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The Tea Party and the Muslim Brotherhood: Who They Are and How American News Media Gets It Wrong
Jeremy Abrams The Tea Party and the Muslim Brotherhood: Who they are and How American News Media Gets it Wrong Jeremy Abrams 1 Table of Content I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 2 II. Defining Political Parties and their Role in Democracies ................................................................. 2 A. Generally ......................................................................................................................................................... 2 B. Structurally .................................................................................................................................................... 3 C. How the Tea Party and the Muslim Brotherhood Fit the Mold ................................................. 4 III. Brief Descriptions of the Tea Party and the Muslim Brotherhood ............................................. 4 A. The Tea Party ................................................................................................................................................ 5 1. History ......................................................................................................................................................... 5 2. The System in Which it Operates ..................................................................................................... 9 3. Official Status ........................................................................................................................................ -
Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths. -
Periodicalspov.Pdf
“Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Reflections on Russell Kirk Lee Trepanier Saginaw Valley State University
Russell Kirk: A Centennial Symposium Reflections on Russell Kirk Lee Trepanier Saginaw Valley State University A century has passed since the birth of Russell Kirk (1918-94), one of the principal founders of the post-World War II conservative revival in the United States.1 This symposium examines Kirk’s legacy with a view to his understanding of constitutional law and the American Founding. But before we examine these essays, it is worth a moment to review Kirk’s life, thought, and place in American conservatism. Russell Kirk was born and raised in Michigan and obtained his B.A. in history at Michigan State University and his M.A. at Duke Univer- sity, where he studied John Randolph of Roanoke and discovered the writings of Edmund Burke.2 His book Randolph of Roanoke: A Study in Conservative Thought (1951) would endure as one of his most important LEE TREPANIER is Professor of Political Science at Saginaw Valley State University. He is also the editor of Lexington Books’ series “Politics, Literature, and Film” and of the aca- demic website VoegelinView. 1 I would like to thank the McConnell Center at the University of Louisville for sponsoring a panel related to this symposium at the 2018 American Political Science Conference and Zachary German for his constructive comments on these papers. I also would like to thank Richard Avramenko of the Center for the Study of Liberal Democracy at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and Saginaw Valley State University for supporting my sabbatical, which enabled me to write this article and organize this symposium for Humanitas. -
Online Media and the 2016 US Presidential Election
Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Faris, Robert M., Hal Roberts, Bruce Etling, Nikki Bourassa, Ethan Zuckerman, and Yochai Benkler. 2017. Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society Research Paper. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33759251 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA AUGUST 2017 PARTISANSHIP, Robert Faris Hal Roberts PROPAGANDA, & Bruce Etling Nikki Bourassa DISINFORMATION Ethan Zuckerman Yochai Benkler Online Media & the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper is the result of months of effort and has only come to be as a result of the generous input of many people from the Berkman Klein Center and beyond. Jonas Kaiser and Paola Villarreal expanded our thinking around methods and interpretation. Brendan Roach provided excellent research assistance. Rebekah Heacock Jones helped get this research off the ground, and Justin Clark helped bring it home. We are grateful to Gretchen Weber, David Talbot, and Daniel Dennis Jones for their assistance in the production and publication of this study. This paper has also benefited from contributions of many outside the Berkman Klein community. The entire Media Cloud team at the Center for Civic Media at MIT’s Media Lab has been essential to this research. -
U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress
U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Ronald O'Rourke Specialist in Naval Affairs Michael Moodie Assistant Director and Senior Specialist in Foreign Affairs, Defense and Trade Updated February 24, 2020 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44891 U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Summary The U.S. role in the world refers to the overall character, purpose, or direction of U.S. participation in international affairs and the country’s overall relationship to the rest of the world. The U.S. role in the world can be viewed as establishing the overall context or framework for U.S. policymakers for developing, implementing, and measuring the success of U.S. policies and actions on specific international issues, and for foreign countries or other observers for interpreting and understanding U.S. actions on the world stage. While descriptions of the U.S. role in the world since the end of World War II vary in their specifics, it can be described in general terms as consisting of four key elements: global leadership; defense and promotion of the liberal international order; defense and promotion of freedom, democracy, and human rights; and prevention of the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. role in the world is changing, and if so, what implications this might have for the United States and the world. A change in the U.S. role could have significant and even profound effects on U.S. security, freedom, and prosperity. It could significantly affect U.S. -
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WILSON QUARTERLY AUTUMN / 1976 A NATIONAL REVIEW OS IDEAS AND INFORMATION f- __A WOOD80W WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER VW SCHOLARS SmitfisomanIwtitiaion Buildmf woffttagtonD£ WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Director, James H. Billington Deputy Director, George Packard Created by Act of Congress in 1968 as an institute for advanced study and as a "living memorial" to the 28th President, the Woodrow Wilson Center supports serious scholarship and its interaction with the world of affairs. The Center-and The Wilson Quarterly-seek diversity of scholarly enterprise and of points of view. THE WILSON QUARTERLY Editor, Peter Braestrup Deputy Editor, Timothy J. Adams Associate Editor (Periodicals), Philip S. Cook Associate Editor (Books),Lois Decker O'Neill Assistant Editor. Anna Marie Torres Contributing ~ditors,John Sharkey, John Burgess, David Hoffman Editorial Assistant, Georgiana Smith Research Associates. Michael Aiezza. John Milligan Librarian, Zdenek David Business Manager, William M. Dunn Circulation Consultant, Anne S. Keating Designer, Elizabeth Dixon Editorial Advisors, Prosser Gifford, Richard Seamon, S. Frederick Starr Published in January, April, July, and October by the Woodrow Wilson Inter- national Center for Scholars, Smithsonian Institution Building, Washington, D.C. 20560. Copyright 1976 by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Subscription rate: one year, $12. Foreign subscriptions, add $2 post- age per year. Single copies available upon request, $4; outside U.S. and pos- sessions, 84.50. Application to mail at second-class postage rates is pending at Washington, D.C. and additional mailing offices. Editorial offices, Smithsonian Institution Building, Washington, D.C. 20560. Send changes of address and all subscription correspondence to The Wilson Quarterly, P.O. -
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http://www.ucalgary.ca/hic • ISSN 1492-7810 2010/11 • Vol. 9, No. 1 Whittaker Chambers: The Lonely Voice of Tragedy on the Postwar Right Hyrum Lewis Abstract In historical discourse, Whittaker Chambers has too easily been lumped in with other midcentury conservative anti- communists. While those on the right have held him up as a hero in the American struggle for victory against “godless communism” and those on the left see him as exemplary of the excesses and damaging overzealousness of the early Cold War, Chambers defies such simplistic categorization. His subtle, nuanced thought differed considerably from that of other conservative intellectuals of the time and drew from sources outside the standard conservative canon. Thus, this despairing existentialist became an inspiration and a model for the America Right even as he differed with those he inspired on philosophical essentials. Historians commonly remember Whittaker Chambers as the central witness in one of the most important spy cases of the twentieth century and as one of the founders and icons of conservative anti-communism. Born in 1901 and raised in a middle-class Long Island home, Chambers went off to Columbia University as a young man, but then dropped out to join the communist underground. In the late 1930s, disillusioned by Stalin’s purges and the Nazi-Soviet pact, Chambers defected from communism, underwent a religious conversion, moved to a Maryland farm, and took a job as a book reviewer, foreign affairs columnist, and senior editor at Time magazine where he became one of the leading anti-communist journalists in America. -
A Year of Insight and Impact
A Year of Insight and Impact Annual Report l Oct. 1, 2017 - Sept. 30, 2018 Celebrating Years 50 Years of Excellence Why Us, Why Now? “Nonpartisanship. Intellectual rigor. Actionable ideas for policies that affect our security and our relations with the world. This is the Wilson Center – and we’ve never been more needed than we are today.” Jane Harman Director, President, and CEO Dear friends, It is with great pleasure and pride that we share our annual report. Our scholars and experts represent more than a dozen geographically or topically focused programs and initiatives. They are global policy-shapers and headline-makers. Each year, our Fellowship Program hosts over 150 scholars from around the world. As one of the Center’s signature pillars, it is a testament to our lack of complacency and commitment to enriching policy discussions with worldly perspectives. By leveraging deep experience in government, academia, and other sectors, our experts and fellows offer strictly nonpartisan insight – and trusted foresight – in international relations, security and defense, trade, conflict-resolution, and much more. We encourage you to learn more about our work and our experts and fellows, and rely on them as a resource and a value- addition to you and your own work. They are at the heart of why the Wilson Center is ranked the #1 regional studies think tank and one of the top overall think tanks in the world. Sincerely, Fred Malek Chairman, Board of Trustees Table of Contents pages 1-4 pages 5-10 R RES E EA W R O C P H G & N I A N #1 N E A V L -
H-Diplo | ISSF POLICY Series America and the World—2017 and Beyond
H-Diplo | ISSF POLICY Series America and the World—2017 and Beyond Fractured: Trump’s Foreign Policy after Two Years Essay by David C. Hendrickson, Colorado College Published on 29 January 2019 | issforum.org Editor: Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii Shortlink: http://tiny.cc/PR-1-5BN Permalink: http://issforum.org/roundtables/policy/1-5BN-fractured PDF URL: http://issforum.org/ISSF/PDF/Policy-Roundtable-1-5BN.pdf he presidency of Donald Trump is the strangest act in American history; unprecedented in form, in style an endless sequence of improvisations and malapropisms.1 But in substance there is continuity, probably much more than is customarily recognized. It is hard to recognize the continuity, amid the Tdaily meltd owns (and biennial shutdowns), but it exists. In large measure Trump has been a Republican president, carrying out a Republican agenda. His attack on the regulatory agencies follows a Republican script. His call for a prodigious boost to military spending, combined with sharp cuts in taxes, has been the Republican program since the time of Ronald Reagan’s presidency. His climate skepticism corresponds with that of Republican leaders in Congress. On trade and immigration, Trump has departed most radically from Bush Republicanism, but even in that regard Trump’s policies harken back to older traditions in the Grand Old Party. He is different in character and temperament from every Republican predecessor as president, yet has attached himself to much of the traditional Republican program.2 It is in foreign policy, the subject of this essay, where Trump’s role has been most disorienting, his performance ‘up-ending’ in substance and method.