for higher studies abroad and remain there for work. There are more chances for them to meet a perfect match, whether a Zoroastrian or a non-Zoroastrian. The marriage outside the community has its other cultural and social impacts. Most of the marriages outside the community include a good number of Christians and Muslims. In most of these cases, many of them are settled abroad. Their relationship with the families living in Pakistan weaken and due to geographical distances and less interaction with the community; they are at the risk of losing their Zoroastrian identity and their children lose the contact with the belief system and are not

371Knaute, "The 2010 Household Survey: Analytical Report of the Household Survey Carried out among the Zoroastrian Community of Karachi." p.27 288 aware of parents' religion, culture and country. The members of the community has shown concerns over these issues and suggested to solve these problems being faced by the whole community of Pakistan. Here, again the researcher refers to the Karachi survey and shares his own observation after interacting with the members of the community regarding the issue of intermarriage:

“According to them, each couple should have 3-4 children to maintain the

community at the present level. Without such a change, it would be impossible

to stop more and more Zoroastrian marrying outside the community and forget

the religion: “This concept of family planning and having only one or two

children is not for us. People should be taught to have more children and those

who cannot afford it should be supported by the wealthy". While it is widely

thought within the community that conversion is not acceptable, several voices

(belonging to the group of ‘reformists’) also expressed the opposite opinion and

advised that the tradition of not letting people enter the faith should be abolished

in order to ensure the continuity of the faith and Parsi community. In addition,

how community members would be encouraged to find their match and live

happily. Moreover, such people consider that non-Zoroastrians should be

allowed to visit fire temples and attend funeral ceremonies; children with a

Zoroastrian mother should be allowed to have their Navjote ceremonies and be

accepted in the community: “Our elders should united now accept non-

Zoroastrian spouses and take into the Zoroastrian fold children of mix

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marriages, if the parents want it”.“Our prophet professed and encouraged people

to embrace Zoroastrian religion but present days "PARSI MULLAHS" have a

total different stand. Your survey should also probe what the present generation

feels about it". On another note, it has to be noted that some respondents see the

globalization of Zoroastrian communities as a new opportunity to expand the

community while at the same time avoid the spread of intermarriages.

Concretely speaking, international events such as Zoroastrian World

Conferences represent occasions when Zoroastrian youth from all over the

world can meet and find their match. One respondent said that she is not too

much at ease with such a procedure, which feels like arranged marriage to her.

Someone else probed the role of the internet in facilitating meetings between

young Zoroastrians. He together with two Zoroastrians living in Australia and

Canada is managing a website that has facilitated over 1000 weddings over the

past ten years.”372

The data below reflects the situation of the marriages, which occur outside the community.

“Among the 2012 population, there are 43 intermarriages, of which 10

Zarathushti men and 33 Zarathushti women, have married outside the

Zarathushti religion. The 10 Zarathushti men have been counted, but per the

guidelines of the KZBM committee, the 33 women and their offspring have not

372Ibid.; ibid.p. 27-28 290

been counted in the Zarathushti population. The Percentage of non-Zarathushti

spouses in the total population = 2.5% (43/ (1675+43). The percentage of

intermarriages in the Zarathushti population is 2.6% (43/1675)”373

Most of the data is also a reflection of the Pakistani Pasrsis.

3.5.11 Funeral

The researcher visited the Dar-e- Meher and have had discussion with many people of the Parsi community and the priests.374 In these interviews, the funerals of the dead were also discussed.

It is believed that the body of the dead remains here in this world whereas the soul leaves the world after four days of demise. When a person dies in the community, it becomes the duty of the community to dispose of the dead as soon as possible. Further when the soul left the body, it should be disposed of in such a way that may be least harmful and deleterious for the living on the earth. Regarding the funeral ceremonies there are two aspects; one that is related to the disposal of the body and the second is related to the soul. Maintaining the environment clean and healthy is one of the basic and most essential principles of the Zoroastrian religion. They extend their duties to maintain the basic elements; fire, water, earth and air, pure and clean.

The body of the dead is left under the open sky on the ‘Tower of Silence’ so that it is disposed of naturally without affecting the environment. It is said that when the body is burnt, as Hindus do, its flame and smell pollute the environment. People keep themselves away from the dead

373Rivetna, "The Zarathushti World – a Demographic Picture." 374 Visit of Parsi colonies at Pakistan Chowk, Saddar and near M.A Jinnah Road 2014 291 body as they consider it infectious and polluted. Soon after the death, the corpse is bathed thoroughly with water and a clean suit is then put over the dead body. The Kusti is then put round the body by any of the close and near relative of the deceased with the recitation of the

Nirang-i-Kusti375 or the Ahura Mazda Khuddae prayer.376 Then the priests recite prayers from the sacred Zoroastrian text. Till the end of the ceremony, the fire is kept burning. It is preferred that the corpse may be moved to the Dakhma or the Tower of Silence in the morning as it is directed in the sacred text that the “Mazdayasnians should expose the body to the sun” (Vd.

5:13). The construction of the Dakhma has historical significance and there are varying accounts regarding the function of a dakhma.377 Then the Nassasalars, the corpse bearer, carry the dead body to its final resting place that is the Tower of Silence. The corpse bearer put the dead body at the top of the tower for the exposure of the body naturally. There is only one Tower of

Silence in Karachi. In other areas of Pakistan, the dead are buried in the cemetery, which are specially allotted to the community in Lahore and Rawalpindi.

375It is the selected verses from the Gathas that are recited on these occasions 376Modi, The Religious Ceremony and the Customs of the Parsees.p. 45 377Rose, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction. p.138 292

Chapter 4

Analysis, Comparison

In order to make analysis and comparison, there is a need to trace out some differences and similarities between the two faiths.

4.1 History Timeline

Bahá’í Faith is the youngest of the world religions with a history of just hundred and fifty years.

Bahá’u’lláh is also considered a Prophet and, sometimes, more than a prophet, whom God manifested. Kitab-e-Aqdas is the holy book of the Bahá’í Faith which is revealed by Bahá’u’lláh, himself. The Bahá’í Faith was founded and flourished in mid-19th century Iran. It emerged from the Shite school of thought. It can be said that it is an offshoot of Shi’a-Islam. In contrast to the claims of Zoroastrian scholars, Bahá’ísm is much influenced by Islam. Although Báb and then

Bahá’u’lláh, both, abrogated the Islamic laws and declared Bahá’í Faith a new religion distinct from Islam.

Zoroastrianism is one of the world’s oldest religions and is practiced in many regions of the world. Zoroastrianism is considered a prophetic religion. Zarathushtra is believed to be a

Prophet of his age who had communication with Ahura Mazda. Avesta is the holy book, which is revealed to the Prophet. The foundation of the Zoroastrian faith dates back to the times of

Cyrus, the Great who adopted the religion as the religion of the empire. This was the time when he liberated the Jews from the captives of the Bábylon and founded the great Persian

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Empire by defeating the Bábylonians. The Biblical thought and the Islamic thought was influenced by the Zoroastrian faith as claimed by different Zoroastrian scholars. It can be said that Zoroastrianism is an Iranian or Persian religion. It is a matter of fact that these ‘migrant religions’ evolved into a new shape when entered the Indian sub-continent. The language, the dress code and many of the cultural traditions were changed. Now, the Parsis of India and

Pakistan speak Guajarati, Urdu, and dress like natives.

4.2 Connection with Islam

The Bahá’ís of Pakistan have their roots in Iran. Basically, it can be said that Bahá’ísm is an offshoot of the Shi’a orthodoxy of the 19th century Iran which dates back to 1844 when Syed

Ali Muhammad claimed himself the gate (Báb) or Mahdi. If one traces the origin and growth of the Bahá’í Faith, it is observed that it is directly influenced by Islam. It emerged in the 19th century Iran where the official religion of the state was the of Shi’a sect of Islam. Thus, when

Syed Ali Muhammad, Báb, proclaimed his new faith, it was not astonishing for the Iranians.

In Shi’a theological discussions, the coming of the hidden Imam is not an unusual phenomenon. The Shaykhi movement of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsai, which was later led by Syed

Kazim Rishti, spread almost all over Iran. Syed Ali Muhammad had been one of the disciples of Syed Kazim Rishti before his proclamation. There was a political turmoil in the 19th century

Iran. Many people were waiting for Mahdi, which had certain symbols as prescribed in the

A╓ad┘th(sayings) of the Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be upon him). In Shi’a doctrine, there is a concept of the reappearance of the twelfth Imam that would be Imam Mahdi. The Bahá’í

294 teachings state that Syed Ali Muhammad was himself Mahdi who was the gate of a greater prophet, yet to come. That Prophet was Bahá’u’lláh. It is an interesting point that when the

Bahá’í Faith was being emerged in Iran, Indian subcontinent, also, witnessed another religious movement, Ahmediyya or Qadiyaniat. However, there is no similarity between them. Quite interestingly, the Qadianis /Ahmadis and the Bahá’ís opposed and challenged each other in the first decade of the twentieth century. They challenged each other and published polemic literature to reject each other. This was almost the same time period when MirzaGhulam

Ahmed of Qadian first claimed to be Mahdi and then a prophet. This is a resembling note between Bahá’ísm and Qadiyaniat. Both share the claim of ‘Mahdiviat’. But the Bahá’ís claim that MirzaGhulam Ahmed of Qadian was aware of the writings of Bahá’u’lláh and his claim to be Mahdi was false. According to Bahá’ís, the real Mahdi is Bahá’u’lláh not Mirza. The

Bahá’ís in the first decade of twentieth century challenged the Qadianis and called them for a

Munazara( a polemic debate ). It is significant to note that many of the early Bahá’í converts were initially Ahmedi or Qadiyani. For instance, one of the prominent Bahá’ís, Syed Mahfooz al HaqIlmi was a Qadiani. He converted to Bahá’ísm after interacting with the Bahá’í preacher.

This is not only an example. Most of the early Bahá’í converts were the followers or leaders of the Ahmediyya movement. The Qadianis or Ahmedis consider themselves a part of the

Muslim community. It is a fact that they are declared as non-Muslims in the constitution of

Pakistan. On the other hand, the Bahá’ís do not make such claim like that. When Shoghi

Effendi became the leader of the Bahá’í religion, he made efforts to establish the Bahá’í Faith as an independent religion different from its parent religion, Islam.

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Zoroastrianism is one of the oldest religions of the world. It was the religion of Persia even before Judaism and Christianity. There was not any connection of Zoroastrianism with Islam.

In the 7th and 8th century, Islam spread from Arabia to other parts of the world. Persia was conquered by Muslims . Zoroastrianism of Persia fled from Iran and made India their new home. There are some similarities with Islam but there is not any link between these religions.

4.3 Persian Descent

Most of the Bahá’ís in Pakistan have Persian descent. The native or indigenous Pakistani

Bahá’ís, like Punjabi or Sindhi, are those people whose forefathers accepted the faith years before. They are very few in number. Otherwise the Bahá’í community of Pakistan is much influenced by the Persian majority. Most of the members of the National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan are Persian-speaking. The intermarriage or exogamy is allowed in Bahá’í Faith, but most of the marriages and the family formation takes place within the community. The consent of the couples as well as their parents is a prerequisite for a marriage. Most of the

Bahá’ís wait for the approval of all the six members. In contrast, the Parsis belong to Indian

Gujarat. Most of them speak Guajarati. They perform their rites and rituals as per their tradition. They had their roots in Iran but after their settlement in India, they adopted the language of the new land; that is, Guajarati. Almost all the Parsis living in Pakistan speak

Gujarati or Urdu and they do not have any Persian dialect.

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4.4 Rituals and Rites

In terms of rituals and rites, the Bahá’í faith lacks ritual content. Although the main and central ritual in Bahá’í Faith is the individual prayer and the gathering of the community. The individual is directed to observe one of the three prayers in a day. Other than the individual prayer, which is offered to be privately, there is a communal gathering, which is considered a worship. This communal worship is the Nineteen Day Feast. It heldon the first day of each month. This is a social gathering in which the members of the community gather most commonly at Bahá’í center or at the home of any member. The point to be noted is that this gathering is not considered a congregational prayer. All the members of the community are considered to be equal; worldly and spiritually. One more thing that distinguishes Bahá’í faith from other religions is its forms of rituals. Fasting, offering prayers and to some extent, reading passages on some occasions are ritualistic in Bahá’í faith. For instance, when a child is born to

Bahá’í parents, he is not a ‘born Bahá’í’. The person is free to adopt or reject the Bahá’í faith till he reaches the age of maturity, that is, fifteen years. Bahá’í faith propagates the oneness and universality of religions. That is the reason that in the world as well in Pakistan, there are no sects within the Bahá’í Faith. The Parsis have many rituals and religious rites which are thoroughly described in their scriptures. There is a complete system of priesthood in the

Zoroastrian religion. The Mobeds and the High Priests perform the religious ceremonies like

Novjote and the marriage ceremonies. There are complete and comprehensive laws of purity.

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4.5 Conversion and Preaching

In Pakistan, the Bahá’ís preach their religion but it is observed during the research that the number of new converts, especially from Muslim background, is rare. There are many reasons of this low conversion. The main reason is that it is very rare that a Muslim may leave his or her faith. Although, there are a few cases when a Muslim accepts the Bahá’í Faith but he cannot reveal his new identity in public. The converts have to hide their faith. Most of the converts are Christians, Hindus, and Ahmedis. In the case of Muslim convert, most of them are from

Shi’a sect of Islam. One of the senior Bahá’ís, who had accepted Bahá’í religion told the researcher that he was converted in the very early years of Pakistan during his student years.

According to his statement, the reason of low conversion is the issue of the finality of the

Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be upon him) ( Aqeedah-e-Khatm-e-Nabuvat). If any Muslim accepts a new religion other than Islam, he or she is considered an apostate and the punishment is sentence to death. As mentioned earlier, if a Muslim converts to Bahá’í Faith, he or she does not reveal the new Faith publicly. A very interesting case comes during the research in which a person accepted Bahá’ísm after leaving Islam. He introduces himself as a Bahá’í in Islamabad but in his native home and documents, he is still a Muslim. He knows well the consequences of declaring him a Bahá’í in public. Zoroastrianism is not a religion of proselytism nor is it a religion of conversion. Even there is a conflict and debate if a Parsi marries a non-Parsi. The question of their children's faith and entering them into the Parsi faith is an uphill challenge as there is no concept of conversion.

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4.6 Priesthood

There is no leader or priests who lead or direct the activities. This is a significant feature of

Bahá’í Faith that there is no priesthood. Unlike Islam and Christianity or any other religion, the Bahá’í Faith does not have any Imam, Father, Pundit or Mobed. Rather, the individuals recite the scriptures themselves or perform the other activities, individually. Unlike other religions, there is no priesthood or ministry in Bahá’í Faith. Almost all the religious matters or prayers are left up to the individuals. Bahá’u’lláh had the view that in past only few people could read and write. A large population needed help from someone who could guide them in religious matters. A priest was a person who told them the meaning of the scripture and guided the masses about the teachings of God. Bahá’í Faith emerged in the modern era in which most of the people have the opportunity to read and write. It means that in the modern society, everyone is literate and everyone can read, write, and understand the scripture.

Therefore, the need of priests and their functions is no more required. All the activities and functions are performed by the Bahá’í administrative structure.

In contrast, there is a strict system of priesthood in Zoroastrianism. The son of a priest could be a priest. That is the reason that in the 1980s, the number of priests in Pakistan became very low. Some of the mobeds were asked to come from India to fulfill the lackof priests in Pakistan.

This situation still persists. Still there is lack of priests at the fire temples. For instance there were three mobeds at the Agiary at Gadhikata Karachi. Last year the one of the priests returned back to Mumbai with his family. Now, the numbers comes down to two.

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4.7 Population

It is claimed by the Bahá’ís that it is the fastest growing religion of the world after Christianity in terms of the ratio of the population. The Bahá’ís of Pakistan constitute a well-educated and well-mannered community. They are trying to keep their identity by organizing different programs. These events help to keep intact the community. The Bahá’í community of Pakistan is very small in its number. It does not claim large numbers. Different sources have stated the population of the Bahá’ís in thousands (thirty thousand), but the actual statistics are quite different. In Islamabad, which is the center of the National Spiritual Assembly, there are more or less two-hundred Bahá’ís. Same is the case of other major cities of Pakistan. The riddle of

Bahá’í population is unsolved. The community enrolls the new members or convert Bahá’ís and there is a registration form. A card was issued to the new member of the community till

2002. Nowadays, card is not issued.

The ratio of the Parsis living in Pakistan is very low. The total population of the community is almost fourteen hundred. Most of them live in Karachi. Some Parsi families live in other cities of Pakistan but their presence is nominal. The population of the Parsis at the time of the independence of Pakistan was approximately five thousand. There is a significant decline in the population. There are many factors which have contributed to this drop in numbers. One of the causes is outmigration. Most of the Parsis seek opportunities to live abroad than to reside in the country. Most of the out-migrants are from the young generation. That is the reason that the 65% of the Parsis are above the age of sixty. Another reason of decrease in the

300 population is low birth which reaches almost negative birth and death rate. Though the number of the Parsis is very low but their impact is very huge and this is evident from the appreciation of Gandhi. He said, “It is one of the supreme wonders of God that, though the Parsee community does not number more than a hundred thousand in the whole word, it has made a name for itself everywhere by virtue of its many illustrious qualities.”378The religion of the

Parsis or Zoroastrianism has many threats due to declining numbers in Pakistan and in other parts of the world. Though, the Parsi faith does not enjoy huge following yet it remains a dynamic religion in Pakistan. The total population of the Parsis is around twelve to fourteen hundred in Pakistan. It is being declined because of migration of the members of the community to West and mostly in the United States of America. The Parsis have always been loyal to the country where they live.

4.8 Identity Issue

The Parsis of Pakistan are successful in keeping their identity intact. During the research and having interviews with some of the community members, it is found that the preservation of the Parsi identity is because of their social interaction rather religious factors, only. No doubt, many Parsis regard and follow their religious rites and traditions but it is a fact that they are more tied and insular because of their community. This is the identity by which the Parsi community is recognized and the characteristics of the community could be observed. There are three tiers and aspects of the identity of Parsi community of Pakistan: religiously, they are

378"Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi," http://www.gandhiserve.org/cwmg/VOL009.PDF. 301 the followers of Ahura Mazda or Zoroastrians; ethnically they are from Iran; and lastly Iranian culture and traditions, which are blended with the Indian culture. The Parsis live with the local population peacefully and without any fear, and they are free to practice their religious beliefs without obstacles. As one of the Parsi scholars answered the researcher that Parsi is an ethnic designation, not a religious one. The Bahá’í community does not have any kind of identity issue. They propagate the message of universality and humanity. The teachings of Bahá’u’lláh put great emphasis on the equality of mankind.

4.9 Politics

Bahá’ís do not take part in politics. It is not allowed in their scriptures to take part in the politics of the respective countries. However, it does not mean that they have surrendered their rights and responsibilities as citizens. Bahá’ís vote in general elections of Pakistan but they do not support any particular group or political party in the elections. Unlike Parsis, active participation and involvement is not witnessed among the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. They remain away from all types of political activities in Pakistan. The Parsis constitute a very active community which takes an active part in the politics of Pakistan. The history of the Parsis is very rich, as they had been very active in the politics of the Indian subcontinent. The first

Indian member in the Parliament at the Westminster was a Parsi. The early leaders of the Indian

National Congress who played a vital role in its establishment were the Parsis. Jinnah, the

Founding Father of Pakistan was nourished politically under the guardianship of Dadabhouy

Norojee. There is a long chain of political personalities from the Parsi community who were

302 involved in the political activities of Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. Jamshed Mehta was one of the luminous examples and was entitled the ‘maker of modern Karachi’. Later, there is always a Member of Parliament who represents the Parsi community in the National Assembly and

Senate. M. P Bhandara and Behram D Avari had been the members of the parliament. At the present time, Asfanyar Bhandara, son of late M.P Bhandara and the owner of Murree Burrery is active in the politics of Pakistan and is an active member of the ruling government of

Pakistan.

4.10 Contribution of the Community

The Bahá’ís are very social within their community. They remain very passive in matters of social welfare. Unlike Parsis, active participation and involvement is not witnessed in the

Bahá’ís of Pakistan. They remain away from all types of political activities in Pakistan.

Similarly, they are not much involved in the social activities of the country. The religion is open for all and they are not confined as they declare, but the research reveals that they are mostly social within their community. In public social sphere, they are less active.

There is a sustained contribution of the Parsis in the nation-building process in Pakistan.

‘Charity, thy name is Parsi: Parsi thy name is Charity’, is a well-versed proverb that reflects the nature of the community. The Parsis of the Indian subcontinent were very keen in philanthropist activities. Most of the educational institutions and hospitals were constructed by the Parsis of Karachi. Initially, the main purpose of creating these institutions under the

British Government was to encounter the Christian missionary activities and to ensure that the

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Parsi youth would not have to attend the missionary schools. The Parsis of this region became the pioneers in establishing educational institutions and other amenities for both men and women. Jamshed Marker, not a politician, but played a prominent role in the diplomatic affairs of Pakistan being the ambassador to many countries including United States of America. He was the special envoy to the Secretary General of United Nations in East Timor to resolve the critical situation of the region. The Avaris and the Cowasjees are luminous names in restaurant and shipping industries, respectively.

4.11 Governing Body

The Bahá’í activities in Pakistan are governed by the National Spiritual Assembly and the

Local Spiritual Assembly. As mentioned earlier, there is no priesthood in Bahá’ísm. All the activities whether they are religious or social, are convened and organized by the members of the above mentioned spiritual assemblies and auxiliary board members. Most of the Bahá’í activities are educational based. On the other hand, the Parsis resolve their matters through the Parsi Anjuman. The priests and mobeds perform the religious affairs and execute the rituals and festivals. The matters of the community are discussed and discoursed in the meetings of the Anjuman.

4.12 Community versus Religion

By the twenty-first century, the Parsis of Pakistan strives to make a balance between their religious traditions and Parsi community. Despite this, Parsis take religion as their private

304 affair. Although religion has impact in their lives but in their gatherings, communal feeling and relationships dominate the belief system. Most the Parsis have the view that their community is more vibrant and strong which strengthen them in keeping their identity. One of the prominent Parsi scholars responded that he is an atheist but also a member of the community and knit well within the Parsi community. This can also be observed in their cultural and societal matters. Their problems are discussed or tried to be solved by the Parsi

Anjuman rather they are brought to the mobeds or dasturs. The reason of this dominance of communal sentiments over religion is a stronghold of the community within the Parsi society.

Secondly, Parsi community as discussed earlier, is a very small community of Pakistan so they are much interconnected with each other and the community takes good care of its members.

The community is very strong and supportive and helps its members in different matters throughout their lives. For instance, the BanuMandal helps students in their studies and supports them by giving them scholarships for their studies, abroad. Most of the community members are aged and they have several health issues, sometimes, they are looked after by their younger ones but most of them are brought to the Parsi General Hospital for medical assistance. This hospital is run by the charities of the Parsi community. Thus, at one level, the

Parsis consider themselves religious but at another level, which is stronger than the first one is that they are an ethnic community. They believe in the teachings of Zarathushtra but there is a division between them. There are traditional followers of the Prophet Zarathushtra and there are more liberal or less orthodox members of the community. One of the respondents answered when she was confronted with the question that if she was a religious person or not.

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She was perplexed in answering this question, as there was no single criterion to gauge one's religiosity. She opined that if going to Agiary (the place of Parsi worship) meant being religious; she do not touch that criterion at its best level, but she believes firmly in the teachings of the Prophet, Zoroaster. To her, Asho Zarathushtra’s message is called daenavanghui, or good conscience because he recognized that Ahura Mazda [God] has endowed human beings with a powerful mind and the ability to distinguish between right and wrong. It is up to the person whether to choose a progressive, creative mentality (Spenta Mainyu) or a regressive, negative mentality (Angra Mainyu). The other side of the coin, therefore, is the responsibility for our own actions. She said that she followed her belief system in a strict manner and could be labeled as "highly religious". In contrast, there is no such issues in the Bahá’í community.

There is no priesthood, there is no congregational prayers, and there is not any particular set of prayers.

4.13 Religion in Diaspora

Bahá’í Faith reached the Indian subcontinent in the early years of the Faith. This was happened in the lifetime of Bahá’u’lláh. Following his directions and guidance, Jamal Effendi visited India in 1872.The Bahá’í faith flourished in the areas of Pakistan prior to her creation. The first

Bahá’í convention of India was held in 1920 due to the meritorious efforts of

MahmoodZarqani. The first National Spiritual Assembly of Pakistan was formed in 1957. The

Bahá’ís of Pakistan were declared as a non-Muslim minority in 1980 by a constitutional amendment. This was their own demand to be declared as independent religious community

306 because they do not claim to be a sect of Islam. As compared to Bahá’í Faith, the Zoroastrians also migrated to India in the 10th century of the Common Era. They left their land and settled down at the shores of Sanjan. In the following centuries, they spread in different areas of the

Indian sub-continent like Mumbai, Karachi and so on.

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Conclusion

It is time to gather the information presented in the body of this research and attempt to make the results and conclusion about the social and religious lives of the Bahá’ís and Parsis of

Pakistan. The study aimed to explore the socio-religious patterns of these minorities. The main objectives of the study were to answer the fundamental questions about the status of these two communities.

The society of Pakistan is very diverse in terms of religion, ethnicity, language and culture. The area and region where Pakistan lies are very significant historically and geographically. The

Muslim presence in the Indian subcontinent has long historical evidence. Muslims rulers reigned over India for almost a thousand years. They were very kind and just with their non-

Muslim subjects. Mughal Emperor Akbar provided many privileges to the non-Muslim population of India. The last powerful Mughal emperor, Aurangzeb, also had a sizeable representation of the Hindus in his army as well as in his court. The Christian missions increased their influence during the British rule. Many missionary schools and institutions were established all across the sub-continent and a sizeable population converted to Christianity. The

Hindus also had their temples and enjoyed religious freedom without any fear. It was 1947 when Pakistan emerged on the globe as an Islamic state. Islamic ideology and the two-nation theory defined the foundation of Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founding father of

Pakistan, had a broad and clear vision about the future of Pakistan. He was not doubtful regarding the status of the newly created country. Jinnah was very much convinced that Islam 308 would be the future of Pakistan. In Pakistan, the delay in constitution making created many hurdles. One of the issues was the position and status of the non-Muslims.

1. Although the Muslim population is about 97 percent but there are a number of non-

Muslim minorities; indigenous and migrant. ‘Migrant Religions’ is a new term coined for those religions which live in the ‘diaspora’ for a long period. Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism,

Buddhism and some other religious beliefs like the Kafars of Kalash have their roots in this land for a long time and are said to be the indigenous religions. The case of Christianity is quite different as it was not originally a religion of South Asia but a religion of converts with a missionary background. It has a long history of its presence in South Asia.

2. The case of Parsis and Bahá’ís is relatively different. Both faiths have their roots in Iran and adherents of these religions are mostly from Persian descent.

3. One thing is very similar in these religions or faiths that the number of their followers is very small. In Pakistan, very few people have any knowledge about them.

4. The early Bahá’ís who came and settled down in the Indian subcontinent, they originally migrated from Persia (Iran). Their migration or settlement was done in the times of the British rule. Secondly, they claimed to follow a new faith which was very close to Islam. It was also considered a sect of Islam for long as it took its birth from the Shi’a sect of Islam. The case of the Parsis is relatively different. The Parsis migrated from Iran to the sub-continent for the preservation of their religion and carried with them their belief system. They had their own culture, traditions and civilization. They tried to keep their identity and succeeded in it. They were allowed to settle down in Gujarat under some conditions. A change in their dress,

309 language and social life occurred. They were very much influenced by their Hindu counterparts.

5. One of the findings of this study indicates that the Bahá’ís are active in disseminating the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh within a framework of specifically designated socio-religious institutions. One more thing which has been observed that upon joining the Bahá’í Faith,

Muslims or other religious adherents do not renounce their religious faith. The members of the

Bahá’í community of Pakistan stated at many occasions that there is no conversion in their faith. They have the view that their message is for all and has a universal message. So there is no need to renounce one’s religious faith. On the other hand, the Bahá’í faith does not compromise its own teachings with those of Islam nor any other religion but use traditional conceptual frameworks to construct cross cultural bridges. They demand the new entrant to be aware of the teachings of Bahá’í religion and the declarants are commended to follow upon the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and put these teachings into practice in their daily lives. The educational activities of the Bahá’ís in Pakistan have been characterized by their sense of gradualism which holds that profound change is a continuous processes. For instance, the study circle program introduces the Bahá’í teachings, laws, and institutions in a slow process.

6. Another issue which needs to be concluded here is about conversion. The Parsis of

Pakistan do not preach their religion. Their faith more or less is racial. A Zoroastrian is one by birth. No other person can be converted to be a Zoroastrian. Conversion is not allowed in

Zoroastrianism.

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7. The Bahá’í community arranges different kind of activities to spread the teachings of

Bahá’u’lláhbut they have not been succeeded to convert the people. The rate of conversion in

Pakistan is very low. The main reason behind this low acceptance of the faith is the ‘finality in

Prophet Hood’. Mu╒ammad (peace be upon him) is believed to be the ‘Seal of the Prophets’.

This is embodied in the Qur’┐n, the complete and final revelation. This issue is the main distinction between the Bahá’í faith and the Islamic concepts of prophet hood. The Bahá’í Faith asserts that finality in prophet hood means the revelation of a new law, was not reached in

Mu╒ammad but was carried on in the personage of Bahá’u’lláh. This belief takes the Bahá’í religion beyond the pale of Islam.

8. Islam is the religion of peace and harmony and it does not entail a restricting or curtailing of any kind of citizenship rights. During the study it has been observed that the

Bahá’í and the Parsi communities, along with other religious and ethnic minorities, are not targeted at any level. The research negates the idea that the Muslim majority, which is dominated in Pakistan, target the minority at state level. In other words, these or any other particular minorities are not being targeted by the state.

9. The current study concludes with another idea that the Bahá’ís and Parsis did not oppose or criticize the Hudood Ordinance and the blasphemy laws after their implementation in the 80s in Pakistan. They did not consider themselves the victims of these laws and ordinances. Further, they had not been the direct victims of sectarian or political violence in

Pakistan. No recorded reaction is found against these laws from the Bahá’ís and Parsis of

Pakistan.

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10. One thing which seems very evident in the minorities of Pakistan that they consider and categorize themselves culturally, socially, politically and legislatively as second-class citizens. They opine that their loyalty is always suspect in the eyes of the majority Muslims; hence, according to their opinion, promotion of non-Muslims in the armed forces is stopped at a certain level. According to them, they are not granted equality by law in terms of acting as witnesses of good character. In spite of having multi-generational roots in Pakistan, many non-

Muslims see themselves as outsiders.

11. The constitution of Pakistan provides full protection to the minorities of Pakistan and equal opportunities are given to all of its citizens. During the interviews and field observations these minorities had the view that discrimination does not necessarily means in the form of violence or intimidation by the state. They could be discriminated by means of limited access to educational or employment opportunities in order to ‘bracket’ the minorities.

12. The Parsis were very much involved for the betterment of the nation. This was the story before the creation of Pakistan. Parsis contributed in almost every field for the betterment of the society irrespective of race, religion or cast. Honorable Mehta titled the 'Maker of Modern Karachi’, there is NED, BVS, Mama Parsi, Akelseria, Hospitals and many more in Karachi. One of the findings of this research is that their social role and their interaction decreased or limited. In other words it can be summarized that their contribution for the betterment of Pakistan decreased. Their philanthropist activities are more focused to their community. TATA of India is a huge icon. The TATA Group is considered to be the bedrock of Indian economy, but in Pakistan, such contribution and involvement is not evident.

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The reasons beyond this lessened social role of Parsi Community are many: for instance, India is a declared Secular state. Parsis in India continued to flourish because it is a secular and multicultural state. Although Pakistan is a not a theocratic nor a secular state instead a declared

Islamic state. Islam is the social fabric of Pakistan. The Parsis might have apprehensions about the ideological foundations of Pakistan which is Islamic. Another reason was the uncertain conditions of post independence and the process of nationalization by Bhutto in the 70s. One of the reasons of this confinement is their decreasing number in the country.

In the face of increasing Islamic fervor, the small number of the Parsis fuelled the need to carve out a safe, private space for themselves, living in walled colonies, and promoting exclusive socializing. This self-imposed insularity has its advantages and disadvantages. It has kept the community identity strong and unified, and safeguarded them by keeping them under the radar of extremists, but it has also hindered integration. Furthermore, a remnant of British-influenced superiority has kept them apart from the local lifestyle, intensifying the community’s own perception of themselves as different from mainstream society. External influences have exacerbated the situation. The momentum acquired by fundamentalism has served to confirm their feeling of ‘Otherness’379

13. The Parsis and the Bahá’ís of Pakistan are a peaceful and harmonized communities of

Pakistan The responses of different members of these communities would support the researcher's argument that in individual capacity and as a whole community they are considered

379 Dinshaw, 2008 313 a very peaceful community in Pakistan: ‘The Paris community in Pakistan, while small, has played a significant role both before and after partition, especially in Karachi. Because there are many still who remember this, members of the community remain well respected nationally. , even though we continue to be considered second-class citizens of the nation.”

14. The Parsis of Pakistan are confined, isolated, insulated within their community, and live in Parsi compounds and colonies. Although Parsis are very social within their community and with other communities of Pakistan but because of their confinement within the community, they are no more social and interacted with other members of the society. In conversation with

Parsi members, it is observed that the community is free to observe and practice respective religious rites and rituals. Many Parsis follow their religious doctrines and try to practice the teachings of Zarathustra in their daily lives. Despite their microscopic existence, the Parsis are successful to maintain their identity in Pakistan. They preserve their identity while integrating into the pluralistic society of Pakistan.

15. The Bahá’ís around the globe visit the holy and sacred places each year to perform their pilgrimage. This privilege is not accessible to the Bahá’ís of Pakistan. The holy places of the

Bahá’ís are situated in Israel. There are no diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Israel.

That’s the reason that the Bahá’ís of Pakistan are not able to visit these places.

16. In comparison with the Bahá’í community, the religious authority of the Parsis is followed and exercised by the priests. The researcher found that the problem of shortage of priests is a problem in the setup of priesthood.

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17. It has been observed and reached to the conclusion that the Parsi community is facing a social problem which has many consequences. That is the problem of intermarriages. The

Parsis of Pakistan practice endogamy to safeguard their religious and ethnic identity. They do not allow conversion. So, if a Paris married outside the community, the question about the religion of their children arises; whether they will be allowed to be initiated (performing the

Navjote) or not. More important, if they are initiated then can they be considered Zoroastrians or not. Because of this reason many Parsi men and women remain unmarried and their population is dwindling in Pakistan. Parsis in Pakistan have at best a tenuous connection with the larger global Zoroastrian community and with their increasingly more distant family members in India. The community in Pakistan maintains closer ties with family and friends in Diaspora communities, i.e. in the US, the UK, Canada, and Australia. Unfortunately, Parsis in Pakistan are an endangered population. Most of the youth have left for green pastures in the

US, the UK, Canada, Australia, even the Middle East. Of course, better economic prospects are not the only reason for emigration. The law and order situation and the lifestyle in Karachi have deteriorated over the past few decades. Many have left to bring up their children in safe and stable environments.

18. The Parsis are supposed to be fire worshipers. During the study it becomes more evident that there is much reverence for fire in their religion but they deny worshiping fire.

19. The Parsis are basically Zoroastrians. They are traditional followers of the Prophet

Zarathushtra. Zoroastrianism has impact in their lives; but ethnic identity of the community

315 is dominant over their beliefs. The community is more vibrant and strong which strengthen them in keeping their identity. Thus, at one level, the Parsis consider themselves religious but at another level, which is stronger than the first one is that they are an ethnic community.

20. At the end a new wider term, ‘Migrant Religions’ is coined to encompass the religions which are living in Diaspora. The migration of these ‘Migrant Religions’ have great impact and effects on their adherents when they left their places of origin and initiation, either to preserve their faith and traditions, as the case of the Parsis, or they spread in all corners of the world for the dissemination of their beliefs, as the Bahá’ís did. Both of the communities strive to make a balance between their religious traditions and their identity. The Parsis settled down in the areas of Pakistan before its creation, the Bahá’ís were also there. After the persecution of the

Bahá’ís in Iran, most of them migrated to Afghanistan and then to Pakistan. These migrations had greater impact on the social life of both of the communities. Both the communities accepted the local traditions and values of Pakistan and integrated with the culture of the country.

The current study analyzed the present status of the Bahá’í and Parsi communities of Pakistan.

Many facts and figures are documented herein that attempted to present a clear picture about the religious and social lives of both communities. It would be a worth comparing data to understand the dynamics of the community ‘within’ and ‘without’. This research of the Bahá’í and Parsi communities of Pakistan has its connection and relation to the overall situation of other religious minorities of Pakistan. The present dissertation provided a comparative perspective in order to understand the commonalities and similarities with an ethnographic description of the two important minorities of Pakistan.

316

Recommendations

At the end, there are many areas and fields in which future research can be conducted:

1. There is much reverence for fire in the Zoroastrian religion. This respect for fire is the

central point of the religion. That’s the reason that the Zoroastrian are considered

‘worshipers of fire’. The Parsis being Zoroastrian deny this. They have the view that

fire is one of the purest element in this world. They respect fire which focuses their

concentration towards Ahura Mazda, the All Wise God. They have inclination towards

monotheism. There could be a good research in the future about the Zoroastrianism’s

view towards monotheism and their respect for fire.

2. Most of the Bahá’ís of Pakistan are the progeny of the early Bahá’ís who embraced

Bahá’ísm in pre-independence days. The Bahá’ís of the world claim that it is the world’s

second fast growing religion after Christianity. In Pakistan, the situation is quite

different. A serious research may be aimed at the Bahá’í conversion and the problems

of the community in Pakistan.

3. Zoroastrian beliefs and practices share few similarities with Islam. There are five prayers

in Islam so is the case of Zoroastrianism. There are similarities in the purification laws

like taking bath, ablution, and the menstrual. An in-depth research is required for a

comparative study on the religious faiths and prayers of Islam and Zoroastrianism.

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4. Modernity and globalization have their impact on almost all the religions of the world.

A research topic is recommended about the effects of modernity on Bahá’í and Parsi

communities of Pakistan with reference to their religious matters.

5. Parsis and Bahá’ís are living in this land for a long time. The Muslims of Pakistan are in

majority. The Pakistani and Islamic culture might have its effects on both the faiths and

vice versa. A comprehensive research is suggested about the impact of Islam on these

religions and vice versa.

318

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Annexure

Dissertations about or with Reference to the Baha’i Faith

Updated: 15 January 2003

1. Alter, S. Neale. (1923) Studies in Bahaism. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Edinburgh, 1924.

2. Amanat, Abbas. (1981) The Early years of the Babi movement: background and development. Thesis

(Ph.D.) -- University of Oxford, 1981.

3. Bartlett, Jean Eleanor. (1986) Baha'i world faith - a case study in adult socialization. Thesis (Ph.D.) --

University of California, Riverside, 1984.

4. Bayat, Mangol. (1971) Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani - nineteenth century Persian revolutionary

thinker. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of California at Los Angeles, 1971. Copious references to Babis,

Azalis and Baha'is.

5. Berger, Peter L. (1954) From sect to church : a sociological interpretation of the Baha'i

movement. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- New School for Social Research, 1954.

6. Bethel, Fereshteh Taheri. (1984) A Psychological theory of martyrdom: a content analysis of personal

documents of Baha'i martyrs of Iran written between 1979 and 1982. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- United States

International University.

7. Bramson, Loni. (1980) The Baha'i Faith and its evolution in the United States and Canada from 1922 to

1936. Thesis (Ph.D.)--Université Catholique de Louvain, 1980.

8. Drewek, Paula. (1996) Cross-cultural testing of James W. Fowler's model of faith development among

Bahá'ís. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Université d'Ottawa (Ont.), 1996.

9. Druyvesteyn, Kenten. (1976) The World's Parliament of Religions. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of

Chicago, 1976. Bahá'í Faith: pp. 74, 75n, 93-94, 291. "Greenacres Institute" & "Conferences": pp. 259, 260.

10. Echevarria, Lynn. (2000) Working through vision : religion and identity in the life histories of Bahá’í

women in Canada. -- Thesis (Ph.D) --University of Essex (Colchester, U.K.), 2000.

11. Gagnon, Richard. (1988) Analyse de la structure de l'ordre administratif Baha'i. Thesis (Ph.D.) -

Université Laval, 1988.

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12. Galata, Joseph A. (1988) Cross cultural therapy with culturally disadvantaged adolescents : an

ontological dimensional focus using the psychiatric writings of Wilhelm Stekel, the existential

philosophy and psychology of Viktor Frankl and the theological writings of Baha'u'llah.... Thesis

(Ph.D.) - Southwest[ern?] University, 1988.

13. Ganao, Shirley Hayes. (1995) Universal commonalities in the fabric of the infrastructure of religious

evolutionary education: writings from the Hindu, Buddhist, Jewish, Christian, Islamic and Bahá'í

Faiths. Thesis (Ph.D in Education) -- La Salle University, 1995.

14. Garrigues, Steve L. (1976) The Baha'is of Malwa : identity and change among the urban Baha'is of

Malwa. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Lucknow University, 1976.

15. Ghanea Tabrizi, Nazila. (October 1999) The Interaction between the United Nations human rights

system and the Bahá’ís of Iran (1980-1998). --Thesis (Ph. D.) -- [Keele University], 1999. Institution

inferred from binding label and confirmed in the University’s web page.

16. Gottlieb, Randie Shevin. (1982) Needs assessment survey to determine the training requirements of

international Baha'i traveling teachers. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Boston University, 1982.

17. Gradus, Yehuda, 1942-. (1983) The Spatial urban ecology of metropolitan Haifa, Israel : a factorial

approach. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Pittsburgh, 1971.

18. Haghighat, Nejat. (1992) Baha'i religion : a sociological study of its institutional dimensions and

values. Thesis (Ph.D) - University of Rajasthan, 1992.

19. Hakim, Christine. (1979) étude d'une institution religieuse : "l'ordre administratif" Baha'i et la

communauté des fideles. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1979.

20. Hamid, Idris Samawi. (1998) The Metaphysics and cosmology of process according to Shaykh 'A|hmad

al-'Ahsa'i : critical edition, translation and analysis of "observations in wisdom". Thesis (Ph.D.) --

State University of New York (Buffalo), 1998. Bahá'í works listed in bibliography: p.568. Contains original text

and English translation.

21. Hampson, Arthur. (1980) The Growth and spread of the Baha'i Faith. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of

Hawaii.

22. Hatcher, William S., 1935-. (1964) Theory and applications of a syntactical notion of the equivalence of

formal logical systems. Thesis (Ph. D.) - Université de Neuchatel (Switzerland), 1964.

325

23. Hein, Kurt. (1985) Community participation in radio for rural development: Radio Baha'i, Otavalo,

Ecuador. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Northwestern University, 1985.

24. Herzog, Laura M. (May 1998) A Preliminary analysis of the Bahá'í concept of mental health. Thesis

(Ph.D.) -- Illinois School of Professional Psychology (Chicago), 1998.

25. Hoffman, Frederic Gordon, 1944-. (1977) The Art and life of Mark Tobey : a contribution towards an

understanding of a psychology of consciousness. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of California, Los

Angeles, 1977. Baha'i mentioned throughout.

26. Jockel, Rudolf. (1951) Die Glaubenslehren der Baha'i-Religion. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Universität Tübingen,

1951.

27. Johnson, Barbara Kay Vincent. (1990) The Quest for global education. by Barbara Kay Vincent

Johnson. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- The Union Institute (Cincinnati, Ohio), 1990. Photocopy (bound).

28. Johnson, Vernon Elvin. (1978) An Historical analysis of critical transformations in the evolution of the

Baha'i world faith. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Baylor University (Waco, Tex.), 1974.

29. Jones, Eugene, 1950-. (1994) International law and the necessity for world government. Thesis

(Ph.D.) -- University of Missouri (Columbia), 1994. Bahá'í Faith mentioned throughout.

30. Kahn, Sandra Santolucito. (1977) Encounter of two myths - Baha'i and Christian - in the rural American

south: a study in transmythicization. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of California at Santa Barbara.

31. Kelley, Edward Rulief. (1986) Mark Tobey and the Bahá'í Faith: new perspectives on the artist and his

paintings. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Texas at Austin, 1983.

32. Lawson, B. Todd. (1987) The Qur'an commentary of Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad the Bab. Thesis (Ph.D.) -

McGill University, 1987.

33. Littrell, Eileen. (1992) Qurratu'l-Ayn Tahirih: a study in transformational leadership. Thesis (Ph. D)--

United States International University (San Diego, Calif.), 1992.

34. Loi, Luciana. (1974) Alcuni aspetti della Fede di Bahá'u'lláh. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Università degli Studi di

Cagliari.

35. MacEoin, Denis, 1949-. (1979) From Shaykhism to Babism : a study in charismatic renewal in Shi`i

Islam. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Cambridge University, 1979.

326

36. Mahmoudi, Jalil. (1966) A Sociological analysis of the Baha'i Movement: a thesis submitted to the

faculty of the University of Utah in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy. Thesis (Ph.D.): University of Utah, 1966.

37. Mahmoudi, Jalil. (1978) A Sociological analysis of the Baha'i Movement: a thesis submitted to the

faculty of the University of Utah in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy.

38. Malner, Dale Richard. (1985) An Aesthetic response in the Baha'i revelation: a thesis. Thesis (M.A.) --

University of Notre Dame (Notre Dame, Ind.), 1985. Photocopy.

39. Malouf, Diana. (1988) The Hidden words of Bahá'u'lláh - translation norms employed by Shoghi

Effendi. Thesis (Ph.D.) - State University of New York at Binghamton, 1988. Photocopy.

40. Marrero, Myriam. (August 1990) The Principles by which we live : a comparison between the Baha'i

Faith and Chinese beliefs and their philosophy. -- Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Pacific Western University

(Honolulu, Hawaii), 1990.

41. McCullough, Leelavathee Cooppan. (1977) An Organismic approach to the development of a

comprehensive science curriculum. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Massachusetts, 1977.

42. Miller, Carole Pritchard. (1992) Cultural pluralism: a transformational agenda. Thesis (Ph.D) -- Georgia

State University (Atlanta, Ga.), 1992.

43. Millington, Thomas V. (1986) Baha'i consultation and group decision dynamics: a study of the

compatibility of religious philosophy and scientific research. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Columbia Pacific

University.

44. Mohajer, Sohayl. (1993) Bahá'í philosophy of education and its implications for formal

education. Thesis (Ph.D) -- Panjab University (Chandigarh, India), 1993.

45. Mowzoon, Farideh. (1987) The History and development of Baha'i education in the United States, 1892-

1986.. Thesis (Ph D) -- George Washington University (Washington, D.C.), 1987.

46. Perry, Mark Lloyd. (1986) The Chicago Baha'i Community, 1921-1939. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of

Chicago, 1986. Photocopy.

327

47. Prosterman, Annette. (Jan. 1998) Creating a participatory social movement community: the Bahá'ís of

Evanston. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Loyola University, Chicago, 1998. Subtitle on cover: The Bahá'ís of Evanston

(Illinois).

48. Ra'fatí, Va|híd. (1979) The Development of Shaykhi thought in Shi`i Islam. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University

of California, Los Angeles. Babis mentioned in several chapters, especially 6 and 7.

49. M.A.) -- University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 1987. Bahá'í Faith mentioned in the Dedication p.[4].

50. Reppa, Robert Bruce, 1920-. (1983) Israel and Iran - their development, inter-relationship, and effect on

the Indian Ocean basin. Thesis (Ph.D.) University of Maryland, 1973.

51. Saberi, Vahideh. (1987) Socio-economic study of the Baha'is in India. Thesis (Ph.D., economics) -

Bhopal University, 1987.

52. Sabet, Behrooz. (1987) Curriculum theory and the Bahá'í Faith: relationship between the phenomenal

world and the spiritual reality. Thesis (Ph.D) - State University of New York at Buffalo, 1987.

53. Saeedi, Meade Goodenow. (1993) The Politics of religious persecution: can tolerance occur within

certain Islamic states for the Ahmadi and Bahá'í Faiths? Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Maryland

(College Park, Md.), 1993.

54. Schaefer, Udo, 1926-. (1957) Die Grundlagen der "Verwaltungs-Ordnung" der Baha'i. Thesis (Ph.D.) --

Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, 1957.

55. Schulz, Johannes Joagim Christoffel. (1995) Die Bahá'í-Geloof in Suid-Afrika, 'n godsdienswetenskaplike

studie = the Bahá'í Faith in South Africa, a religious study. Thesis (Doctor Theologiae) -- University of

South Africa, 1995. Summaries in Afrikaans and English; includes several Bahá'í documents in English. 3

leaves (p.187) have been included in the binding process.

56. Smith, Peter, 1947 Nov. 27-. (1982) A Sociological study of the Babi and Baha'i religions. Thesis

(Ph.D.) -- University of Lancaster.

57. Stockman, Robert H., 1953-. (1990) The Baha'i Faith and American Protestantism. Thesis (Ph. D.) --

Harvard Univeristy (Cambridge, Mass.), 1990.

58. Tag, Abd el-Rahman. (1942) Le Babisme et l'Islam : (recherches sur les origines du Babisme et ses

rapports avec l'Islam). Thesis (PH.D.) -- Université de Paris, Faculté des Lettres, 1942. Includes a

reproduction of the Arabic Bayán ms. from the Bíbliotheque Nationale. Photocopy.

328

59. Taylor, Mahdokht Martha Tebyani. (1988) The Baha'i educational philosophy: its implications to values

education in the Philippines. Thesis (Ph.D.) University of the Philippines System (1988).

60. Toluie, Koorosh. (1989) The Establishment of a permanent and universal peace as the supreme goal of

mankind. Thesis : Ph.D. - City University of Los Angeles, 1990.

61. Towfigh, Nicola. (1987) Schöpfung und Offenbarung aus der Sicht der Bahá'í-Religion: anhand

ausgewählter Texte. Thesis (Inaugural-Dissertation / Ph.D.) -- Ruhr Universität, 1987.

62. Ward, Allan L. (1969) An Historical study of the North American speaking tour of 'Abdu'l-Baha and a

rhetorical analysis of his addresses.... Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Ohio University, 1960.

63. Waterman, Stanley. (1969) Some aspects of the urban geography of Acre, Israel. Thesis (Ph.D. ) --

Trinity College, University of Dublin, 1969.

64. Wyman, June R. (1988) Becoming a Baha'i : discourse and social networks in an American religious

movement. Thesis (Ph.D.) - The Catholic University of America (Washington, D.C.), 1985.

65. Zaerpoor, Mahyad. (1981) Educational implications of Baha'i philosophy with a special consideration

of the concept of unity. Theses (Ph.D., Education) -- University of Southern California, 1981.

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