DOCSLIB.ORG

Narrative Traditions in Western Foreign Policy Analysis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Narrative Traditions in Western Foreign Policy Analysis A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Losing Turkey? Narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis by Johanna Tuulia Vuorelma A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics and International Studies University of Warwick, Department of Politics and International Studies November 2016 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ___________________________________________________________ 6 Declaration _________________________________________________________________ 8 Abstract ___________________________________________________________________ 9 Chapter 1 – Introduction ______________________________________________________ 10 Research question _________________________________________________________ 33 Research statement and contribution ___________________________________________ 33 Thesis structure ___________________________________________________________ 38 Chapter 2 – The idea of the West _______________________________________________ 40 Introduction _____________________________________________________________ 40 The West’s nature _________________________________________________________ 42 The West as a category _____________________________________________________ 45 The ‘civilisation West’ narrative _______________________________________________ 48 The ‘modern West’ narrative _________________________________________________ 53 The ‘political West’ narrative _________________________________________________ 54 Conclusion ______________________________________________________________ 58 Chapter 3 – A narrative approach _______________________________________________ 60 Introduction _____________________________________________________________ 60 Narratives _______________________________________________________________ 66 Defining narratives ________________________________________________________ 68 Narrative criteria __________________________________________________________ 70 Three narrative approaches __________________________________________________ 76 Autobiographical narratives __________________________________________________ 76 Strategic narratives ________________________________________________________ 79 Ontological narratives ______________________________________________________ 83 Events in narration ________________________________________________________ 86 Analysis of narratives and narrative analysis______________________________________ 93 Narrative analysis versus discourse analysis ______________________________________ 95 Narrative as an aesthetic and interpretative approach ______________________________ 98 Conclusion _____________________________________________________________ 101 Chapter 4 – Methodology and literature review ____________________________________ 102 Introduction ____________________________________________________________ 102 Bevir and Rhodes: An interpretative approach __________________________________ 102 Beliefs _________________________________________________________________ 104 Traditions ______________________________________________________________ 107 Dilemmas ______________________________________________________________ 111 Hayden White: Tropology __________________________________________________ 114 Four tropes _____________________________________________________________ 116 Metaphor ______________________________________________________________ 118 Metonymy ______________________________________________________________ 121 Synecdoche _____________________________________________________________ 123 Irony __________________________________________________________________ 126 Understanding tropes _____________________________________________________ 131 Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools _____________________________________________ 133 George Lakoff’s metaphors _________________________________________________ 137 Conclusion _____________________________________________________________ 137 Chapter 5 – The ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor _______________________________________ 139 Introduction ____________________________________________________________ 139 The triggering events ______________________________________________________ 141 Metonymy: Turkey is lost despite the West _____________________________________ 144 Anti-Western masses vs. educated elites _______________________________________ 148 2 Too different to understand each other ________________________________________ 151 Europe as a metonymical fortress ____________________________________________ 154 Synecdoche: Turkey as a ‘normal’ state ________________________________________ 157 Metonymical representations of integration _____________________________________ 160 Towards synecdoche ______________________________________________________ 165 Irony: Turkey is lost because of the West ______________________________________ 170 The West as a morally weak actor ____________________________________________ 172 The West as a politically weak actor __________________________________________ 179 Conclusion _____________________________________________________________ 183 Chapter 6 – The ‘crossroads’ metaphor of Turkey __________________________________ 186 Introduction ____________________________________________________________ 186 How is the ‘crossroads’ metaphor different from ‘losing’? __________________________ 193 Turkey needs to be guided at a crossroads ______________________________________ 196 Is the crossroads a permanent location? _______________________________________ 205 Ironic crossroads _________________________________________________________ 214 Conclusion _____________________________________________________________ 224 Chapter 7 – The ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor __________________________________ 228 Introduction ____________________________________________________________ 228 Islam as the all-pervasive generating principle ___________________________________ 235 Erdogan as a product of Turkey’s political culture ________________________________ 240 Erdogan as a power-hungry leader ___________________________________________ 252 Ironic emplotment of the Erdogan-for-Turkey metaphor __________________________ 255 Conclusion _____________________________________________________________ 261 Chapter 8 – Conclusions _____________________________________________________ 265 Bibliography ______________________________________________________________ 291 3 List of illustrations Illustration 1: Erdogan as the cover of Time, 2011. From Bobby Ghosh, ’Erdogan’s Moment’, Time (28 November 2011), pp. 24–31. Illustration 2: Erdogan wearing a fez, 2012. From Halil Karaveli, ’Erdogan Pays for His Foreign Policy’, The National Interest (12 November 2012). Illustration 3: Erdogan in a black and white illustration, 2014. From Sinan Ulgen, ’Sleepless in Ankara: The Post-Erdogan Government’s Big Challenges’, The National Interest (4 August 2014). Illustration 4: ‘Tyrannical’ Erdogan wearing a king’s crown, 2015. From Daniel Pipes, ’Turkey’s unimportant election: The only question is the reach of Erdogan’s tyrannical influence’, The Washington Times (4 June 2015). 4 A note on spelling The spelling of Turkish names is not consistent in the data set with some articles using Turkish chacters such as ğ, ü and ş and others replacing them with g, u and s. In order to accurately reference the sources, both the styles are used in this thesis. 5 Acknowledgements The past five years have probably been the most eventful half a decade in my life. I embarked on the PhD journey in the department of Politics and International Studies at Warwick in October 2011, which turned out to be an important crossroads – to use the metaphorical language explored in this thesis – in many ways. Warwick has provided the most conducive academic environment for critical thinking and lively discussions, not least because of my wonderful supervisors, Dr Christopher Browning and Professor George Christou. I am indebted to their excellent guidance, support and friendship during these years. I am also grateful for the generous funding from the Finnish Academy of Science and Letters’ Jutikkala Fund that enabled me to focus solely on my PhD research. I would also like to acknowledge my wonderful PhD examiners, Professor Bahar Rumelili and Dr Nicola Pratt, who provided excellent and insightful comments on my thesis and, ultimately, made my viva day in January 2017 a truly memorable event – thank you! My colleagues at Warwick made the PhD life enjoyable, even after I relocated to Helsinki in 2013 – thank you especially to Evilena Anastasiou, Bahar Baser, Prapimphan Chiengkul, Michiel Foulon, David Guttormsen, Lewis Herrington, George Iordanou, Ben Jacoby, Ben King, Georg Löfflmann, Misato Matsuoka, Marika Mura, and Zenonas Tziarras. In Finland I have been lucky to work with passionate and dedicated people to advance popular scientific publishing with Politiikasta, an online journal of the Finnish Political Science Association. A big thank to Susanna Hast, Anni Kangas, Noora Kotilanen, Maija
Load more

Recommended publications
  • U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress
    U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Ronald O'Rourke Specialist in Naval Affairs Michael Moodie Assistant Director and Senior Specialist in Foreign Affairs, Defense and Trade Updated February 24, 2020 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44891 U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Summary The U.S. role in the world refers to the overall character, purpose, or direction of U.S. participation in international affairs and the country’s overall relationship to the rest of the world. The U.S. role in the world can be viewed as establishing the overall context or framework for U.S. policymakers for developing, implementing, and measuring the success of U.S. policies and actions on specific international issues, and for foreign countries or other observers for interpreting and understanding U.S. actions on the world stage. While descriptions of the U.S. role in the world since the end of World War II vary in their specifics, it can be described in general terms as consisting of four key elements: global leadership; defense and promotion of the liberal international order; defense and promotion of freedom, democracy, and human rights; and prevention of the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. role in the world is changing, and if so, what implications this might have for the United States and the world. A change in the U.S. role could have significant and even profound effects on U.S. security, freedom, and prosperity. It could significantly affect U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Andrew J. Bacevich
    ANDREW J. BACEVICH Department of International Relations Boston University 154 Bay State Road Boston, Massachusetts 02215 Telephone (617) 358-0194 email: [email protected] CURRENT POSITION Boston University Professor of History and International Relations EDUCATION Princeton University, Ph.D. American Diplomatic History, 1982 Princeton University, M.A. American History, 1977 United States Military Academy, West Point, B.S., 1969 FELLOWSHIPS The American Academy in Berlin Berlin Prize Fellow, 2004 The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University Visiting Fellow of Strategic Studies, 1992-1993 The John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University National Security Fellow, 1987-1988 Council on Foreign Relations, New York International Affairs Fellow, 1984-1985 PREVIOUS APPOINTMENTS Boston University Director, Center for International Relations, 1998-2005 The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University Professorial Lecturer; Executive Director, Foreign Policy Institute, 1993-1998 School of Arts and Sciences, Johns Hopkins University Professorial Lecturer, Department of Political Science, 1995-1997 United States Military Academy, West Point Assistant Professor, Department of History, 1977-1980 1 PUBLICATIONS Books and Monographs Washington Rules: America’s Path to Permanent War. New York: Metropolitan Books (2010); audio edition (2010). The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. New York: Metropolitan Books (2008); audio edition (2008); Chinese and German editions (2009); Polish edition (2010); Japanese, Korean, and Turkish editions (forthcoming). The Long War: A New History of U. S. National Security Policy since World War II. New York: Columbia University Press (2007). (editor). The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War. New York: Oxford University Press (2005); History Book Club selection; 2005 Lannan Literary Award for an Especially Notable Book; Chinese edition (2008).
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo | ISSF POLICY Series America and the World—2017 and Beyond
    H-Diplo | ISSF POLICY Series America and the World—2017 and Beyond Fractured: Trump’s Foreign Policy after Two Years Essay by David C. Hendrickson, Colorado College Published on 29 January 2019 | issforum.org Editor: Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii Shortlink: http://tiny.cc/PR-1-5BN Permalink: http://issforum.org/roundtables/policy/1-5BN-fractured PDF URL: http://issforum.org/ISSF/PDF/Policy-Roundtable-1-5BN.pdf he presidency of Donald Trump is the strangest act in American history; unprecedented in form, in style an endless sequence of improvisations and malapropisms.1 But in substance there is continuity, probably much more than is customarily recognized. It is hard to recognize the continuity, amid the Tdaily meltd owns (and biennial shutdowns), but it exists. In large measure Trump has been a Republican president, carrying out a Republican agenda. His attack on the regulatory agencies follows a Republican script. His call for a prodigious boost to military spending, combined with sharp cuts in taxes, has been the Republican program since the time of Ronald Reagan’s presidency. His climate skepticism corresponds with that of Republican leaders in Congress. On trade and immigration, Trump has departed most radically from Bush Republicanism, but even in that regard Trump’s policies harken back to older traditions in the Grand Old Party. He is different in character and temperament from every Republican predecessor as president, yet has attached himself to much of the traditional Republican program.2 It is in foreign policy, the subject of this essay, where Trump’s role has been most disorienting, his performance ‘up-ending’ in substance and method.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abraham Accords: Paradigm Shift Or Realpolitik? by Tova Norlen and Tamir Sinai
    The Abraham Accords: Paradigm Shift or Realpolitik? By Tova Norlen and Tamir Sinai Executive Summary This paper analyzes the motives and calculations of Israel, the United States, and the United Arab Emirates— the signatories of the Abraham Accords—which were signed on the White House Lawn on September 15, 2020. The Accords normalize relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel and Bahrain. The agreements signed by Israel with two Gulf States symbolizes a major shift in Middle Eastern geopolitics, which have long been characterized by the refusal of Arab Gulf states to engage in talks with Israel. However, the possible larger consequences of the agreement cannot be fully understood without considering the complex set of domestic and foreign policy causes that prompted the parties to come to the negotiating table. By signing the agreement, Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu was able to avoid the controversial West Bank annexation plan, which, if executed, could prove disastrous for him both at home and abroad. On the other hand, the UAE, while officially claiming credit for preventing the annexation, is now able to establish full diplomatic relations with Israel, with great advantages both to its economy and military security. For the Trump administration, the Abraham Accord represents the President’s first real foreign policy achievement, a victory especially welcome so close to the U.S. elections. This will be popular with the president’s conservative, pro-Israel base, and an achievement that Democrats, Biden in particular, will have difficulties critiquing. Geopolitically, the deal strengthens the informal anti-Iran alliance in the region, increasing pressure on Tehran and strengthening U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Potential for an Eu Supracapitalism
    THE POTENTIAL FOR AN EU SUPRACAPITALISM By DAVID JENKINS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY The Department of Politics and International Studies School of Government and Society College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham September 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This research set out to establish whether the supranational management by the European Central Bank (ECB) of the monetary policy and exchange rate policy of the 12 European Union (EU) member states adopting the euro single currency, could be considered as a precursor to the development of a one-size-fits-all model of EU capitalism. In doing so, eight typologies of EU national capitalisms were constructed from the broad range of literature of types or varieties of capitalism, and were employed to test the performance of their economies between 1986 and 2006. Using a broad range of macroeconomic variable indicators over a period that began with Single European Act (SEA) and coursed through seven years past the launch of the euro in 1999, levels of influence of the ECB and euro as institutions on the performance of the selected capitalism groups were measured in order to establish the extent to which the ECB as a genuine supranational body would be able to both complete the planned transmission to full EU economic and monetary union as a basis for future EU political union.
    [Show full text]
  • A Diplomatic Road to Damascus: Th E Benefi Ts of U.S
    *ğĕĖġĖğĕĖğĥ 3065*/( 10-*$:3&1035 A Diplomatic Road to Damascus: Th e Benefi ts of U.S. Engagement with Syria Leon T. Hadar* October 2007 &YFDVUJWF4VNNBSZ In the spring of 2007, the Bush administration the Bush administration’s neoconservative propa- began to signal a welcome and overdue reversal ganda style. of its policy of isolating and threatening Syria. A sensible U.S. policy would involve co-opt- Since 2002 the president and his advisors have sent ing instead of isolating Syria. Constructive rela- mixed signals to Syrian President Bashar al-As- tions between Washington and Damascus could sad’s regime. Consistent with the advice of those prove useful in advancing U.S. interests on a who advocate regime change in Damascus, the number of fronts, including the future of Iraq, the Bush administration has provided assistance to long-term prospects for a viable state in neighbor- Syrian opposition groups and imposed sanctions ing Lebanon, and progress toward peace between on Syria designed to compel the Assad govern- Israelis and Palestinians. If the United States and ment to reverse course on Lebanon and its support Syria agree to put their common interests ahead for Palestinian terrorist groups. Th e Bush admin- of ideology, it could help to move the regional istration has portrayed Syria as part of an Iran-led balance of power away from Iran. Ongoing dia- regional coalition, and administration offi cials logue is also needed to ensure that Syria continues have depicted the Syrian Ba’ath regime as a lead- its cooperation with U.S. government agencies in ing regional opponent of its “Freedom Agenda” the search for al-Qaeda and its allies.
    [Show full text]
  • Clinton Administration's Response to China's Human Rights Record: at the Half-Way Point, the Daniel C
    Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 2 9-1-1995 Clinton Administration's Response to China's Human Rights Record: At the Half-Way Point, The Daniel C. Turack Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.utulsa.edu/tjcil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Daniel C. Turack, Clinton Administration's Response to China's Human Rights Record: At the Half-Way Point, The, 3 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int'l L. 1 (1995). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.utulsa.edu/tjcil/vol3/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by TU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law by an authorized administrator of TU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TULSA JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE & INTERNATIONAL LAW Volume 3, No. 1 Fall 1995 THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION'S RESPONSE TO CHINA'S HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD: AT THE HALF-WAY POINT Daniel C. Turack* I. INTRODUCTION In a recent book on cultural relativism and universal human rights, Jack Donnelly succinctly stated that: [I]t is often claimed that there are a variety of distinctive and defensible conceptions of human rights that merit our respect and toleration even if we disagree with them. One standard form of such arguments has been the claim that there are 'three worlds' of human rights. The 'Western' (First World) approach, it is asserted, emphasizes civil and political rights and the right to private proper- ty. The 'socialist' (Second World) approach emphasizes economic and social rights.
    [Show full text]
  • New Realities in Foreign Affairs: Diplomacy in the 21St Century
    SWP Research Paper Volker Stanzel (Ed.) New Realities in Foreign Affairs: Diplomacy in the 21st Century Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 11 November 2018 Abstract Modern diplomacy is currently experiencing fundamental changes at an unprecedented rate, which affect the very character of diplomacy as we know it. These changes also affect aspects of domestic and international politics that were once of no great concern to diplomacy. Technical develop- ments, mainly digitization, affect how the work of the diplomat is under- stood; the number of domestic and international actors whose activity implicates (or is a form of) diplomacy is increasing; the public is more sen- sitive to foreign policy issues and seeks to influence diplomacy through social media and other platforms; the way exchange between states, as well as the interchange between government and other domestic actors, pro- gresses is influencing diplomacy’s ability to act legitimately and effectively; and finally, diplomats themselves do not necessarily need the same attri- butes as they previously did. These trends, reflecting general societal devel- opments, need to be absorbed by diplomacy as part of state governance. Ministries of Foreign Affairs, diplomats and governments in general should therefore be proactive in four areas: 1. Diplomats must understand the tension between individual needs and state requirements, and engage with that tension without detriment to the state. 2. Digitization must be employed in such a way that gains in efficiency are not at the expense of efficacy. 3. Forms of mediation should be developed that reconcile the interests of all sides allowing governments to operate as sovereign states, and yet simul- taneously use the influence and potential of other actors.
    [Show full text]
  • Shari'ah Law As National Security Threat? Cyra Akila Choudhury
    The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Akron Law Review Akron Law Journals June 2015 Shari'ah Law as National Security Threat? Cyra Akila Choudhury Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Follow this and additional works at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview Part of the Conflict of Laws Commons, Family Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, National Security Law Commons, Religion Law Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation Choudhury, Cyra Akila (2013) "Shari'ah Law as National Security Threat?," Akron Law Review: Vol. 46 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview/vol46/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Akron Law Journals at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The nivU ersity of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Akron Law Review by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Choudhury: Shari'ah Law ARTICLE 2 - CHOUDHURY (DO NOT DELETE) 4/4/2013 4:12 PM SHARI’AH LAW AS NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT? Cyra Akila Choudhury* I. Introduction ......................................................................... 49 II. Much Ado About Nothing?: State Anti-Shari’ah Laws ...... 52 A. State Anti-Shari’ah Bills ............................................... 54 B. The Architects of the New Threat ................................. 61 III. Family Law as Fifth Column: Shari’ah Creep in U.S. Courts? ................................................................................. 65 A. Marriage ........................................................................ 66 B. Divorce .......................................................................... 69 C.
    [Show full text]
  • High Level Debate European Union
    14BD06 OPM Newsletter.indd 1 06-08-2007 15:25:36 High level debate European Union On Tuesday 6 February the Clingendael and former MEP and MP Lousewies lively discussion among the participants in European Studies Programme organised van der Laan. Head of the Clingendael which amongst others the Ambassadors of a high-level debate on the future of the European Studies Programme, prof.dr. Jan the UK and France participated. European Union. The debate took place in Rood was the moderator of the debate. the context of a 4,5 weeks training course In response attention was devoted to the for junior diplomats from the 2004 EU Not surprisingly given the context and the Dutch and French no’ votes, the lack of enlargement countries. It was opened to experience of the speakers, the fate of the public debate on Europe, and the coalition other guests as well, and attracted a high Constitutional Treaty became the focus of agreement, in which the government number of participants as the subject was the discussion. Issues included the content would supposedly disfavour organising highly topical just after the ‘Friends of of a possibly modified Constitutional another referendum on a revised version the Constitution’ meeting and first news Treaty; i.e. which parts should remain and of the Constitutional Treaty, but would on the content of the Dutch coalition what should be added, and the process; still seek advice from the Council of State agreement. The high-level panel consisted i.e. how to get to a modified Constitutional after which the final say would be for the of distinguished speakers: former Minister Treaty on which all member states can Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • United States Policy Toward Israel: the Politics, Sociology, Economics & Strategy of Commitment
    United States Policy Toward Israel: The Politics, Sociology, Economics & Strategy of Commitment Submitted for Ph.D. in International Relations at the London School of Economics & Political Science Elizabeth Stephens 2003 UMI Number: U613349 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613349 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 C ontents Page Abstract 4-5 Chapter 1 The Special Relationship 6 -3 6 Chapter 2 Framing American Foreign Policy 37 - 86 Chapter 3 American Political Culture & Foreign Policy 87 - 131 Chapter 4 The Johnson Administration and U.S. Policy Toward Israel 132 - 185 Chapter 5 Nixon, Kissinger and U.S. Policy Toward Israel 186 - 249 Chapter 6 Reagan, the Neo-Conservatives and Israel 250 - 307 Chapter 7 Bush, the Gulf War and Israel 308 - 343 Chapter 8 Framing American Foreign Policy in the New World Order 344 - 375 Conclusions 376 - 379 Appendix A U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 380-382 Appendix B The Rogers Plan 383 Appendix C United Nations Security Council Resolution 338 384 Appendix D The Camp David Accords 385 -391 Bibliography 392-412 1 Hr£TS £ F 82.1 / Acknowledgements The writing of this thesis would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of my supervisor Geoffrey Stem, Senior Lecturer at the London School of Economics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abraham Accords: Paradigm Shift Or Realpolitik? by Tova Norlen and Tamir Sinai
    The Abraham Accords: Paradigm Shift or Realpolitik? By Tova Norlen and Tamir Sinai Executive Summary This paper analyzes the motives and calculations of Israel, the United States, and the United Arab Emirates— the signatories of the Abraham Accords—which were signed on the White House Lawn on September 15, 2020. The Accords normalize relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel and Bahrain. The agreements signed by Israel with two Gulf States symbolizes a major shift in Middle Eastern geopolitics, which have long been characterized by the refusal of Arab Gulf states to engage in talks with Israel. However, the possible larger consequences of the agreement cannot be fully understood without considering the complex set of domestic and foreign policy causes that prompted the parties to come to the negotiating table. By signing the agreement, Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu was able to avoid the controversial West Bank annexation plan, which, if executed, could prove disastrous for him both at home and abroad. On the other hand, the UAE, while officially claiming credit for preventing the annexation, is now able to establish full diplomatic relations with Israel, with great advantages both to its economy and military security. For the Trump administration, the Abraham Accord represents the President’s first real foreign policy achievement, a victory especially welcome so close to the U.S. elections. This will be popular with the president’s conservative, pro-Israel base, and an achievement that Democrats, Biden in particular, will have difficulties critiquing. Geopolitically, the deal strengthens the informal anti-Iran alliance in the region, increasing pressure on Tehran and strengthening U.S.
    [Show full text]