The Dynamics of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest and the Necessity of Bargaining

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Political Science Thesis and Dissertations

2021-07-22 THE DYNAMICS OF THE AMHARA AND OROMO POLITICAL ELITES CONTEST AND THE NECESSITY OF BARGAINING

GENET, WORKINEH http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/12229 Downloaded from DSpace Repository, DSpace Institution's institutional repository

BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

THE DYNAMICS OF THE AMHARA AND OROMO POLITICAL ELITES CONTEST AND THE NECESSITY OF BARGAINING

WORKINEH GENET YIHUNIE

JUNE, 2021

BAHIR DAR, ETHIOPIA

BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

THE DYNAMICS OF THE AMHARA AND OROMO POLITICAL ELITES CONTEST AND THE NECESSITY OF BARGAINING

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

WORKINEH GENET YIHUNIE

ADVISOR

TADESSE AKLOG (Ph.D.)

JUNE, 2021

BAHIR DAR, ETHIOPIA

June, 2021

BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

THE DYNAMICS OF THE AMHARA AND OROMO POLITICAL ELITES CONTEST AND THE NECESSITY OF BARGAINING

WORKINEH GENET

Approved by Board of Examiners:

…………………………… …. ………. ……………………

Chair Person‘s Name Date Signature

…………………………… …..……….. ……………………

Internal Examiner‘s Name Date Signature

……………………………… ……………. ……………………

External Examiner‘s Name Date Signature

Declaration I, Workineh Genet, declare this thesis, titled; The Dynamics of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest and the Necessity of Bargaining, is my original work which has not been done by anyone and not submitted to any institution either for academic purpose or for policy frame work; and all the data sources consumed in this inquiry are acknowledged.

Workineh Genet Yihunie Signature…………………. Date………………….

I approved this thesis to submit for examination as an advisor of the candidate

Tadesse Aklog (Ph.D.) Signature………………………Date…………….

Table of Contents Contents Page

Declaration ...... I

Table of Contents ...... II

List of Figure...... VI

List of Appendices ...... VII

Acronyms ...... VIII

Definition of Terms...... X

Acknowledgment ...... XI

Abstract ...... XII

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1

INTRODUCTION...... 1

1.1. Background of the Study ...... 1

1.2. Statement of the Problem ...... 4

1.3. Research Objective ...... 6

1.3.1. General Objective ...... 6

1.3.2 Specific Objectives ...... 6

1.4. Research Questions ...... 6

1.5. Significance of the Study ...... 6

1.6. Scope of the Study...... 7

1.7. Limitation of the Study ...... 7

1.9. Organization of the Study ...... 7

CHAPTER TWO ...... 8

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 8

Introduction ...... 8

2.1. Conceptual Frameworks of the Study ...... 8

2.1.1. Elite and Elitism ...... 8

2.1.2. Political Elite ...... 8

2.1.3. Elite Contestation ...... 9

2.1.4. Elite Bargaining ...... 9

2.2. Theoretical Framework of the Study ...... 9

2.2.1. Deliberative Democratic Theory ...... 10

2.2.2. Elite Bargaining Theory ...... 10

2.2.3. Consociational Democratic Theory...... 11

2.3. The Political-History of Power Elites Contestation and Bargaining in Ethiopia ...... 13

2.3.1. The Contest and Bargaining of Atse Yohannes IV, King Menilek, and King Teklehaymanot 13

2.3.2. Atse Menilek‘s Contest and Bargaining with Power Elites during his Reunification of Ethiopia ...... 14

2.3.3 The Dergue and MEISON Political Elites Contest and Bargaining ...... 14

2.3.4. Ethno-Elites Contest and Bargaining in the July 1991 Conference ...... 15

2.4. The Genesis of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest and Bargaining ...... 15

2.5. The Contending Thesis between the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites ...... 16

2.6. The Political Culture of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites towards Bargaining ...... 18

2.7. The Role of the Ethiopian Students Movement to the Current Ethno-Elite Contest ...... 20

EMPIRICAL LITERATURE ...... 21

2.9. Political Elites Contest and Bargaining of Different Countries ...... 21

2.9.1. South Africa‘s Experience ...... 21

2.9.2. Switzerland‘s Experience ...... 22

2.9.3. India‘s Experience...... 22

CHAPTER THREE ...... 24

METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY ...... 24

III

Introduction ...... 24

3.1. Research Approach ...... 24

3.2. Research Design ...... 25

3.2.1 Methods of Data collection ...... 25

3.2.1.1. Interview ...... 26

3.2.1.2. Personal Observation ...... 26

3.2.1.3. Document Analysis ...... 26

3.3. Sampling Technique and Size ...... 27

3.4. Method of Data Analysis and Interpretation ...... 28

3.5. Trustworthiness of the Research ...... 28

3.6. Ethical Considerations in the Research ...... 29

CHAPTER FOUR ...... 30

DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ...... 30

Introduction ...... 30

4.1. The Origins of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest ...... 30

4.1.1. Historiography as an Origin of Contest ...... 30

4.1.2. Modern Ethiopian State Building as an Origin of Contest...... 31

4.1.3. Narrations as a Source of Contestation ...... 33

4.1.4. Ethnic Politics as a Source of Contest...... 34

4.2. The Contesting Areas of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites ...... 34

4.2.1. Deconstructing-Reconstructing of Ethiopia as an Area of Contest ...... 34

4.2.2. Lack of Consensus over the National Symbols and Hero as an Area of Contest...... 35

4.2.3. Political Representation for Amharas in Oromia Regional State as an Area of Contest ...... 36

4.2.4. Territorial Claim and the Issue of Addis Ababa as an Area of Contest ...... 36

4.2.5. The 1995 FDRE Constitution and Ethno-federalism as an Area of Contest ...... 37

4.2.6. National-Working Language as an Area of Contest ...... 38

4.3. The Necessity Bargaining Areas of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites ...... 39

4.3.1. The Necessity of Reconciliation and Bargaining on Ethiopia‘s Political-History ...... 39

4.3.2. The Necessity of Bargaining on the 1995 FDRE Constitution and Ethnic Federalism ...... 40

4.3.3. The Necessity of Bargaining over Addis Ababa and other Territorial Claims ...... 40

4.3.4. The Necessity of Political Dialogue over Non-Evidenced Narrations ...... 41

4.3.5. The Necessity of Bargaining on having Common Future and National Symbols ...... 42

4.4. The Trend of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Dialogue in Post 2017 ...... 42

4.5. The Problem of Political Elitism in Ethiopia in general and to the Amhara and Oromo in Particular ...... 44

4.6. Challenges on the Ongoing Political Dialogues of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites since 2017 ...... 46

4.6.1 Differed Dream towards Ethiopia‘s Future as a Challenge...... 46

4.6.2. Political Extremism as a Challenge ...... 47

4.6.3. Populism as a Challenge ...... 47

4.6.4. Weak Political Culture of Bargaining as a Challenge ...... 47

4.7. What would be the Political Alternatives for Cooperative Bargaining? ...... 48

CHAPTER FIVE ...... 51

Conclusion, Recommendation, and Directions for Future Research ...... 51

Introduction ...... 51

5.1. Conclusion ...... 51

5.2. Recommendation ...... 53

5.3. Directions for Further Study ...... 54

REFERENCES ...... 55

APPENDICES ...... 67

List of Figure 1.1. A sketch-based explanatory of the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of their cooperative bargaining drawn from the theoretical framework, empirical literature, and the data analysis of the study

List of Appendices Appendix I: Interview Questions

Appendix II: List of the Key Informants

VII

Acronyms ADFM------Amhara Democratic Force Movement

ADP ------Amhara Democratic Party

AMC------Amhara Media Corporation

ANDM------Amhara National Democratic Movement

ANRS------Amhara National Regional State

APA------Amhara Prosperity Party

ASC------Amhara Scholars Council

ECHAAT----YeEthiopia Chekun Hezboch Abiyotawi Tegel

EPLF------Eritrean People Liberation Front

EPRDF------Ethiopian People‘s Revolutionary Democratic Front

EPRP------Ethiopian People Revolutionary Party

FDRE------Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

IOS------Institute of Oromo Studies

KI------Key Informant

MESON----Melaw Ethiopia Socialist Neknakie-All Ethiopian Socialist Movement

NaMA------National Movement of Amhara

OBN------Oromia Broadcasting Network

ODP------Oromia Democratic Party

OFC------Oromo Federalist Congress

OLF------Oromo Liberation Front

OMN------Oromia Media Network VIII

ONRS------Oromia National Regional State

OPDO------Oromo People Democratic Party

OPP------Oromo Prosperity Party

TPLF------Tigrayan People‘s Liberation Front

WPE------Worker‘s Party of Ethiopia

Definition of Terms Affan Oromo----the language of Oromo people

Amhara---represents the People of Amhara

Ato ------an Amharic term represents the title of Mister

Atse--- the highest title of the governor of the state during Ethiopia‘s monarchial rule

Buta--- a ceremony in the Gada system of Oromo to incorporate new people and territory.

Chaffee ----- stands for council in Affan Oromo language

Dergue—a military junta that ruled Ethiopia from 1974-1991

Feteha Negest--a law for both religious and secular affairs during the monarchial rule of Ethiopia

Gada--- Traditional administrative system of the Oromo

Kibre Negest--- the law of the monarchial rule of Ethiopia which states the glory of the kings

Mogassa--- the act of totally assimilating the conquered people by the Gada system of Oromo

Oromo---represents the Oromo people of Ethiopia

Qerroo—a youth group of Oromo known for protesting

Ras---- an Amharic title of officials represents the head of a certain institution or territory

Solomonism-- an ideology of the Ethiopian monarchial system that ruled Ethiopia for millennia

Woreda ---an Amharic term that represents a sub-national administrative unit next to Zonal administrations.

Acknowledgment The researcher‘s accomplishment of this thesis would be unthinkable without the collaboration of the following persons. Thus; firstly, I provide a special appreciation to my advisor Tadesse Aklog (Ph.D.) who constructively commented on me in doing this study. Secondly, my heart felt thank goes to Wuhibegezer Ferede (Ph.D.) who technically assisted me on the proposal part of this study. Thirdly, the researcher expresses his gratitude to Frew Yirgalem (Ph.D.) who evaluated the proposal part of this study. Fourthly, I would like to thank Yikeber Abebe (MA) who commented on the methodological parts of this study. Lastly, the researcher thanks to the key informants of this study who collaborated to make the study more scientific.

Abstract The main objective of this study was to explore the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations in line with the possibilities and challenges of transforming their contestations into cooperative bargaining outcomes. In doing so, the study adopted a qualitative research approach with exploratory research design; and the data were collected from higher political elites of the six political parties from the Amhara and Oromo, namely; OPP, APP, NaMA, OLF, OFC, and ADFM. Besides, scholars from the IOS and ASC, as well as journalists of OBN and AMC were interviewed. Again, media discourses of elites and documents were also used. To collect primary data, a semi-structured interview was applied for purposively sampled key informants. The acquired data were analyzed through using political discourse analysis. Accordingly, the finding indicated that historiography over modern Ethiopian state-building; narrations fabricated externally and internally as well as the institutionalization of ethnic politics contributed to the origin of the Amhara and Oromo political elites’ contestations. These brought further contestation areas on the issue of revisiting the 1995 FDRE constitution and ethnic-federalism, claims over territory, and the issue of political representation for Amharas in ONRS. Nevertheless, political dialogue is being held between them since November 2017. However, the ongoing political dialogue is being challenged by the contending dream of the elites towards Ethiopia’s future, extremism, and populism as well as the weak political culture of bargaining. Due to this, the study comes up with political alternatives of changing the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations into cooperative bargaining outcomes through applying deliberative democratic theory, elite bargaining, and consociational democratic-based power- sharing.

Key words: Amhara, Oromo, Political Elite, Elite Contest, and cooperative Bargaining

XII

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION This chapter is an introductory part that holds background, statement of the problem, research objective, basic research questions, significance, scope, limitation, and organization of the study.

1.1. Background of the Study Elites are individuals who have the power to make decisions that can affect the wider population. The term is developed by Mosca (1901) and Pareto (1935) in the 20th Century. It had been a counter-thought to the Marxist belief that says a popular proletariat regime would have control over governmental power and resources. In this regard, political elites are the smallest portions of the society who act on the behalf of the mass in the national and supranational political institutions (Best and Higley, 2018; Cheng et al, 2018; Vergara, 2013).

Elite contestation occurs when one group of elite aims to control power and resources at the expense of others (Hirblinger et al, 2019). To reverse this contestation, the political environment needs deliberative dialogue. Therefore, the political dialogue becomes fruitful when the elites are open-minded and opted for political bargaining (Cheng et al, 2018). However, political deadlock and consequent instability would prevail when elites refuse to settle their difference through a win-win political bargaining process.

In this regard, multiethnic states like Switzerland and India could be taken as a showcase for successful elite bargaining. Switzerland is a multiethnic but stable and democratic federation. There exists an in-built system of consociational power-sharing system compounded by rotational leadership style among the four linguistic communities in the executive branch of the federal government. Therefore, the secret behind the stability of the Swiss federation is the consent and compromise among the elites of the linguistic communities which has been resulted from a continuous elite bargaining process (Glass, 1977; Steinberg, 2015).

Likewise, India is another big example that demonstrated a stable federation out of the incredible diversity. The country is characterized by deep ethnic, religious, geographic, and cast-based divisions, and yet has surmounted over such divisions through an accommodative system that ensures the stability of the state with a good record of democratic dispensation (Liphart, 1996).

In this regard, the big secret for the stability of the Indian federation is the compromise that comes from the cooperative (win-win) bargaining process (Lijphart, 1996).

To see the African reality of political elite contest and bargaining, perhaps except South Africa, the story is of failure than a success. Thus, South Africa and South Sudan are given here as examples of success and failure respectively. South Africa which was home to diverse ethno cultural groups becomes a land of discrimination because of the arrival of European settler colonialists. The colonialists‘ exclusionary legislations made lands and governmental jobs in the hands of the Whites (Piotrowski, 2019). Consequently, the struggle of the native Africans and the cooperative bargaining of Mandela and De Klerk ended the apartheid regime. Thus, due to their fruitful bargaining against injustice and policy of reconciliation, South Africa remains one of the stable democratic states in Africa (Howitt et al, 2019).

On the contrary, South Sudan- the newly born multiethnic state demonstrated one of a failure regarding soliciting an elite-bargained compromise. As Johnson (2014) indicated that the political struggle in South Sudan has been exclusively tribal, between Salva Kiir's Dinka and Riek Machar's Nuer. The confrontation of those political elites caused the killing of civilians up to a fight between Nuer and Dinka soldiers which later brought the coup d‘état attempt. Thus, the failure of Salva Kiir and Riek Machar‘s bargaining intensified civil war and displacement in South Sudan.

To come to the point of this study, the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest traces back to the 16th Century. After the Ethiopian Emperor Lebne-Dingel was defeated by the Adal Sultanate in 1529, at the battle of Shimbra Kure, boundary-keeping troops were disintegrated. History shows that the Oromos used this opportunity to expand to the Central, Eastern, and Western parts of Ethiopia through using their military-based organization- Gada system (Getachew, 1995 E.C; Krapf, 2016). Starting from the first half of the 16th century up to the half of the 19th century Oromos expanded and settled in Fatagar-Arsi, Enarya-Illubabor, Bezamon-Wollega, and Shewa (Habtamu, 2012 E.C).

In doing so, the Gada warriors ethnically cleansed (the men) and assimilated (the babies and women) of more than twenty ethnic groups. Among them, Amharas were highly victimized. Aba Bahery who was an author of a book, Zenahu Le Galla 1(name of the book), was an eyewitness to this forceful Gada warrior‘s expansion and himself was a victim- fled his homeland Gamo to Gondar when the Oromo destroyed it. Thus; in the last two decades of the 19th century, Atse Menilek II made a re-unification of the disunited country by the Oromo expansion (Keller, 2005; Maimire, 2006). This is the beginning of the Amhara elites' contest with the Oromo political elites.

Conversely, as Oromo nationalist elite writers, by the end of the 19th century, the conquest and occupation of Oromo territory had been done by the former King Menilek of Shewa and later the Atse of Ethiopia from 1889-1913. They claimed that after the conquest, the Oromo institutions of self-government were abolished. The indigenous leadership was ―…liquidated or co-opted, the land confiscated, and cultural institutions destroyed.‖ People from Amhara settled on the Oromo land (Mohammed, 2002: p.18). Again, as Asafa Jalata, (1996) written that Ethiopia colonized the Oromo people in the last decades of the 19th century. He further argued that since Menilek‗s occupation, the Oromos have been treated as colonial subjects. Therefore, the genesis that heralds the contest of the Oromo elites with the Amhara begins here.

All in all, as Getachew Haile (1995 E.C); and Habtamu Mengestie (2012 E.C) write, the Amhara elites consider the Oromo extreme elites as an expansionist and ethnic cleansers. Conversely, the Oromo elites in turn consider the Amhara elites as assimilators and Amhara residents in Oromia Regional State as Menilek settlers (see Mekuria Bulcha 1997; Asafa Jalata, 1996; and Mohammed Hassen, 2002). Despite this political polarization, which probably has been rooted in political history, recently, there appears to be a kind of rapprochement among the elites under the schema of the ―Oro-Mara‖ project. This study explored the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of cooperative bargaining to realize the stability of the country.

1 Aba Bahery had been the Abbot of a Monastery in Gamo; and he written a book in 1593 which says ―Zenahu Le Galla” (News of the Galla-name of the book). It is translated by Getachew Haile from Ge‘ez to Amharic in 1995 E.C. 3

1.2. Statement of the Problem The researcher selected to study the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest and the necessity of bargaining for two reasons. The first is that political elites have contested views over the historiography, territory, power, and state-building of Ethiopia. The second reason is that they constitute the largest portion of Ethiopia‘s population (Reuters, November 4, 2020)2. Indeed, exploring the area of contestations and the possibility of cooperative bargaining among the two groups‘ elites would have paramount significance for the stability as well as democratization of the state. However, such an area has not been investigated. In this regard, Merera Gudina (2001), Belete Hailyes (2019), and Habtamu Mengestie (2012 E.C) studies are kinds of literature related to the topic of this study.

Accordingly, Merera (2001) in his study of ―The Elite and the Quest for Peace, Democracy, and Development in Ethiopia: Lessons to be learned”; contends to see the Ethiopian political elites in an ethnic guise since the 19th century. Methodologically, Merera‘s study relied on literature sources that excluded interview data from the current elites. As his finding indicated that while the Amhara elites controlled power and resources, Oromo elites were used as means since Menilek II. However, Merera fails to go beyond accusing of what he calls the ―Amhara ruling class‖. Therefore, his study lacks seeing of the origin and areas of the political elites‘ contestations. Hence, this study filled the above-identified gaps.

Besides, Belete Haileyes (2019) in his study of ―The imperatives of the Oromo-Amhara elite cooperation for democratic reform in Ethiopia,” addressed that the pre-2017 public protest in Oromo and Amhara regional states brought the alliance of the then ruling organizations, ANDM and OPDO. Despite his indication about the imperativeness of Oromo- Amhara elite cooperation for democratic reform in Ethiopia, Belete didn‘t explore the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations. Moreover, he focused on the then tactical alliance of OPDO and ANDM than broadly analyzing the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations along with exploring ways of bargaining. Therefore, the gaps which haven‘t been seen by Belete which is inquiring the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations along with exploring a midway political sphere of bargaining is filled by this new study.

2 Available at https://in.reuters.com article/Ethiopia-conflict-fact box accessed on December 10, 2020 4

Furthermore, as Habtamu (2012 E.C) studied; ‗Berara kedamit Addis Ababa: Edeget, wudemetna dagim Ledet,‘ (በራራ ቀዳሚት አዲስ አበባ፡ እድገት፣ ዉድመትና ዳግም ልደት), he analyzed the political-history contestations of the Oromo and Amhara elites over the possession of Addis Ababa. However, despite his description of what has had been done on the Amharas by the Oromos in the time of Gada-based expansion and now; Habtamu‘s finding doesn‘t say anything regarding how the Amhara and Oromo elites come to bargaining to reverse their contestations. Therefore, this study has filled the gap which is exploring ways of cooperative bargaining over their contestations.

Nevertheless, what makes all the above studies similar is that they are contesting on the past (except Belete‘s study) with giving little focus to explore ways of bargaining on the current affairs. Therefore, the existence of such exclusive studies initiated the researcher to inclusively study the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of cooperative bargaining. Hence, this particular study focuses primarily upon exploring the areas of contestations and the area of convergence that is likely to lead to a kind of win-win bargaining outcome.

All in all, while the Amhara regional state has given a constitutional special administrative zone for Oromos,3 Amharas who reside in Oromia regional state are being displaced and killed.4 This intensified the Amhara political elites' contest with the Oromo. Therefore, the researcher focused on what others haven‘t seen in their study which is inquiring about the Amhara and Oromo political elites contesting areas in line with exploring a midway political sphere of bargaining. Hence, the study aimed to reverse their contestation into bargaining.

3 See Article 45 of the 1994 E.C amended constitution of the Amhara regional state. 4 The report of Amhara Media Corporation in 2019, available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iejRRYfSf7Q accessed on June 22, 2021

1.3. Research Objective

1.3.1. General Objective The general objective of this study was to explore contestations, possibilities, and challenges of inter-elite bargaining between the Amhara and Oromo political elites.

1.3.2 Specific Objectives Based on the above general objective, the study has the following specific objectives:

 Discovering the origins of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest  Identifying the contestation areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites  Differentiating challenges on their ongoing political dialogues  Identifying political alternatives for coming to cooperative bargaining

1.4. Research Questions  What are the origins of the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest?  What are the contestation areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites?  What are the challenges in their ongoing political dialogues?  What would be the political alternatives for coming to cooperative bargaining?

1.5. Significance of the Study The study provides scientific ways of political dialogue to transform the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest into bargaining. This enhances having of common future through making cooperative bargaining over their contestations. Thus, the study has significance to the stability of Ethiopian politics by bringing a cooperative political sphere of bargaining. Besides, it has also a significance to revisit stereotyped political-history narratives regarding the Amhara and Oromo. In turn, this narration reversing helps to national policy-making and law promulgations. The last but not the least significance is serving as an input for researchers who frame their study on the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ political doing. Regarding this, it may also initiate Senior Political Scientists to make a further study on the necessity of elite bargaining in Ethiopia in general and to the Amhara and Oromo in particular.

1.6. Scope of the Study The scope of this research is delimited in terms of content it covers, time duration, and place. In this regard, the content of this research is studying the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ contestations. Having identified the origins and areas of their contest, the necessity bargaining areas are demonstrated. Besides, the challenges on their political dialogues since November 2017 are discussed along with indicating political alternatives of coming to bargaining. In terms of time duration, the study is delimited to the post-2016 contest and political dialogue of the Amhara and Oromo political elites. In terms of place, it has covered political elites who belong to the Amhara and the Oromo Regional States.

1.7. Limitation of the Study In doing the study, the researcher faced the following two limitations. The first one is that in the President Offices of the ONRS in Addis Ababa and ANRS in Bahir Dar, there was a challenge of considering the researcher as a spy man by the stakeholders of the office. To reverse this challenge, the researcher used the letter given by Bahir Dar University for data collection purpose.

The second limitation that challenged the researcher was due to the political sensitiveness of the title, the fear of being murdered by ethno-fanatic individuals. However, this limitation was challenged by the researcher through making Telephone interviews with suspected key informants. In doing so, the National Election Board of Ethiopia and Journalists have given cell phone numbers of the key informants who were suspected by the researcher for his security. All in all, the researcher challenged all these limitations in consultancy with his Advisor and the Department Head of Political Science and International Studies.

1.9. Organization of the Study This study is organized into five chapters. The first chapter is an introductory part while the second chapter deals with literature reviews, conceptual, and theoretical frameworks of the study. The third chapter talks about the methodology of the study. The fourth chapter is interpreting, analyzing, and synthesizing the collected data. Finally, the fifth chapter comes up with a conclusion and recommendation of the study.

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Introduction This chapter deals with the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of the study. Besides, it reviewed the notable power elites‘ contestations and bargaining of Ethiopia since the reign of Atse Yohannis IV up to now. Moreover, the chapter further discussed the genesis of the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and bargaining in line with their political culture towards bargaining. Finally, in its empirical literature part, it reviewed the experiences of political elites' contest and bargaining of South Africa, Switzerland, and India.

2.1. Conceptual Frameworks of the Study

2.1.1. Elite and Elitism ―To Pareto elites are those people who posses (sic.) in marked degree qualities of intelligence, character, capacity, of whatever kind‖ (Pareto, 1935 Cited in Delican, n.d.). Therefore, elitism is a way of being a distinct nobleman from the mass men in possessing intelligence over political- economic power (Daloz, 2010 cited by Vergara, 2013). Indeed, elites are top position holders in both the public and private institutions, like members of parliament or boards of multinational corporations. These individuals have a special quality of influencing the mass to make them their followers. Due to this, the mass men legitimize the few noblemen as their leaders (Ritzer, 2007). Hence, in this study, the term is conceptualized to express the Amhara and Oromo political elites who are members of political parties‘ central executive committee and eminent political activists.

2.1.2. Political Elite Political elites are individuals who have political power either in government or in opposition. Their concern is organizing government and performing other political activities on the behalf of the ruling majority (Vegara, 2013). The term has been used to describe the governing power of a minority over the majority. It is associated with a small number of individuals who have political excellence over the mass (Korom, 2015). The criterion of the political elites‘ distinction is their excellence to govern the society in national and Supra-national political institutions (Pakulski, 2018).

Hence, the concept of political elite, in this study represents elites who are members of the executive committee of the six political parties, from the Amhara and Oromo, namely; APP, OPP, NaMA, OFC, OLF, and ADFM.

2.1.3. Elite Contestation The competition of political elites to maximize their own or their concerned society's interest over the commonly belonged resources creates contestations. Thus, the political elites‘ status and the situations under which they live are determinants to go to either conflict or compromise (Best and Higley, 2018). In the context of this study, political elite contestation is used to refer to the contest of the Amhara and Oromo higher political elites.

2.1.4. Elite Bargaining In the contemporarily advanced period the political sphere is known by contestation and bargaining among political elites that exist in and outside the government; like oppositions, Think Tank groups, and political activists. This dispersed power among these multiple political elites makes bargain and compromise a necessity over key societal issues (Korom, 2015). Therefore, pursuing this bargaining would be the mandate of the political elites to safeguard the interests of the people they represent (Vergara, 2013). For instance, countries like Switzerland, Belgium, and South Africa become stable when their political elites bargained on their contesting areas (Glass, 1977: Steinberg, 2015; Covell, 2007). Likewise, the Amhara and Oromo political elites should pursue bargaining to bring cooperative political sphere in the Ethiopian political arena. Therefore, elite bargaining in the context of this study is used to indicate the ongoing political dialogues of the Amhara and Oromo higher political elites.

2.2. Theoretical Framework of the Study A theory is a scientifically formulated set of knowledge offered to explain a phenomenon.5 It justifies how the research problem under the study exists. To clearly state the problem of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest a single theory is not sufficient rather it needs an integral use of multiple theories. Therefore, the following three theories are used integrally, aimed to scientifically analyze the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of their bargaining.

5 Available at https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/theory ,accessed on December 23, 2020

Hence, the study consumed an integrated theoretical framework of deliberative democratic theory, elite bargaining theory, and consociational democratic theory.

2.2.1. Deliberative Democratic Theory This is the first theoretical framework of the study. Deliberative democracy is a way of deliberate decision-making by citizens and their representative political elites. It facilitates rational decision makings by articulating societal interests through frequent dialogue. In this frequent dialogue, the elites hold aggregate interests of their society (Gutmann and Thompson, 2004). It has a central role in realizing deliberate reasoning which makes citizens practitioners of democracy. Due to this, people make rational dialogues to find ways of their common future (Vitale, 2006). Therefore, deliberative democracy guides elites through reasoning and institutionalization to respect citizens‘ autonomy (Chambers, 2017).

The theory is strong in paving ways to convergence through rational dialogue among the political elites and the people. It realizes a participatory environment for citizens through deliberate practice and reasoning with their representatives (Gutmann and Thompson, 2004). However, the shortcoming of deliberative democracy is that it doesn‘t demonstrate how to come to the solution when the political elites are not open-minded to deliberation.

Nevertheless, this theory guides the Amhara and Oromo political elites to carry out deliberate bargaining over their contestations. Their bargaining brings cooperative political sphere in the Ethiopian state apparatus as far as they genuinely reflect the aggregate interest of their society. Yet, this can be realized when both political elites are ready for deliberative political dialogue. Therefore, unless they come to a deliberative political dialogue, consequential-based political doing causes devastations on Ethiopia‘s stability. To reverse this devastation, deliberative democracy‘s reason-based bargaining should come to the table by the Amhara and Oromo political elites.

2.2.2. Elite Bargaining Theory This comes as the second theoretical framework of the study. Elitism developed as an antithesis of egalitarian ideas like socialism and democracy. For elitist experts, proletariat government and popular rule are ways of deception because the actual power is in the hands of a few ruling elites.

In this regard, societies possess two classes the ruling minority-elite and the ruled majority-mass (Mosca, 1901).

Indeed, elites have the personal qualities of influencing and leading the mass. Therefore, to rule one needs to possess personal qualities that can‘t be easily possessed by the mass-men (Pareto, 1935). Thus, this elite bargaining theory is strong in showing ways to realize societal interests through bargaining among the political elites. However, it fails to demonstrate how the elites come to bargaining in the absence of something in common or shared national identities which are now being reflected between the Amhara and Oromo political elites over historiography, national flag, and name of the capital city.

Contemporarily advanced societies challenge political elites to maximize their interests. To maximize this, elites must bargain with their equivalents unless their power will be exposed to revolts. As Covell (2007) stable democracy in deep cleavage countries can be achieved when political elites establish a bargaining political sphere than competitive. However, to realize this, elites must be tolerant to compromise as well as intelligent to influence their followers. Therefore, this elite bargaining theory serves as a guiding framework for this study. In fact, in the current situation of contending thesis over shared national manifestations and resources between the Amhara and Oromo political elites, bargaining might be difficult. But it is a necessity to bargain for having common future as well as to stabilize the Ethiopian political sphere. Hence, the inquiry synthesized the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ contestation through applying elite bargaining theory as another guiding theoretical framework.

2.2.3. Consociational Democratic Theory Consociational democracy is both descriptive and prescriptive theory. In its descriptive character, it scrutinizes what cleavages are being existed, and prescriptively, it recommends power-sharing among elites of these cleavages (Lijphart, 2008). It accommodates elites of divergent interest through grand coalition and proportion. However, consociation efforts are not always successful. Though Switzerland and India are successful, designs failed in Uruguay and Nigeria because consociational democracy has been threatened by the immobilization of fragmented societies (Andeweg, 2000).

As Lijphart (1996) consociation makes democracy possible in deeply divided societies through a grand coalition of all ethno-linguistic elites, cultural autonomy, proportionality, and minority veto regarding minority rights.

However; to apply this, it needs a shared vision and having something in common with in the state. Therefore, the contending thesis between the Amhara and Oromo political elites may challenge ways for consociation but it doesn‘t mean it would be impossible. As Lijphart cited by Steiner (1981) in plural societies political parties, business companies, and media tend to be organized along segmental cleavages. This reflects the Amhara and Oromo pattern where their institutions are established along their ethnic lines. However, to bring bargaining between them their open-minded attitude towards consociation determines. Thus, consociational democracy is expressed by ―a coalescent style of elite behavior‖ where elites are conscious of power-sharing and coalition (Toit, 1987: p. 419).

The expert of this theory, Arend Lijphart, recommends consociation for segmentally cleavage societies. Fortunately, the Amhara and Oromo people are beyond segment because they possess cross-cutting identities. Their dominant Religions-Christianity and Islam, their ways of living as well as the high number of mixed people from Amhara and Oromo families makes a cross- cutting cleavage between them. Therefore, though the theory has a shortcoming, its consistent tenets are consumed as a studying framework of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest.

Consociational democratic theory is strong in giving room for diversity and accommodating divergent elites. However, it has a shortcoming in describing the power relations and decision modes within coalitions (Toit, 1987). To conclude, we are found in the post-modern6 period where various solutions can be provided to a single problem which necessarily reverses monism solution giving of a problem. Therefore, none of the above three theories can guides this study separately. Rather when three of them integrate, they guide the study of the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of bargaining. Hence, the study applied deliberative democratic theory, elite bargaining theory, and consociational democratic theory as an integrated theoretical framework.

6 Post-modernism is a thought which advocates the presence of various solutions for a problem. 12

2.3. The Political-History of Power Elites Contestation and Bargaining in Ethiopia Ethiopia is one of the oldest continuing polities in the world accepted and preserved the three monotheistic Abrahamic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. A Monarchical regime ruled the country based on Solomonism7 until its abolishment in 1974 by the military junta, Dergue. After the demise of the Dergue regime, an ethno-political system is ruling the country (Walle, 1993). Therefore, this study reviewed the political history of power elite contestation and bargaining of modern Ethiopia in general and the Amhara and Oromo in particular.

2.3.1. The Contest and Bargaining of Atse Yohannes IV, King Menilek, and King Teklehaymanot As Bahiru (2005) written, the initial relationship between the former Ras Adal and the later King Teklehaymanot of Gojjam and Atse Yohannes was not smooth because Adal had been Takla- Giyorgis's supporter. To undermine Adal's authority in Gojjam, the emperor made Dasta Tadla governor of Gojjam. However, Adal's victory over Ras Dasta in July 1874 facilitated a rapprochement of the emperor and Ras Adal at Ambachara in October 1874. In the Ambachara agreement, Atse Yohannes granted the title king to Ras Adal and blessed the expansion of Adal towards the South of the Abay River to weaken the then Shawan ruler, Menilek. As result, King Tekelehaymont and King Menilek made war at the battle of Embabo, Wollega. In the war Menilek defeated Teklehaymanot. Fortunately, due to the good bargaining skill of Menilek, cooperation was established between the two power elites. This is the then time's example of bargaining over contestations.

The other contest and bargaining indicator of the time was the 1878 Lech Agreement made by Atse Yohannes and King Menilek. The Leche Agreement took place on 20 March 1878. In bargaining with Atse Yohannes, Menilek agreed to use the title of the king instead of king of kings and to pay annual tribute to Atse Yohannes (ibid.). Therefore, though it might have shortcomings to consider their deal as bargaining at least they put some foundations for resolving power elites' contest through political compromise than through war.

7 Solomonism had been an ideology of the monarchical regime of Ethiopia which ended in 1974. Its rules and procedures are written in the Kibre Negest. 13

2.3.2. Atse Menilek’s Contest and Bargaining with Power Elites during his Reunification of Ethiopia In the process of remaking Ethiopia, Atse Menilek used two methods. These are peacefully submitting the provincial rulers who wanted to bargain with him and forcefully subjugating the rebels who refused to be part of Ethiopia. Thus, Menilek‘s reunification of Ethiopia had been based on both bargaining and confrontation. Power elites, those, who were willing to Ethiopia‘s reunification bargained with Menilek; and they shared the state machinery of the time. Among the power elites who bargained with Menilek; Aba Jifar of Jimma, Kumsa Moroda of Leqa Neqemte, Jote Tullu of Leqa Qellem, Sheih Khojale of Asossa, and Christian Gurage power elites are typical examples. Conversely, the then power elites, who refused to bargain with Menilek in the remaking of Ethiopia, were forcefully treated namely; Emir Abdullahi of Harar, Kawo Tona of Wolayta, and Tato Gaki Serocho of Kaffa (Mekonen and Menale, 2005).

In the integration of power elites from various provinces, Atse Menilek shared power and given a settlement place to them in the capital, Addis Ababa, with their ethnic or provincial nomenclatures like Sidamo Tera, Somalie Tera, Shegole Tera (Gumuz-Berta Sefer), and Kumsa Moreda Sefer. This initiated the sense of belongingness of the then-power elites and their respective society. Indeed, it is this, Menilek‘s inclusive integration of power elites that made possible the victory over colonialist Italy at the Battle of Adwa (Maimire, 1997).

2.3.3 The Dergue and MEISON Political Elites Contest and Bargaining Due to the removal of Ethiopia‘s thousand years‘ Monarchical regime by the 1974 ―revolution‖ a military junta, Dergue, seized the political power. However, confrontations had prevailed over bargaining (Girma Kebede, 1987). Among the confronter political elites who were in opposition parties; an Oromo dominated Marxist party- MEISON, a group of young Marxist intellectuals who led EPRP, and a largely Oromo political elites‘ dominance organization, ECHAAT or Revolutionary Struggle of the Oppressed Ethiopian Masses were notable. All of them were Marxist-Leninist-oriented political elites who confront for power (Keller, 1985).

Despite the confrontation, the military council-Dergue, allied with the All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement (MEISON). The alliance aimed to expand Dergue‘s political base among the progressive urban population and to neutralize other leftist opposition political parties from the society (Keller, 1985).

Whereas MEISON political elites preferred an alliance with the Dergue, EPRP political elites altered tactics came to be named "white terror". This was countered by the regime's "red terror." After the Dergue political elites enhanced organizational skills and military capability their alliance with MEISON ended. As a result, summary execution against the ―obstacles‖ of the revolution becomes common (Girma Kebede, 1987). Consequently, doors of bargaining were closed by confrontation and insurgency.

2.3.4. Ethno-Elites Contest and Bargaining in the July 1991 Conference The July 1991 conference had been a key juncture in Ethiopia‘s politics after decades of insurgency which collapsed the Dergue regime. After EPRDF took Addis Ababa, a national conference on peace and democracy, chaired by Meles Zenawi, held from 1–5 July 1991. Practically, it had been a contest and bargaining among the ethno-elites of TPLF, OLF, EPLF, and others. In the conference, Pan-Ethiopian parties like EPRP, MEISON, and WPE were excluded because they were considered as enemies who declared war on the Transitional Government as well as supporters of Dergue‘s red Terror (Ethiopian Herald June 5, 1991, cited by Khisa, 2019; Lyons; 2019).

The conference, therefore, had been exclusionary bargaining among ethno-elites. This exclusion of Pan-Ethiopian political parties from adopting the Transitional Government‘s Charter created the current failure of political institutions and ethnic-based hostility which largely needs inclusive bargaining.

2.4. The Genesis of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest and Bargaining As Baxter (1978:p.284) written that ―much of the history of Ethiopia can be viewed as a struggle between the Amhara and the Oromo.‖ Although Baxter articulated merely the struggle part, the Amhara and Oromo political history, since the 16th century, has had been manifested by a confrontation at one time and cooperation at another time.

The 16th century devastation of the Adal sultanate over the then Ethiopian Emperor Lebne-dingle made the frontiers of Ethiopia open. This allowed the migrating Oromo to settle on significant portions of the Amhara highlands, especially in the provinces of Wollo and Shewa. Due to this, successive Ethiopian emperors tried to integrate the Oromo into the existing political systems, especially Susenyos and Iyoas I in the 17th Century (Maimre, 2006).

On the top, from the 18th up to the first half of the 19th century, the Ethiopian politics in the center was controlled by the Yejju Oromo. During this period the Oromo elites were kingmakers at Gondar and Affan Oromo had become a court language. Moreover, the intermarriages between the Amhara and the Oromo, both among elites and commoners, were and are still extensive (Maimre, 2006).

The Oromo inclusion, therefore, into the political system was occurring at both the local and national levels. This integrating of Oromo elites in the political system of Ethiopia continued by Sahele-Selassie of Shewa and later by Atse Menilek II during his reunification project. This later brought Oromo elites into Shewan Amhara's political system and provided paths for Oromo contributions to Ethiopia‘s reunification. Therefore, the foundations of modern Ethiopia in the late 19th century represent a cultural synthesis of Amhara and Oromo interactions. Hence, the integration of Oromo elites in the political systems brought ethnically diverse elite who governed the Ethiopian state apparatus (Yates, 2011).

Yet, things become changed when Marxism-Leninism was introduced as a governing ideology by the 1960‘s young generations and insurgent groups. A decade later, the Oromo liberation front started its colonial thesis against integrated Ethiopia. As a result, a century of the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ cooperation began to weaken. And the key role of the Amhara culture in the Ethiopian political system was ignored and considered as 'Amhara domination'. But the system was not ethnically exclusive. It has included non-Amharic speakers which made the survival of Ethiopia fruitful (Clapham, 1990).

2.5. The Contending Thesis between the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites As Donald Levine‘s study (1974) articulated that the existence of modern Ethiopia is associated with the Amhara thesis and Oromo antithesis. Therefore, as Levine stated, the rivalry between the Amhara thesis and Oromo antithesis brought a synthesized state, Ethiopia. In this regard, the political history of the Amhara and Oromo is dominated by a struggle over each other because of their contending thesis towards the state (Baxter, 1978). Indeed, the relation of the two ethno- political elites is a combination of both contests at one time and cooperation at another time. The reason for this is that the contending thesis between the two ethnic group elites, namely; the colonial, re-unification, and expansion-oppression thesis (Mesay, 2015).

The first thesis is the colonial thesis. The proponents of this thesis have written that the Ethiopian empire-state colonized the Oromo. Therefore; to end this colonialism, Oromo must liberate Oromia from Ethiopia (see Mekuria, 1997; Assefa, 1996; Alemayehu, 2013). However, as Mesay Kebede (2003) written that the consideration of Ethiopia as an Amhara colony was originated by Italy to undermine Ethiopia‘s continuity. This Italian rhetoric of Ethiopia as an Amhara colony; later taken by Eritreans and Oromo liberation movement proponents.

But one of the tabula rasa theorizing on Ethiopian politics is that secessionist political elites‘ consideration of Ethiopia as a colonial state. This leads to the claim of secession based on the premise that each ethnicity is colonized since the 19th Century. However, the 19th century Menilek‘s consolidation of Ethiopia was a grand reunification project of the disunited country by the Oromo expansion (Maimire, 2006). Unlike their colonial thesis writing, here is a point that is not considered by secessionist Oromo elites. During three hundred years of expansion from 1522-1840‘s the Oromo expanded at the expense of Ethiopia and settled into Amhara territories (Yates, 2011).

As Getachew (1995 E.C) was written that the expansion of Oromo weakened the Ethiopian state. This brought the Era of the Princes. Therefore, the Amhara Kings, notably Menilek II, reunified the disunited country by the Oromo expansion and later by the era of the princes‘ rivalry (Habtamu, 2012 E.C). Moreover, the problem of considering Ethiopia as a colonial state is that the Marxist conception of colonialism derived from capitalist reproduction, whereas Ethiopia was a feudal state at the time (Maimire, 2006). Beyond this, to say colonialism there must be a strict exclusion of the Oromo elites from sharing state power but the Oromo has had been statesmen in Ethiopia. Hence, one cannot be colonized by a state that he/she governs (ibid.).

The second thesis is the reunification thesis. This reunification thesis reverses the above colonial thesis that the invader and expansionist are not ‗Amhara ruling classes‘, but the Oromo. Thus, the weakening of the then Ethiopian kingdom by the Adal Sultanate‘s attack allowed the Oromo to conquest the Amhara and other people‘s territories. The Oromo intellectuals themselves openly admit this. As Mohammed (2002) written that the Oromo‘s vast territory and large population are the results of Oromo‘s expansion and assimilation of local peoples.

Accordingly, Menelik‘s southern expansion had been a legitimate to reintegrate territories that had been disintegrated by the Oromo invasion (Mesay, 2015; Habtamu, 2012 E.C).

The third one is a mid-way of the two, an expansion-oppression thesis. Based on this thesis, the history of the Ethiopian people since the 16th century is full of expansion and diminution, conquest and re-conquest, subjugation, and submission. The Amhara from the North and Oromo from the South have competed for power and resource before Menilik II made the consolidation of the modern Ethiopian state. Accordingly, both of them oppressed each other. During Oromos‘ expansion, a significant portion of the Amhara people was assimilated by the Oromo mogassa system and in time of Amhara Kings' expansion to the Southward, the cultural elements of Oromo were undermined (Levine, 1974).

Teshale (1996) strengthens this expansion thesis. As to him, the naming of ―black colonizer‖ to Menilek II of Ethiopia is ignorant to the history of state-making in 19th century Africa. Africans throughout the continent were forming states through territorial expansion. Menelik‘s expansion was part of the larger African scene, like the Fulani Empire of Sokoto, the Zulu state of Chaka, and the Kabakas of Buganda.

Despite the noted contending thesis, cooperation between the Amhara and Oromo power elites prevailed in the 19th century when Menilek shared power with the Oromo elites (Maimire, 2006). Although the Oromo elites in OLF have a thesis of colonized and politically marginalized by the Amhara; the Oromo had lived side by side with the Amhara both in competition and coopeartion over a long period. At times the Oromo drove the Amhara back into the mountains and at another time the Amhara pushed Oromos back again. In the 19th century, Ethiopia expanded to the South. Though the then power elites of the state were collectively named ―Amhara‖, there were also individuals from the Oromo and other ethnicities (Pausewang, 2009).

2.6. The Political Culture of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites towards Bargaining The Amhara and Oromo elites‘ political culture rises from the ideology of their long-time socio- political structure. While the Amhara system is hierarchical in the then Monarchical system of government, the Oromos were egalitarian under their Gada system. Whereas the Amhara is individualistic, the Oromo is in solidarity (Levine, 1974).

The Amhara political culture has had a hierarchical understanding of society while the Oromos had an egalitarian societal structure in the Gada system (Vaughan and Tronvoll, 2003).

Therefore, the Amhara and Oromo elites‘ political culture rises from the three ideological patterns, namely; Solomonism of Monarchically inherited values, Gada system based power holding by Buta warrior, and Marxist-Leninist indoctrination of the students and intellectuals since the 1960s.

In the Solomonic ideology of monarchical rule, there had been a system that when confrontation occurs for a succession of power among the princes, the nobilities arrest the princes at a prison; it had been at Amba Gishen or somewhere in Monasteries. Thus, when the power eventually transferred to a prince who was been in a prison he rectifies his prison devoted time through implementing his excessive will against the interest of the people. To reverse this, violent oppositions from sections of society came as a way out. Consequently, this brought the culture of war and banditry than bargaining (Lapeso, 1983; Mesganaw, 2010).

Likewise, in the Gada system of Oromo, before one Gada leader holds power he must incorporate new people and territories into his belonged one. In doing so, Gada leaders and their vassals apply excessive force. This has caused a culture of realizing political goals through violence than bargaining (Getachew, 1995 E.C; Habtamu, 2012 E.C). Another strategy used by the Gada leaders was Moggaasa and Buta. Moggassa was a way of assimilating non-Oromo peoples to the Oromo clans while Buta was the ceremony of warriors for territorial expansion (Zahorik, 2014). Although Gada caused a political culture of expansion and assimilation; Asmrom (1973) said it as an ethnographic puzzle of the Oromo.

The third source of the Amhara and Oromo elites‘ political culture is the Marxist-Leninist ideology. Regarding this, Abbink (2015) and Clapham (2007) written that since the 1960s, Marxist-Leninist ideology had been indoctrinated in the mind of the then students and different sections of society. This ideology planted an authoritarian regime and insurgencies. In turn, the authoritarian regime and insurgencies acculturated identifying people as oppressors and oppressed as well as killing in the name of bringing political change. Consequently, this facilitated insurgency than bargaining political culture.

Generally, inherited values from the three ideologies like an adventure towards war-based conquer and holding power through bloodshed shaped the elites' political culture. Hence, this culture of political doing impeded a bargaining political trend between the Amhara and Oromo elites in particular and to Ethiopia in general.

2.7. The Role of the Ethiopian Students Movement to the Current Ethno-Elite Contest The Ethiopian student movement traces back to December 1960, when students of the University College of Addis Ababa extend an organized support to the failed coup against the emperor. This event marked the birth as well as the development of the students‘ movement (Legesse, 1979). It was one of the most influential movements that impacted the Ethiopian politics of both the past and the present.

Some of the points of the movement were demanding radical land reform and question of nationalities. The movement has a significant impact both on the past and still today. The analysis of the past Ethiopian politics on the sense of oppressed-oppressor narration and altering of reversing political alternative for this thesis brought many of insurgencies on the basis of pan- Ethiopianism and ethnic manifestations. Eventually, the ethnic camp insurgent groups took the triumph and they institutionalized ethnic political system. Thus, the post-1991 ethno-federal structure is an extension of the then students claims of the so-called the ―nationalities question.‖

In the nutshell, the main point of the then Haile Selassie I University students demonstrations were ―land to tiller‖, and the ―question of nationalities.‖ In the years from 1969 up to the 1974 revolution, their movement became more radical guided by a Marxist-Leninist analysis of Ethiopia (Bahru, 2014). This brought ethnic based liberation fronts in the name of the narration to ―liberate oppressed ethnic groups‖. However, historically the rhetoric of nationalities question which today has become an institutionalized ethno-political system had been fertilized by Italians during the occupation from 1935-1941 by dividing Ethiopia regions along ethno-linguistic units.

EMPIRICAL LITERATURE

2.9. Political Elites Contest and Bargaining of Different Countries

2.9.1. South Africa’s Experience The political history of South Africa is dominantly known by Nelson Mandela and his collaborators' struggle against the apartheid regime. As a country, South Africa is home to ethno- cultural groups such as the Xhosa, Zulu, Afrikaners, San, Venda, Ndebele, and European- Africans8 (Piotrowski, 2019). While most of the colonial ‗scramble for Africa‘ took place in the nineteenth century, European domination of South Africa began almost two centuries earlier since the Dutch settlers‘ arrival in 1652 and the British colonists come in 1795. Consequently, exclusionary legislation on land ownership was passed which made lands in the hands of whites at the expense of native Africans. This intensified confrontation between the Natives and European Africans (Howitt et al, 2019).

To reverse this, the current African National Congress and the then South African Native National Congress established to struggle for blacks against the injustice of the white in 1912. Despite the struggle of the native Africans; the white suffrage of the 1948 general election further institutionalized the apartheid regime by making the extremist Daniel Malan as PM who said ―South Africa, at last, belongs to us.‖ As a result, the white minority domination over the black Africans continued for the next 45 years. However, when an internal and external struggle continued against the Apartheid injustice; De Klerk, who becomes president in 1989, released political prisoners including Mandela (ibid.).

Eventually, the non-stop struggle of the mass and the good bargaining of Mandela and De Klerk abolished the apartheid regime. Onwards, South Africa prevailed as an inclusive ―rain bow nation.‖ Due to this, both Mandela and De Klerk‘s won Noble Peace Prize in 1993 because of their fruitful bargaining against past injustice and for reconciliation (Brocket, 2005). Generally, the cooperative bargaining between Mandela and De Klerk ended centuries of the Apartheid regime (Piotrowski, 2019).

8 European-African is a name given to the White Europeans who reside in South Africa. 21

2.9.2. Switzerland’s Experience Switzerland is a multilingual state in Western Europe that does not have political difficulties with its linguistic groups. Yet, it is wrong to think of Switzerland without historical conflicts. Modern Switzerland was created by the bargaining of different language group elites. Indeed, Swiss is a unified state through continuous elite bargaining and consociational power-sharing among different language groups. The country is the result of its past; evolved from a confederation of three communities in 1291 to a federation among cantons in 1848 (Steinberg, 2015).

Over the past 150 years, Switzerland has been fortunate to find ways of achieving political stability through power-sharing among different language groups. This led to a national consensus among political elites. Thus, Swiss democracy is designed for bargaining and compromise (United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2006). As a country, Swiss is home to four language groups namely; French, Germany, Italian, and Raeto-Romansch. Here, people may ask that how a mountainous landlocked country realized stable politics and an industrialized economy. The answer is due to its elites' shared vision and bargaining (Steinberg, 2015).

Swiss has a federation composed of 26 cantons. The government is a coalition of all big political parties based on consensus democracy. Thus, the Swiss consensus democracy lets participation for all political actors in the government to achieve a political compromise. In consensus democracy no single winner takes all, everybody wins something (Lijphart, 1996).

However, to apply the Swiss elite bargaining experience and federation to the Amhara and Oromo case of Ethiopia needs an understanding of the differences about their historical and present political, economic, and social conditions. Switzerland is a small country inhabited by four ethnic groups, with a well-developed industrial base and stable democratic history whereas Ethiopia is a developing country in which its politics is being disturbed by extremism and tribalism (Walle, 1993). However, both of them are multiethnic and land-locked countries.

2.9.3. India’s Experience As Alam (2017), India is the world‘s most complex and comprehensively pluralistic ethnic state. It existed as a sovereign state when the colony of Britain ended in 1947. Two years later its political elites started the journey of democracy.

As Arend Lijphart (1996) in his study, ―The Puzzle of Indian Democracy”, indicated four ways of consociational democracy practicing in culturally divided societies; (1) grand coalition (2) cultural autonomy (3) proportional representation, and (4) a minority veto concerning vital minority rights. In this regard, Indian democracy has the above defining characteristics of power- sharing. Its political parties, formerly the Congress party and now the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, have an inclusive representation of political elites from various cultural groups. Thus, the big puzzle of Indian democracy is the accommodative and bargaining behavior of political elites from deep ethnic differences based on consociational democracy (Lijphart, 1996).

Democracy, therefore, survived in India in a nonwestern context through commitments of the political elites. India‘s multi-religious and multi-linguistic character didn‘t impede its democracy but enhanced the political maturity of elites. The roots of this consciousness towards bargaining on contestations traced back to the non-violent movement of Mahatma Gandhi and his proponents (Chakrabarty, 2008; Gogoi, 2020).

To take a lesson, India and Ethiopia are defined as ethno-cultural diversified states. India holds a long experience of federalism and elite bargaining while Ethiopia has no experience of inclusive elite bargaining. Both countries have faced a big political turmoil and transition in the 1990s. However, while India stabilized its political order, problems in Ethiopia are not resolved yet. This is, due to Ethiopia‘s altering of ―ethnic federalism‖ to manage ―ethnic conflicts‖ while India provided ―Cooperative federalism‖ to resolve center-region conflicts (Vasudeo, 2019).

CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY

Introduction This chapter concerns the approach, design, trustworthiness, ethical consideration, methods of data collection, and analysis of the study.

3.1. Research Approach For the rational-based inquiry of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest and the need for bargaining, the study adopted a qualitative approach of research. As Creswell (2009: p.4) written that ―qualitative research is a means for exploring and understanding the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem.‖ It is a non-statistical inquiry that understands social phenomena and events through deep interpretation and critical analysis (MacNabb, 2015). By using this research paradigm, the researcher deeply interpreted the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contestation areas based on the data obtained from the key informants, literature, and media discourses.

As far as the qualitative approach to research is concerned about assessing attitudes, opinions, and behaviors (ibid.), it best suits this title because this study focused on analyzing the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations. Therefore, this approach helped the researcher to differentiate the elites contesting areas and to provide scientific ways of bargaining. The researcher adopted a qualitative approach of study because the study explores an insightful bargaining sphere to the Amhara and Oromo political elites. This is through analyzing the complexity of the elites‘ contestations. In doing so, a qualitative approach to research is applied because it helps to explore social problems (Creswell, 2014).

By using a qualitative approach of study, the researcher explored the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contesting areas along with providing possible ways of cooperative bargaining. The justification behind selecting this approach is that qualitative research tends to work more intensively with fewer participants through the provision of care and detailed descriptions (Mackey and Gass, 2005). Thus, the researcher consumed both primary and secondary data sources gained from key informants, media discourses, and literature.

3.2. Research Design ―…Research design is the conceptual structure within which research is conducted; it constitutes the blueprint for the collection, measurement, and analysis of data‖ (Kothari, 2004: p.31). It is a road map for the entire methodology of data collection and analysis (Islamia, 2016). A research design rises from the research questions. Therefore, to answer the basic questions of this study, an exploratory research design was employed. An exploratory research design appears to be helpful to inquire about the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of their cooperative bargaining.

As MacNabb (2015: p.96) written that.... ―exploratory research is intended to serve as an in- depth look into all the factors related to a political phenomenon.‖ It applies an interview and document analysis as data collection methods. In this regard, exploratory design is applied when a topic needs to be understood in-depth, especially if it hasn‘t been done before.9

Therefore, as per the searching of the researcher, studies are seldom done about the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest and the necessity of bargaining. Due to this, an exploratory case study design was selected aimed to explore the origins and contested areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites. This in turn helps to find a midway political sphere of cooperative bargaining over their contestations. Hence, by applying this design the researcher explored the practice, challenges, and possibilities of changing the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ contestations into bargaining.

3.2.1 Methods of Data collection This study consumed both primary and secondary data. Among the primary data; key informant interviews, Telephone interviews, and personal observation are used. Observation in this study context is the researcher‘s insight of the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ contest and political dialogues via Broad Casting Media and in the Cyber World. And secondary data used are; books, articles, national and international reports, Master‘s Thesis, and Doctorate Dissertations. Therefore, to realize the study titled ―The Dynamics of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest and the necessity of bargaining”; interview, observation, and document analysis were used. These data collection methods are detailed as follows:

9 Available at https://www.questionpro.com/blog/exploratory-research/ accessed on December 24, 2020 25

3.2.1.1. Interview As Gray (2004) indicated that if the objective of the research is exploring, an interview allows the researcher to carefully investigate the informants‘ response by asking them to clarify what they have said. Therefore, this study adopted a semi-structured key informant interview. A semi- structured interview is a non-standardized way of data collection that allows asking additional questions when new issues arise in a while interview time.

In this open-ended data collection method, the key informant interviewees of this study were political elites who are executive members of the six political parties of the Amhara and Oromo. These parties are the Amhara Prosperity Party (APP), National Movement of Amhara (NaMA) and the Amhara Democratic Force Movement (ADFM), Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). Besides, the higher researchers of the Institute of Oromo Studies (IOS) and the Amhara Scholars Council (ASC), Political analyst Journalists of the Amhara Media Corporation (AMC) and Oromo Broadcasting Network (OBN) were interviewed. The researcher interviewed the informants by face-to-face and Telephone interview. Some of the Telephone interviews were done depending on the consent of the informants as well as by considering security issues for the researcher.

3.2.1.2. Personal Observation Besides the personal and Telephone interview, the researcher adopted an observation on Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ political dialogue on Broad Cast Medias, YouTube, and Radio. This helped the researcher to gain first-hand data to provide bargaining ways over their contestations. For instance, the researcher observed the dialogue of eminent political activists from the Amhara and Oromo namely; Achamyeleh Tamiru and Professor Ezekiel Gebbissa debate on Hiber Radio.10 Thus, observation is a method of data collection in which the researcher makes a direct watching without asking from the respondent (Kothari, 2004).

3.2.1.3. Document Analysis In addition to the key informant interview and observation, the researcher used books, articles, national and international reports, political parties statement papers, Thesis, and Dissertations.

10 Their debate is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lJ4N2mcaN28&t=1377s Hiber Radio Presents Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa & Achamyeleh Tamiru | Nov 27, 2017. Accessed on December 30, 2020

Consuming document analysis helped the researcher to understand the roots of the Amhara and Oromo political elites‘ contestations.

3.3. Sampling Technique and Size To get the targeted key informants in the study of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest and the necessity of bargaining, the study adopted purposive sampling technique. Purposive sampling is used to access informants who have deep knowledge about a particular issue (Ball, 1990 cited in Cohen et al., 2007). The researcher selected purposive sampling for two reasons: The first reason is that this type of sampling helps to find the targeted key informants who have adequate know-how about the Amhara and Oromo political elite contest and bargaining. Second, as the issue is bout elites' contest and bargaining, looking for solutions from the mass-men may not be fruitful. Thus, this obliged the researcher to use purposive sampling.

Therefore, through adopting purposive sampling, a key informant interview was conducted. Thus, higher political elites who are members of six political parties namely; Amhara PP, Oromo PP, NaMA, OFC, ADFM, and OLF executive members were interviewed. Again, from the Amhara Scholars Council and the Institute of Oromo Studies, two higher researchers were interviewed. Besides, from Amhara Media Corporation and the Oromo Broadcasting Network, two political analyst journalists are interviewed. Moreover, data were taken from the media discourses of the Oromo and Amhara Regional State Presidents, Ato Shimeles Abdisa and Ato Agegnehu Teshager respectively.

Furthermore, the debates of apolitical activists namely Achamyleh Tamiru and Professor Ezekiel Gebissa were taken. Jawar Mohammed and Christian Tadele‘s political discourse were also consumed for the analysis of the study. Therefore, through personal and telephone interviews as well as media discourses, primary data were taken from Twenty (20) key elites. The number of a sample frame of the informants was limited based on the saturation of the collected data. Data saturation means when the data is gained from the new informant is the same as the previously collected ones (Faulkner and Trotter, 2017). The researcher has done this after the maximum required data collected from informants.

3.4. Method of Data Analysis and Interpretation The acquired data from the key informants, media discourses, and literature were analyzed and interpreted through adopting political discourse analysis. This assisted the researcher to analyze the contestations in the speeches and texts of the Amhara and Oromo political elites. Political discourse analysis is an argumentative discourse that focuses on analyzing contestations for political power (Isabela Fairclough and Norman Fairclough, 2012). It is a multi-disciplinary analysis that focuses on the political text and talk of the political practice. It analyzes the discourse spoken by politicians who act on the behalf of the society (Dunmire, 2012). In this regard, political discourse analysis is a critical analysis of the text and talk of politicians‘ discourse (Van Dijk, N.D.)

Therefore, contradictory data obtained from the Amhara and Oromo political elites were interpreted through using argumentative political discourse analysis. This helped the researcher to understand the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations for the necessity of exploring cooperative bargaining areas. All in all, discourse analysis is the study of language-in-use for communication and doing of things among the people (Gee, 2011). Therefore, the data gained from the key informants and literature are analyzed and interpreted through adopting political discourse analysis.

3.5. Trustworthiness of the Research As Shenton (2004) stated that quantitative researchers often challenge qualitative researchers for their exclusion of validity and reliability principles. However, researchers like Shenton introduced the principles of trustworthiness to make qualitative studies rigorous. Based on this, to ensure the credibility of this study, the researcher triangulated data collection methods through using key informant interviews, the discourse of elites, observation of political debates, and document analysis. Besides, the obtained data are accurately interpreted and analyzed. Again, to make the study transferable, a description of key informants was done. Moreover, to ensure dependability and replica, the methodologies of the study were described in detail. Finally, conformability is assured through objective review by the advisor, peer, and key informants as it is needed.

3.6. Ethical Considerations in the Research Regarding the ethical issues of the study, the researcher acknowledged all informants and literature sources. Besides, the researcher has no target to create frustration and damage either on the informants or on the political sphere rather aimed to bring cooperative bargaining between the Amhara and Oromo political elites. Finally, the key informants‘ names are expressed in a coded format bay saying, KI-meaning key informant.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

Introduction This chapter analyzed the origins and areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations, their necessity bargaining areas, challenges on their ongoing political dialogues, and political alternatives for cooperative bargaining over their contestations.

4.1. The Origins of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest

4.1.1. Historiography as an Origin of Contest As Wondu and Olgira (2006) indicated, the Amhara and Oromo elites contest goes back to the first half of the sixteenth century when Oromos expanded into the Central, Western and Eastern parts of Ethiopia. Since then, the historiography of considering one as a state maker and the other as a destructor has become a discourse.

In a relation to this, KI-111 stated that lack of consensus over the history of Ethiopia is the origin of the contest. As to him, the basis of the Oromo elites‘ historiography is the false narration of considering Ethiopia as mere Menilek‘s creation whereas the Amhara elites consider Menilek as re-builder of disunited Ethiopia by the Adal Sultanate war and the Oromo expansion (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021). KI-12 strengthens the above statement that the Oromo elites conceal their predecessors Gada based expansion and destruction on Amharas while they focus on disseminating unhistorical discourse on Menilek‘s rebuilding of Ethiopia (KI-12 of ADFM, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021).

Conversely, KI-4 pointed that the domination of Ethiopia‘s historiography by the chronicles of the kings which excluded assets of the Oromo people like the Gada system originated our contest (KI-4 of OPP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021). Concerning this, KI-7 indicated that the Oromo elites blame the historiography of Ethiopia as Northern and Orthodox focus that magnify Amhara-Tigre domination by excluding the Oromo values like the Gada system. However, the historiography of Ethiopia doesn‘t mention ethnic affiliation (KI-7 of AMC, Telephone interview, on 25th of April 2021).

11 KI- means Key informant 30

Besides the above informants, KI-6 noted that the historiography of the 19th century Menilek‘s conquest is the origin of the contest. As to him, although the Amhara elites deny this by saying it as narration, studies based on oral data indicated that the conquest undermined the Oromo cultural manifestations like the Gada system (KI-6 of OLF, Telephone interview, on 7th of April 2021). However, to somewhat, mere oral information-based studies may not be reliable because the informants may tell what they had been indoctrinated by the political elites than the real (KI- 8 of history professor, Telephone interview, on 26th of April 2021).

Generally, the consideration of the Oromo political elites about Ethiopian historiography as Northern-Amhara-Tigre focus and the allegation of the Amhara political elites on Oromo political elites about their heralding of historiography on Menilek II through leaving their three hundred years Gada based expansion into the heart of Ethiopia originated contestations between them.

4.1.2. Modern Ethiopian State Building as an Origin of Contest As Donald Levine (1974) studied that the existence of modern Ethiopia is associated with the Amhara thesis and Oromo antithesis. He expressed it through using the philosophy of Hegel‘s dialectic idealism of thesis and antithesis.12 Therefore, Levine‘s finding indicates that the rivalry between the Amhara thesis and Oromo antithesis brought a synthesized modern state, Ethiopia. Nevertheless, as Assefa Mehertu (2012) stated that the coming of an ethno political system in post-1991 caused ethno political elite contestations on modern Ethiopia‘s state-building.

In this regard, KI-1 justified that the political elites contending view on the Ethiopian state building is another origin of contestation. Whereas for Amhara elites Atse Menilek is a re-unifier of Ethiopia, the Oromo elites‘ consideration of him as expansionist-colonizer and themselves as colonized rooted irreconcilable contestations (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021).

Regarding this, KI-5 added that the massive expansion of Oromo from the half of 16th up to the 18th century disunited Ethiopia. Thus, in the last decades of the 19th century, Menilek reunified the disunited country. Unfortunately, the Oromo political elites‘ start their political antithesis by

12 Hegel‘s idealist philosophy is a dialectic method of historical and philosophical progress that expresses thesis a negation of the thesis called antithesis and a synthesis where two conflicting ideas have reconciliation. Available at www.google.com/searchhegel%philosophy+of+Thesis+anthithesisand synthesis accessed on June 11, 2021

saying Menilek was expansionist through hiding their predecessors' forceful expansion which disunited then Ethiopia (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 10th of April 2021).

On the other hand, as KI-3 expressed that the lack of consensus on the Ethiopian state-building is the origin of the contest. As to him, the two contending political elites have no common understanding of the past and they differed in proposing the future of Ethiopia‘s way of rebuilding (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th April 2021). Concerning this, KI-4 added that this contest originated due to Menilek‘s establishment of current Ethiopia at the expense of Oromo resources and values. As to him, ways used by Atses from Tewdros II- Haile Selassie I are considered as a holly by one Group-Amhara and as a crime by another group-Oromo (KI-4 of OPP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021).

Again, in Amhara and Oromo parties‘ political dialogue, the discussion paper provided by Merera Gudina pointed that the current state problems are planted by Atse Menilik II of Ethiopia.13 Contrarily, Tahir Mohammed from the NaMA party replied to Merara to see beyond Menilik politics that is considering the destructions caused by the three hundred years Gada warrior expansions.14

Therefore, based on the Oromo elites‘ statements modern Ethiopian state building is a continuation of expansion and oppression over Oromo whereas for the Amhara political elites it is a continuation of the reunification project. Thus, the Amhara elites defined Ethiopian state- building in terms of state-based identity while the Oromo elites inclined to define the state in terms of ethnic identity like what is being done since 1991.

All in all, this contestation arises from the three theses about modern Ethiopian state-building. The first one is the re-unification thesis which says disunited territories of Ethiopia re-united by the successive Atse‘s since Tedwors II -Menilek II. Maimire (2006) strengthens this that the 19th century Menilek‘s consolidation of Ethiopia was a reunification project of the disunited country. Conversely, though the Amhara elites call Menilek‘s expansion as reunification, the socialist Oromo elites consider it as an expansion (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th April 2021).

13 The speech is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lCxhDkgNUc4 Dr merara Gudina speech and Ato Tahir Mohammed response, September, 2020. Accessed on December 30, 2020 14 Ibid.

The third thesis is extreme Oromo nationalists‘ consideration of the making of modern Ethiopia as colonization (See Asafa Jalata, 1996). However, the problem of considering Ethiopia as a colonial state is the Marxist conception of colonialism derived from capitalist reproduction, whereas Ethiopia was a feudal state at the time (Maimire, 2006).

4.1.3. Narrations as a Source of Contestation When Marxism-Leninism becomes a governing ideology by the 1960‘s generation, the Oromo liberation front started its colonial thesis. As a result, the key role of the Amhara culture in the Ethiopian political system is considered as 'Amhara domination' over ―internally colonized‖ peoples. But the system was not ethnically exclusive (Clapham, 1990).

The colonial narration proponents like Asafa Jalata (1996) and Mekuria Bulcha (1997) are written that the Ethiopian empire-state colonized the Oromo. However, as Pausewang (2009) justified that though the political elites of OLF have a colonial thesis of being politically marginalized by the Amhara, the Oromo elites were statesmen in modern Ethiopia. Moreover, the narration of Ethiopia as an Amhara colony was originated by Italy to undermine Ethiopia‘s continuity. This Italian rhetoric of Ethiopia as an Amhara colony; later taken by Eritreans and Oromo liberation movement proponents (Mesay, 2003).

Concerning the above statement, KI-1 indicated that the oppressor-oppressed narration has wax and gold. It seems accusing of the then ruling Amhara elites but on the ground, the risk is being faced by the Amhara people. In doing so, the basis of the Oromo elites‘ political capital is false narration initially fabricated by the German missionaries and Italians. This later brought the 1960 ethno-liberation politics. Since then, the Leninist guise of oppressor-oppressed narration is highly propagated against the Amhara (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021).

On the contrary to KI-1‘s justification, KI-3 stated that narrations are not simply fabricated discourses but based on existed facts. Merera refuses the Amhara elites saying of the current state problems as falsely narration driven. He added that without national oppression there would not be a national question (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). Therefore, this contending of the Amhara and Oromo political elites over narrations planted another contestation.

4.1.4. Ethnic Politics as a Source of Contest As Assefa Mehretu (2012) studied that the 1960s is the beginning of ethnic politics and in 1991 it gained institutionalization by ethno-liberation fronts. However, this ethno-based system has sourced contestations among the ethno political elites. Regarding this, KI-5 pointed that the coming of ethnic politics in the Ethiopian political sphere caused further contestations between the Amhara and Oromo political elites. As to him, ethnic politics by its nature aggravates the social anger of one ethno-group over the other (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 10th of 2021).

Again, KI-7 strengthens the above statement that ethnic politics is one source of the Amhara and Oromo elites contest because it brought the notion of the ―owner and alien‖ within the Umbrella of Ethiopian citizenship (KI-7 of AMC, Telephone interview, on 25th of April 2021). On the contrary, KI-6 doesn‘t accept ethnic politics as a source of the contest instead he considers it as an answer to the question of nationalities in Ethiopia (KI-6 of OLF, Telephone interview, on 7th of April 2021). Hence, besides other factors, like differences in historiography, the institutionalization of ethnic politics in the Ethiopian political sphere added another source of contestation between the Amhara and Oromo political elites.

4.2. The Contesting Areas of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites As Baxter (1978) written that the political history of the Amhara and Oromo is dominated by a struggle over each other. In this regard, based on the data gained from the key informants and literature, six contesting areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites are identified and discussed below.

4.2.1. Deconstructing-Reconstructing of Ethiopia as an Area of Contest Due to their contending thesis towards the state, the political doing of the Amhara and Oromo political elites is full of rivalry (Baxter, 1978). Concerning this, Prof. Hizekiel Gabisa who is an Oromo scholar had spoken to Walta Television that the political element of the Amhara domination over Ethiopia deconstructed in 1974 whiles the cultural domination in 1991. Therefore, after having two deconstructions in 1974 and 1991, now Ethiopia is being reconstructed.15

15 Professor Ezekiel Gebissa interview with Walta TV part 2 available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1DHnkTpwNW0&t=2208s accessed on May 23, 2021

On the other hand, the September 26, 2018 decision of the ADP executive Committee on the necessity of amending the 1995‘s FDRE constitution is attached with deconstructing of the existing system and altering for another system. However, KI-3 expressed that due to having of uncommon understanding of the past, the Amhara and Oromo political elites have no consensus about how the future of Ethiopia is re-constructed. But as to him, ethnic federalism is still best (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). Conversely, KI-10 stated that some Oromo political elites propagate as they are reconstructing Ethiopia. Due to this, they say we don‘t bargain on ethnic federalism. However, as to him, the current system is exclusionary to Amharas that needs reconstruction (KI-10 of NaMA, Telephone interview, on 25th of April 2021).

All in all, both the Amhara and Oromo political elites concentrate on reconstruction. However, the Oromo elites are striving to strengthen the existed ethno-political system whereas the Amhara political elites are striving for the amendment of the 1995 FDRE constitution to unmake and re-make the existed political system in another system.

4.2.2. Lack of Consensus over the National Symbols and Hero as an Area of Contest Based on the data gained from the key informants, the Amhara and Oromo political elites have contestations over national manifestations like Flag, national hero, and name of the capital city. Concerning this, KI-4 pointed that national symbols like flags and heroes are contesting areas between the Amhara and Oromo political elites. As KI-4 said, some alter the existing flag; others alter Green, Yellow, and Red without emblem and there are also political elites who are out of the two. Regarding national hero, the hero for Amhara elites like Atse Menilek II is an oppressor for the Oromo political elites (KI-4 of APP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021).

Conversely, KI-1 stated that the Oromo elites‘ allegation of Menilek as an oppressor and themselves as oppressed rooted contestations in having of a common national hero because Menilek is a hero for the Amhara elites who reunited Ethiopia (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021). KI-7 strengthens this statement that though Menilek is the establisher of Ethiopia, the way the Oromo and Amhara elites view him is different. The Amhara elites consider Menilek as a re-unifier whereas the Oromo elites alleged him as an oppressor (KI-7 of AMC, Telephone

interview, on 25th of April 2021). Hence, the data indicates the presence of an incompatible view on national symbols and heroes between the Amhara and Oromo political elites.

4.2.3. Political Representation for Amharas in Oromia Regional State as an Area of Contest The September 26, 2018 decision of the then ADP‘s Executive Committee announced its political commitment to struggle for having of political representation of Amharas who reside in other regional states. Concerning this, KI-5 indicated that though millions of Amharas are found in Oromia regional state they don‘t have political representation in the regional state council- Chaffee Oromia.16 As to him, the Amharas are alleged as aliens in the region while they are born and raised there. On the contrary, the Amhara regional state has given political representation and special administrative zone for Oromos17 who reside in the Amhara regional state (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021).

However, the above statement of KI-5 is challenged by KI-11. As to him, the challenge in giving administrative zone or Woreda for Amharas in the Oromia region is not due to the lack of political will but the dispersed settlement of Amharas. This impeded to give representatives in Chaffee Oromia (KI-11 of IOS, Telephone interview, on 8th of May 2021). However, regarding this, KI-6 indicated that the ongoing political dialogue of the Amhara political elites becomes contested when the question of political rights for Amharas in the Oromia regional state rose (KI-6 of OLF, Telephone interview, on 7th of April 2021).

Hence, this indicates a contest of the Amhara and Oromo political elites over facilitating and prohibiting the political representation of Amhara who resides in the Oromia regional state.

4.2.4. Territorial Claim and the Issue of Addis Ababa as an Area of Contest Regarding the territorial contest, from the 16th up to 18th centuries, the Oromo drove the Amharas into the mountains and at another time the Amhara pushed Oromos back again. This caused the current territorial contestations over Addis Ababa and other territories (Pausewng, 2009).

As KI-11 indicated that during the expansion of the medieval Christian highland kingdom of Ethiopia, the then pastoral Oromos were pushed South-ward. But due to the weakening of the kingdom in the 16th century, the Oromos retook their land. As Dr. Dhereesa said, the Amhara

16 See the 194 E.C amended constitution of Oromia regional state. 17 See Article 45 of the 1994 E.C amended constitution of the Amhara regional state. 36

elites claim the then Gafat and Damot people habiting areas as their own but parts of the then Gafat and Damot people have become Oromo (KI-11 of IOS, Telephone interview, on 8th of May 2021). Concerning this; Jawar Mohammed of OFC, in his interview with OMN, said that ―we are ready on the issue of making Addis Ababa to the Oromos either through political dialogue or force. I will call upon the Qerroos to finish the work‖.18

On the contrary, the 2013 NaMA‘s election manifesto contravenes the above statement of Jawar. As the manifesto stated that, historically, the current Addis Ababa and the then Berara is the city of Medieval Ethiopian kings from 1382-1531. Thus, before the Oromo expansion of the 16th century, the major residents in Addis Ababa and the surrounding parts of Shewa were Amharas, Gafat, and Maya peoples. However, the forceful expansion of Oromo in the area pushed the Amharas into the hills of Northern Shewa while the remains are assimilated. Thus, while the victimized are the Amharas, the current Oromo political elites' claim of the City as their own only is unhistorical and illegal because it denies the self-government right of the residents.

KI-2 added that the forceful expansion of Oromos into Shewa and other areas undermined Amharas there. However, in the 19th century, Atse Menilek re-conquered the lost territories. Donald Levine‘s (1972) study strengthens this that the Amharas to some extent were re- conquering lands that had been taken from them by Gada-based Oromo expansions. Therefore, as Ato Tesfahun, Addis Ababa is the then City of Atse Dawit, Berera, and now home for all Ethiopians than belonging to a single ethnic group (KI-2 of ADFM, Bahir Dar, on 19th April 2021).

Therefore, there is real contestation over the possession of Addis Ababa. While the Oromo political elites are contesting to make the City to Oromia regional state, the Amhara political elites are struggling to make her an autonomous City-state.

4.2.5. The 1995 FDRE Constitution and Ethno-federalism as an Area of Contest Regarding the FDRE constitution, the election manifesto of NaMA says that the party will adopt an extraordinary constitutional amendment on the 1995 FDRE constitution if it won a majority seat in the federal parliament because the basis of the constitution is an oppressor-oppressed false

18 OMN interview with Jawar Mohammed about Finfine, February 6 2019. Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PjHz94y5IXY accessed on May 23, 2021 37

narration by anti-Ethiopian political elites. In a relation to federalism, the NaMA elites alter for territorial-based federalism than for an ethnic guise (NaMA‘s election manifesto, 2013). In the nutshell, the view of NaMA towards constitutional revision relates to the September 26, 2018 decision of the ADP executive committee on the necessity of amending the 1995 FDRE constitution.

Concerning this, KI-5 indicated that ethnic-based federalism aggravates conflict among ethno- elites which in turn affect the mass-men. Therefore, it is better to re-regionalize the current regional states based on territory. To do so, constitutional revision is mandatory (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 10th of April 2021. On the contrary, KI-3 stated that ethnic federalism is an answer to the nationalities question; and the 1995 FDRE constitution is its foundation. As to him, the current state problems are not driven by ethnic federalism but by the previous unequal relations among ethnic groups (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021).

Therefore, the Amhara elites' stand against ethnic federalism is a means of restoring the former Ethiopian empire-state (KI-6, Telephone interview, on 7th of April 2021). However, KI-10 challenges this that the Oromo elites' consideration of themselves as ethno-federalist is a myth because they didn‘t give recognition to ethnic Amharas who were born and raised in Oromia regional state (KI-10 of NaMA, Bahir Dar, on 25th of April 2021).

All in all, as the analysis indicated, the Oromo political elites appreciate and want to strengthen the 1995 FDRE constitution and ethnic federalism whereas the Amhara political elites need the amendment of the constitution and re-regionalization of the sub-national units based on territory.

4.2.6. National-Working Language as an Area of Contest Regarding this issue, Merera Gudina notes that his party, OFC, struggles to make Affan Oromo a federal government working language along with Amharic (Merera Gudina of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). Likewise, the OFC, the 2013 election manifesto of NaMA talks about national-working language issues. As the manifesto of NaMA justified, having a national language is attached to strengthening Ethiopians unity. In this regard, Amharic which is spoken in the majority of parts of Ethiopia will be the national language of the country. Besides, depending on studies there will be working languages at the national and regional level along with the national language (NaMA‘s election manifesto, 2013).

Therefore, while the OFC announced to make Affan Oromo a federal working language along with Amharic, NaMA subjects it to a study regarding what language should become an additional working language.

4.3. The Necessity Bargaining Areas of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Cheng et al (2018) written that elites can make history by reversing the potentials of violent conflict into bargaining. Regarding this, the relation of the Amhara and Oromo ethno-political elites is a combination of both contests at one time and cooperation at another time (Mesay, 2015). Starting from November 2017, political dialogue is being tried between the two ethnic group political elites. Therefore, on the following data-based identified areas cooperative political bargaining is necessary between them.

4.3.1. The Necessity of Reconciliation and Bargaining on Ethiopia’s Political-History The political history of the Amhara and Oromo people since the 16th century is full conquest and re-conquest. The Amhara from the north and Oromo from the south have competed for power and resource. Thus, during the Oromo expansion, a significant portion of the Amhara people was assimilated by the Oromo and in time of Amhara Kings' expansion to the southward, the cultural elements of Oromo were undermined (Levine, 1974). Indeed, in the 18th century, the Ethiopian politics in the center was controlled by the Yejju Oromo. At the time, the Oromo elites were kingmakers at Gondar and Affan Oromo had become a court language though the country was disunited. Regarding this, the 19th century Menilek‘s consolidation of Ethiopia was a grand reunification project of the disunited country (Maimire, 2006). Therefore, this paves the way for reconciliation and bargaining between them.

Concerning this, KI-3 indicated that reconciliation between the Oromo and Amhara elites is needed because the society is intermixed by different events since the 16th century. Therefore, to come to the reconciliation, working on the current affairs that can bring a midway political sphere is needed. This can be done when politicians limit their overambitious plans such as assimilation and secession (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). KI-1 added on this that the historiographical contest seems irreconcilable unless we use history for a lesson of our failure. Therefore, it is better to reconcile and bargain on issues that will take us to consensus because the geopolitics we live in also has no facilitation to live alone (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021).

Besides, KI-4 stated that as far as history is an area of contestation, it has to be scrutinized by the Scholars whereas the political elites have to focus on the current affairs of the state (KI-4 of APP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021). Therefore, instead of contesting on the past, it is better to pursue cooperative bargaining on the current state-society realities is needed.

4.3.2. The Necessity of Bargaining on the 1995 FDRE Constitution and Ethnic Federalism Likewise, ADP‘s Executive Committee's decision on the need of amending the 1995 FDRE constitution on September 26, 2018, the 2013 election manifesto of NaMA states the necessity of an extraordinary amendment on it. As the manifesto, the pillars of the 1995 FDRE constitution are an oppressor-oppressed false narration. Due to this, NaMA looks for national dialogue and elite bargaining to have an inclusive constitution that will declare territorial-based federalism.

Concerning this issue, as the manifesto of the OFC told by KI-3, the party struggles to make Affan Oromo an additional federal working language. This indicates a question of a constitutional amendment. However, regarding the form of federalism, KI-3 pointed that the presence of various ethno-nationalisms in Ethiopia challenges applying of territorial federalism. Thus, to continue answering the nationalities' question ethnic federalism is appropriate (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). In the same token, KI-6 blamed the stand of Amhara elites against ethnic federalism (KI-6 of OLF, Telephone interview, on the 7th of April 2021).

Conversely, KI-5 indicated that ethnic-based politics brings conflict of ―us and them‖ among ethno elites. Therefore, it has to be changed through constitutional revision (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on the 10ths of April 2021). KI-10 added that ethnic federalism made the Amharas alien who resides in other regional states like Oromia. Therefore, it must be changed to an inclusive manner (KI-10 of NaMA, Telephone interview, on 25th of April 2021).

Therefore, as the analysis indicates, the Amhara political elites need both an amendment of the constitution and re-arrangement of ethnic federalism by another form whereas the Oromo political elites need some sort of constitutional amendment to make Affan Oromo a federal working language along with keeping on of ethno-federalism.

4.3.3. The Necessity of Bargaining over Addis Ababa and other Territorial Claims As Pausewng (2009) written that the Oromo and Amhara lived side by side with cooperation at one time and pushing each other at another time. These centuries of cooperation and competition

brought the current contestations over Addis Ababa and other territories that need their cooperative bargaining.

Concerning this, KI-9 expressed that the Amhara elites consider Addis Ababa as the medieval age Berera and not belonged to the Oromo only. Conversely, the Oromo political elites allege Addis Ababa as an Oromo land, Finfinne (KI-10 of OBN, Telephone interview, on 6th of May 2021). In a relation to this, the 2013 NaMA‘s election manifesto says that Addis Ababa which is the capital city of Ethiopia and headquarters of the African Union belongs to its residents and for all Ethiopians than for one ethnic group. Therefore, by taking into account the number of its residents and diversity, Addis Ababa will be an autonomous city-state.

On the contrary, the discourse of Jawar Mohammed, who is an executive member of the OFC, contravenes the manifesto of NaMA and other Amhara elites' views. As Jawar pointed in his interview with OMN, Addis Ababa belongs to the Oromo. He told they are ready to make Addis Ababa for Oromo either in political dialogue or coercion.19 All in all, these contending views of the elites need cooperative bargaining to have a midway political sphere. However, Jawar‘s putting of coercion as one alternative on the issue of Addis Ababa indicates something incompatible with political dialogue.

4.3.4. The Necessity of Political Dialogue over Non-Evidenced Narrations The foundation of modern Ethiopia since the 19th century represents a cultural synthesis of the Amhara and Oromo. Thus, the integration of Oromo elites in the Shewan Amhara political system brought ethnically diverse governing elite (Yates, 2011). However, this integration of the Amhara and Oromo political elites began to weaken when OLF started its colonial narration against the Amhara. But the then political system was not ethnically exclusive rather it included non-Amharic speaker statesmen (Clapham, 1990).

Concerning non-evidenced narrations which need cooperative dialogues, KI-11 indicated that the narrating of Amhara only as an assimilationist is a misconception. There is also Mogassa or mass assimilation in the Gada system of Oromo over conquered peoples. Thus, Mogassa assimilation is equivalent to Amharaization.

19 OMN interview with Jawar Mohammed about Finfine, February 6 2019. Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PjHz94y5IXY accessed on May 23, 2021 41

Indeed, the Gafat, Woji, Damot, Zayi, and parts of Amhara people are become Oromo by the Mogassa of Gada system. But as to him, the Oromo‘s Mogasa is inclusive which gives full Gada rights for the assimilated while the Amharas assimilation is subject to ―underestimation‖ (KI-11 of IOS, Telephone interview, on 8th of May 2021).

KI-5 added on this that to have a shared future, the Oromo elites should leave their false narration of colonial thesis and ethnic oppression because the oppression was class-based than ethnic. And the NaMA elites should stop narrating Ethiopia as an Amharas creation (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 10th of April 2021). Therefore, the existence of such evidence-based facts on both sides‘ paves the way to have cooperative bargaining that will nullify false narrations which depicted one group as assimilator and the other as an assimilated-oppressed.

4.3.5. The Necessity of Bargaining on having Common Future and National Symbols For having of common future, cooperative political dialogues should come to the table than animosity. It is better to deal with issues that will help to have a common future and common national manifestation like flag and hero (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021). Thus, the elites can make a common future if they deliberate for a fruitful political dialogue (KI-10 of NaMA, Telephone interview, on 25th of April 2021).

Besides, the contest over national manifestations like flags and hero needs deliberative political dialogue to make them in common. Therefore, political elites‘ appreciation and compromise to understand one another‘s interest is needed (KI-4 of APP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021). Moreover, the good thing is leaving extremism and bringing Ethiopia to the midway political sphere. This can be done when political elites hold aggregate interests of the people (KI- 4 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021).

All in all, as the above analysis indicated, both the Amhara and Oromo political elites need to have a common future. However, having that animosity and lack of deliberative political dialogue is challenging them. Hence, as a way out, holding the aggregate interest of the society appears to be helpful in the re-making common future and common national manifestations.

4.4. The Trend of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Dialogue in Post 2017 In the post-2016, the Oromo protest and Amhara resistance played a pivotal against the then TPLF dominated EPRDF. This brought an alliance between the Oromo and Amhara leading

organizations of the time, OPDO and ANDM respectively. It was a stand against the TPLF dominated EPRDF through the label, Oro-Mara (Girma, 2019). The then alliance and political dialogue of the Amhara and Oromo political elites started in November 2017 when a group of Oromo Regional State officials under ―Team Lemma‖ gone to the Amhara Regional State capital, Bahir Dar.

The keynote speakers in the political dialogue of OPDO and ANDM, at Bahir Dar, were Lemma Megersa and Gedu Andargachew. They were Presidents of Oromiya and Amhara regional states respectively. As Gedu‘s speech, Ethiopia is an ancient country that is home to diverse identities. And in this country, the Amhara and Oromo people lived together through cultural interconnection. Ato Gedu added that half a million Oromos are living in Amhara regional state with constitutional guaranteed special ethno-zone along with running their language as Zonal working language and medium of instruction. As Ato Gedu‘s speech, Oromiya regional state is a place where a large amount of Amhara is living outside the Amhara regional state. There, in Oromia, as his speech, the Amharas identity is recognized and respected.20

Although Gedu said this rhetoric speech, the Amharas in Oromiya regional state are not constitutionally recognized and their identities are not being respected.21 Therefore, instead of bargaining for the recognition of Amharas in the Oromiya region and striving to reverse their actual problem, Gedu made a rhetorical speech regarding this, which is nonsense.

The key point of Ato Lemma's speech is indicting of Ethiopianism as ―addiction-hashish‖, which is impossible to leave. He underlined the cooperation between Amhara and Oromo as mandatory in the political sphere of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. As Lemma, the Oromo separate struggle can‘t cross the Awash River and the Amhara separately can‘t cross the Abay River unless they cooperate.

Therefore, the Amhara and Oromo cooperation stabilize Ethiopia.22 Although Lemma expressed Ethiopianism in a good way, associating it with Addicting Drugs is not appropriate because

20 Gedu Andargachew’s speech uploaded by Tennadam Tube on November 8, 2017 is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aaaBoFpLs2g accessed on March 31, 2021 21 See the 1994 E.C amended constitution of the Oromia regional state. 22 Lemma Megersa‘s speech uploaded by Tennadam Tube on November, 2107 now available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aim-D4EKMlI&t=1447s accessed on March 31, 2021

addiction can be terminated at one time and starts again at another time. Besides, Lemma said nothing about Amharas in the Oromiya region.

The other event in the time was the dialogue of Achamyeleh Tamiru, who is an Amhara struggle proponent, and Hezekiel Gabisa, an Oromo struggle‘s proponent debate on November 27, 2017, in Hiber Radio23. In their session, Hiezkiel debated with Achamyeleh that the Oromo politico- cultural manifestations are undermined by Emperor-led Amhara culture and politics. But Achamyleh replied to Hezekiel that the talked accusation is not a well-scrutinized because during the Emperors period the Oromos were higher officials than being an undermined entity. Hence, the then existed oppression was feudal class-based than an ethnic guise.

Consequently, the Amhara and Oromo leading political elites‘ dialogue become undermined after TPLF‘s removal from the center. And the Oro-Mara of ―Team Lema‖ and ―Team Gedu‖ considered as tactics and means of achieving a political goal. The speech of Shimeles Abdisa is an indicator of this. On August 9, 2020, Shemeles Abdisa, the President of ONRS, held a session with elders and investors of Oromo. In the session, Ato Shimeles told the audiences that their team did a lot to control Ethiopia‘s political power through the ―convincing and confusing‖ of the Amhara representatives at Bahir Dar.24 Conversely, on August 13, 2020, Ato Agegnehu Teshager, the current President of the ANRS, replied that Shimeles Abdisasa‘s speech was the opinion of the orator but not the prosperity party‘s position.25 All in all, although the dialogue began again in 2019 including opposite political party elites, it is not facilitating a political environment for cooperative bargaining.

4.5. The Problem of Political Elitism in Ethiopia in general and to the Amhara and Oromo in Particular As Mesay Kebede (1999) has written, the European political economy becomes fruitful when elites pursued modernization through reviving the Greco-Roman civilization by applying

23 Their debate is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lJ4N2mcaN28&t=1377s Hiber Radio Presents Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa & Achamyeleh Tamiru | Nov 27, 2017. Accessed on December 30, 2020

24 The full speech is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8hIwo4Yeqoc&t=341s Zehabesha Special - Shimelis Abdisa Amharic Translation | August 9, 2020. Accessed on December 30, 2020 25Agegnehu‘s reply is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SNnwRTenRBI&t=136s Zehabesha Special - Shimelis Abdisa | Amhara PP | August 13, 2020. Accessed on December 30, 200

strategies like renaissance, reformation, and enlightenment. In the same token, the East Asian country elites associate their development with Confucianism, Buddhism, and Shintoism. Though they have taken political-economic ideologies, policies, and strategies from abroad, they contextualized them in their own ways.

Conversely, what has had been done by Ethiopian elites is paradoxical because ―educated‖ elites imposed external political paradigms without contextualizing with the domestic societal values since the 1960s. Thus, the political elites' focus on tabula rasa conceptualizing of the state and imposing of nihilist political system undermined what the Ethiopians have had in common. Since the 1960‘s the Ethiopian elitism disdained what the society valued as shared to the whole like the Crown, Kibre Negest, Feteha Negest, Aksum, Lalibela, Gondar Castel, Gada system civilizations. The most common thing what the Ethiopian elites done is a nihilist and tabula rasa conceptualizing of state and society. This action of elites backed Ethiopia to the tail of the world (Teshale, 2008; Maimire, 2006).

In the real context, political elites hold aggregate interests of the society (Best and Higley, 2018). However, the political elitism in Ethiopia is being challenged by the divergence of interest of political elites who have Pan-Ethiopian sentiment and ethno-sentiment. The Pan-Ethiopian elites are mostly in the opposition camp while the ethno-elites are running the state machinery in the incumbent government. Thus, their contestation for power is disturbing the mass men (Yeshtila et al, 2016).

Indeed, problems are elite-driven due to their inclination on conspirator political doing than on cooperative bargaining.26 Therefore, the prevailing of this conspirator political doing over bargaining goes back to the 1960‘s Marxist-Leninist indoctrinated generation that diverted the question of peasants, soldiers, students, teachers, and taxi drivers into the ―question of nationalities.‖ This misconception of those questions in to ―nation nationalities issue‖ resulted in ethnic-based liberation fronts. Later those ethno-liberation fronts imposed a tribal-ethno- federalism as a response to the question (Yeshtila et al, 2016).

26 The speech of political elites is an indicator for this. See the speech of Shimeles Abdisa,the President of Oromia regional State; available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8hIwo4Yeqoc&t=341s Zehabesha Special - Shimelis Abdisa Amharic Translation | Shimelis Abdisa on Addis Abeba | Oromia - Audio Source - Zemedkun Bekele, August 9, 2020. Accessed on December 30, 2020

Therefore, since the 1960s, this rhetorical analysis of the state-society problem in the guise of ethnicity becomes common. This brought the thesis of oppressor and oppressed ethnic group which initiated rectification through exclusion and ethnic cleansing. This failed to discover the panacea to the Ethiopian state-society problem in general and the Amhara and Oromo in particular (ibid.). In this regard, what is being told and done by the Amhara and Oromo political elites is far beyond society‘s way of living and cross-cutting identities.27

4.6. Challenges on the Ongoing Political Dialogues of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites since 2017 Following the Oromo protest and the Amhara resistance against the late TPLF dominated EPRDF, political dialogues between the Amhara and Oromo ruling political elites was beginning in November 2017 (Girma, 2019). In 2019, the political dialogue included opposition party elites from both the Amhara and Oromo (Adugna, 2019; Lyons, 2019). Nevertheless, the data of this study indicated that the ongoing dialogue is facing the following challenges.

4.6.1 Differed Dream towards Ethiopia’s Future as a Challenge The obtained data of the study indicates that the Amhara and Oromo political elites have a contending understanding of the past and they have no consensus on how the future of Ethiopia is reconstructed. In this regard, the Oromo political elites need to see the reconstruction of Ethiopia through ethnic politics aimed to rectify the previous national oppression (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021; KI-6 of OLF, Telephone interview, on 7th of April 2021).

Conversely, the Amhara political elites alter for territorial federalism and re-regionalization of the current sub-national units because ethno-federalism made millions of Amharas an alien in other regional states. As to them, the displacement and ethnic cleansing against Amharas in Oromia regional state is an indicator of this alien and owner thesis (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021; KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 10th of April 2021; and the 2013 election manifesto of NaMA). Hence, this having of no shared view on the causes and solutions of the current state problems is challenging their political dialogue.

27 PM. Abiy Ahmed‘s feedback to members of the parliament questions March 24/, 2021 regarding to the Amhara and Oromo violent conflict in Oromo special zone and the surrounding North Shewa zone of Amharic regional state; available at Adulis Tube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qgrrzVYI84U accessed on March 28, 2021

4.6.2. Political Extremism as a Challenge Extremism is another challenge in their ongoing political dialogues. For instance, the Oromo elites writing and speaking of good things about Amhara causes being considered as a traitor by extreme Oromos; and somewhat it may also cause beating and killing. In the same token, talking and writing good things about the Gada system is not usual by the Amhara elites (KI-4 of OPP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021).

Besides, the Amhara elites consider the current ethnic-based system as a destructor while the Oromo elites see it as an answer to the question of national oppression. This extremism of having no midway political sphere is challenging the ongoing political dialogue (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). Again, the Amhara elites are mobilizing their society by saying Amharas in Oromia regional state is being cleansed while the Oromo elites are mobilizing their people by saying the previous exclusive unitary system is coming on you (KI-9 of OBN, Telephone interview, on 6th of May 2021). Therefore, this happens because Ethiopian politics is inclined to extremism and ethno-nationalism than cooperative bargaining (Ledetu, 2013).

4.6.3. Populism as a Challenge Francis Fukyama (2019) articulated that populism is anti-institution. It relates with a style of leadership than to sustainable policy substance. Especially, if it is an ethnic populism, the populist leader claims a special relationship with a certain ethnicity than with the population of the state as a whole. Concerning this, KI-4 stated that the political elites' focus on what the mass- men and ―activists‖ want to listen is challenging the ongoing dialogue. Indeed, to make the cyber ―activists‖ happy, the political elites are deviating from the aggregate interest of the state (KI-4 of OPP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021).

4.6.4. Weak Political Culture of Bargaining as a Challenge The Amhara and Oromo elites‘ political culture rises from the ideology of their long-time socio- political structure. Therefore, their political culture rises from three ideological patterns namely; Solomonism, Gada system, and Marxist-Leninism.

In the Solomonic ideology of monarchical rule, there had been systems that when power confrontation occurs for succession the nobilities arrest the princes commonly at Amba Gishen or in Monasteries. Thus, when the arrested prince eventually holds the Crown, he rectifies his

prison devoted time through coercion on the people. Conversely, violent oppositions from sections of society like banditry come as a way out. This planted the culture of war and banditry than bargaining (Lapeso, 1983; Mesganaw, 2010).

Likewise, Solomonism; in the Gada system of Oromo, before one Gada leader holds power, he forcefully incorporates new people and territories. This planted a culture of achieving a political goal by violence than through bargaining (Getachew, 1995; Habatamu, 2012; Zahorik, 2014). The third source of the Amhara and Oromo elites‘ political culture is the Marxist-Leninist ideology. As Abbink (2015) and Clapham (2007) stated that since the 1960s, Marxist-Leninist ideology brought an authoritarian regime and insurgencies. This trend of insurgency planted coercion than bargaining political culture. Generally, these inherited political cultures of war and holding power through killing challenged the ongoing dialogue of the Amhara and Oromo elites.

4.7. What would be the Political Alternatives for Cooperative Bargaining? Best and Higley (2018) written that political elites are representatives of the society's aggregate interest. Thus, striving to realize the political, economic, socio-cultural, and environmental interests of the society becomes the mandate of the elites. Therefore, elites are expected to provide solutions to societal problems. Accordingly, the Amhara and Oromo political elites have a mandate of holding the aggregate interest of their people to change their contestations into cooperative bargaining. To do so, the political strategies they apply are determinants either for the success or failure of their political dialogue.

Among the political alternatives, leaving of personal ego by reflecting the societal interest and applying consociational democracy is needed (KI-4 of OPP, Telephone interview, on 17th of April 2021). Concerning this, giving an appropriate political sphere for both individual and group rights helps come to bargaining (KI-3 of OFC, Addis Ababa, on 8th of April 2021). In doing so, faring away from political extremism and animosity is one strategy to come to bargaining (KI-1 of APP, Bahir Dar, on 19th of April 2021).

The political elites‘ deliberation in holding an articulated public interest is another alternative political strategy of coming to bargaining (KI-10 of NaMA, Telephone interview, on 25th of April 2021). All in all, leaving extremism and false narration should be minded by the political elites to achieve consensus among them (KI-5 of ASC, Addis Ababa, on 10th of April 2021).

Therefore, the above analysis of the key informant political elites‘ obtained data can be summed up that deliberation of elites is a necessity to leave personal ego and extremism through holding aggregate interests of the people. Thus, the political elites‘ cooperative bargaining also needs to be shaped by consociational democracy to build consensus between the Amhara and Oromo political elites. Besides the lessons that are drawn from the theoretical framework and the analysis of the study, here below are other lessons of cooperative bargaining drawn from the empirical literature.

The struggle of the then South African Native National Congress on the behalf of the Blacks against the White's injustice was to make South Africa an inclusive state. This becomes realized due to the deliberation and cooperative bargaining of Nelson Mandela and De Klerk to share power and resources for both Blacks and the Whites equitably (Howitt et al, 2019). In addition to this lesson, it is wrong to think of Switzerland without historical conflicts among the four language groups. Indeed, modern Switzerland was established and becomes stable through continuous elite bargaining and consociational power-sharing among different language groups (Steinberg, 2015; Lijphart, 1996).

Moreover, Arend Lijphart (1996) in his study ―The Puzzle of Indian Democracy” indicated that Indian democracy possesses consociational democracy‘s grand coalition among multiethnic elites and proportional representation for minorities. India‘s political parties, formerly the Congress party and now the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, have an inclusive representation of political elites from various cultural groups. Thus, this big puzzle of Indian democracy is the result of the accommodative and cooperative bargaining of Indian political elites.

Hence, based on the exploration of the study, lessons drawn from the theoretical framework, empirical literature, and the data analysis are sketched below to apply deliberative democratic theory, cooperative elite bargaining, and consociation-based sharing of power and resource between the Amhara and Oromo political elites.

The problem Deliberative Democratic Theory

Consociational Elite Bargaining Democratic Theory Theory

1.1. A sketch-based explanatory of the Amhara and Oromo political elites contest and the necessity of their cooperative bargaining drawn from the theoretical framework, empirical literature, and from the data analysis of the study

CHAPTER FIVE

Conclusion, Recommendation, and Directions for Future Research

Introduction This chapter provides objective-based concluding remarks of the study, recommendations to the stakeholders, and directions for a further study concerning this area.

5.1. Conclusion This study explored the contestations of the Amhara and Oromo political elites. It intended on bringing cooperative political sphere through synthesizing their contestations. In doing so, the problems are analyzed both theoretically and based on existed facts. Thus, the analysis found that the Amhara and Oromo political elites have been cooperating at one time and contesting at another time. In this regard, the consideration of the Oromo political elites about Ethiopian historiography as Northern-Amhara-Tigre focus and the allegation of the Amhara political elites on Oromo political elites about their heralding of historiography on Menilek II through leaving three hundred years Gada based Oromo expansion into the heart of Ethiopia originated the contestation between them.

Indeed, the Oromo elites considering modern Ethiopian state-building as an expansion and oppression against Oromo, and the Amhara elite's reversal of this as a reunification project of disunited Ethiopia due to the Oromo expansion, brought another contestation. Moreover, false narrations initially fabricated by the German missionaries and Italians which were later taken by Oromo liberation front proponents, about Ethiopia as an Amhara colony while the Oromos were statesmen in the time and now, planted contestations again. Thus, the Amhara elites‘ consideration of ethnic politics as an institutionalized false narration that caused an alien and owner thesis under the Umbrella of Ethiopian citizenship and the Oromo political elites‘ consideration of this ethnic politics as an answer to the nationalities question brought further areas of contestation.

Besides, the finding indicates that the Amhara elites are struggling to unmake ethnic federalism and to revise the 1995 constitution whereas the Oromo elites are striving to preserve and strengthen it. Under this, the two contending elites are contesting over historiography and

national symbols. Therefore, the necessity of reconciliation and cooperative bargaining over their contestations are indicated by the study.

Indeed, the devastations caused by both the three hundred years of Oromo expansion deep into the Amhara land and the ―Amhara ruling class‘s‖ reunification of the disunited country can provide a synthesis of cooperative bargaining. Thus, Mogassazation (making others an Oromo) and Amharization on both sides were common at the time. These syntheses help to have a common future through dealing with current affairs.

In the nutshell, the tactical alliance of OPDO and ANDM in November 2017 against the then EPRDF‘s core, TPLF, brought a new opportunity for political dialogue between them. This political dialogue continued in 2019 by including opposite political party elites. However, the ongoing political dialogue is being challenged by the differed dreams of the political elites towards Ethiopia‘s future, extremism interest inclined to populism, and weak political culture of bargaining that inherited from the political ideology Solomonism, Gada system, and Marxist- Leninism.

To overcome the problem, this study explored and drawn lessons from the theoretical framework, the empirical literature, and the findings of the study. Thus, the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contestations can be changed to cooperative ways of bargaining through applying deliberative democracy, elites bargaining, and consociational democracy-based power-sharing. Hence, the overall conclusion of the study is that the Amhara and Oromo political elites' contest both on the past and current affairs is causing displacement, killing, and fear on the mass-men. Therefore, cooperative bargaining is a necessity to reduce ethnic-based displacement and killing of the mass-men and to have a common future by realizing a stable state-society of Ethiopia.

5.2. Recommendation Based on the finding of the study, the researcher recommended way outing of the problem for political elites and other stakeholders:

 As the finding indicated that the differences in the historiography of modern state-building served as a core origin of the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations. However, the Oromo expansion for three hundred years from the 1520s to the 1840s deep into the heart of Ethiopia, and the ―Amhara ruling class‘s‖ expansion to reintegrate the disunited country indicates that both expanded in different times one over the other. Therefore, the elites should use it to come to cooperative bargaining than for divergence.

 The finding of the study showed that false narrations about Ethiopia as an Amhara colony initially fabricated by the German missionaries and Italians and later taken by the Oromo liberation front proponents exacerbated the contestations between the Amhara and Oromo political elites. Therefore, the Amhara and Oromo political elites should establish a ―narration scrutinizing institute” (emphasis added) which will nullify false narrations aimed to build a common future.

 As the finding proved that whereas the Amhara regional state has given a special administrative zone and political representation for Oromos who reside in Amhara regional state, the absence of political representation for Amharas who born and raised in Oromia regional state intensified further contestations. Therefore, as what has been done by the Amhara regional state, the Oromo regional state should give political representation in the regional parliament for Amharas who was born and raised there.

 As the study proved, the Oromo political elites consider 1995 FDRE constitution and ethnic-federalism as an answer to the nationalities question and they want to strengthen it Conversely, the Amhara political elites consider this ethnic-based federalism as shortcoming which made million Amharas an alien who born and raised in other regional states. Due to this, the Amhara elites are struggling for the revision of the constitution and the re-regionalization of the subnational units. Therefore, both the Amhara and Oromo political elites should come to cooperative bargaining to bring a mid-way of ethnic federalism and state based identity. The problem can be changed when either ethnic

federalism can be applied to all ethnic groups wherever they live or when it is replaced by another mid-way political system that gave rights to both individuals and groups.

 Finally, the analysis found that the ongoing dialogue of the Amhara and Oromo political elites is being challenged by extremism, the personal ego of the elites, and the inclination towards populism. Therefore, as a way out of this problem, the political elites should internalize the tenets of deliberative democracy which help them to make rational political dialogue through holding the aggregate interest of the society.

5.3. Directions for Further Study The absence of senior Political Scientists in studying this area and the sensitiveness of the problem obliges the researcher to recommend carrying out further studies on issues that are not covered by this inquiry. Though this study has done a good exploration, the role of various sections of the society like religious groups, businessmen, farmers, authors, security forces, academia, and civil societies in facilitating reconciliation and bargaining between the Amhara and Oromo political elite contestations needs to be studied further.

Besides, exploring the way out political alternatives that can be equitably functional for both the Amhara and Oromo claims on the possession of Addis Ababa could be also another area of research. Moreover, it could be decisive for senior researchers to inquire about political elite contests and the necessity of bargaining at the Ethiopian level. Furthermore, why Ethiopia has an authoritarian political elite and politically weak or immobilize society and way-outs to change this relationship can be another study area.

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ሀብታሙ መንግስቴ /ዶ.ር/፡፡ (2012) ፡፡ በራራ - ቀዳሚት አዲስ አበባ (1400-1887 ዓ.ም) እድገት፣ ውድመት እና ዳግም ልደት ያልተነገረዉ የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ፡፡ The Red Sea Press.

ላጵሶ ዴሌቦ፡፡ (1983) ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ረጅም የህዝብና የመንግስት ታሪክ፡፡ ንግድ ማተሚያ ቤት

ልደቱ ኤያሌዉ፡፡ (2012) ፡፡ 27 ሲደመር ሁለት…ኢትዮጵያ አዲስ አምባገነናዊ ስርዓት በማዋለድ ሂደት::

ልደቱ አያሌዉ፡፡ (2013) ፡፡ ስጦታ ከእስር ቤት::

ምስጋናዉ አንዱዓለም፡፡ (2010) ፡፡ ግዮናዊነት፡ የአማራ መነሻና መዳረሻ ሶስተኛ እትም (የታረመ)፡፡

ስርግዉ ገላዉ፡፡ (1994) ፡፡ ክብረ ነገስት፡ ግዕዝና አማርኛ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ቋንቋዎች ጥናትን ምርምር ማእከል አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ

የአብን የምርጫ ማኒፈስቶ፡፡ 2013፡፡

ጌታቸው ሀይሌ /ፕሮፌሰር/፡፡ (1995) ፡፡ የአባ ባህሪ ድርሰቶች - ኦሮሞዎችን ከሚመለከቱ ሌሎች ሰነዶች ጋር፡፡ ------

------ፍትሐ ነገስት ንባቡና ትርጉሜዉ፡፡ (1990) ፡፡ ትንሳኤ ማሳተሚያ ድርጅት

III. Report

World Development Report. (2017). Elite Bargain and Adaptation. Available at https://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/10.1596/978-1-4648-0950-7_ch7 accessed on November 15, 2020

IV. Thesis and Conference paper

Alemayehu Kumsa. (2013).The Conflict between the Ethiopian State and the Oromo people. European Conference on African Studies African Dynamics in a Multipolar World. Available at https://repositorio.iscte-iul.pt/bitstream/ 10071/7579/1/Kumsa_ Alemayehu _ECAS_2013.pdf accessed on October 13, 2020

Belete Haileyes. (2019). The Imperatives of Oromo-Amhara Political Elites Cooperative for Democratic Reform in Ethiopia. MA Thesis Submitted t the Graduate Studies of Bahir Dar University, Bahir Dar.

Mesay Kebede. (2015). Menilek and Southern Ethiopia: Colonization, Reunification or Expansion? This entry was posted on April 15th at 09:16 by apache and is filed under Ethiopia. Unpublished

V. Laws and Legal Decisions

The 1995 FDRE Constitution

The 1994 E.C amended Constitution of the Amhara Regional State

The 1994 E.C amended Constitution of the Oromia Regional State

The September 26, 2018 decision of the ADP executive Committee on the necessity of amending the 1995‘s FDRE constitution

APPENDICES BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

Appendix I: Interview Questions

Dear key informant, the purpose of this interview is to collect data in doing my MA Thesis, titled; The Dynamics of the Amhara and Oromo Political Elites Contest and the Necessity of Bargaining, which is a requirement for the partial fulfillment of the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science. Therefore, I thank you for your voluntariness to be my key informant. The data that you give me will be used for this academic purpose.

Thus, primary data were collected through the face to face and telephone interviews from the following stakeholders:

 Higher political elites from six selected political parties of the Amhara and Oromo

 Scholars from the Institute of Oromo Studies, and the Amhara Scholars Council

 Journalists from the Amhara Media Corporation and Oromia Broadcasting Network

I. Interview Questions to the Political elites of Amhara Prosperity Party (APP), National Movement of Amhara (NaMA) and Amhara Democratic Force Movement Party (ADFM)

1. What are the contesting areas of the Amhara political elites with the Oromo political elites? 2. Could you mention the origins of the Amhara and Oromo elites‘ contestation? 3. What are the challenges in their ongoing political dialogues since November 2017? 4. What would be the cooperative bargaining areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites? 5. What type of political alternatives should be altered to prevail cooperative bargaining over their contestation? 6. Is there any point you want to add? II. Interview Questions to the higher officials of Oromia Prosperity Party /OPP/, Oromo Federalist Congress Party /OFC/ and Oromo Liberation Front /OLF/

1. What are the contesting areas of the Oromo political elites with the Amhara political elites? 2. Could you mention the origins of the Amhara and Oromo elites‘ contestation? 3. What are the challenges in their ongoing political dialogues since November 2017? 4. What would be the cooperative bargaining areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites? 5. What type of political alternatives should be altered to prevail cooperative bargaining over their contestation? 6. Is there any point you want to add?

III. Interview Questions to the Scholars of Institute of Oromo Studies /IOS/ and the Amhara Scholars Council /ASC/

1. According to your association, what are the contesting areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites? 2. Can you mention the causes or origins of their elites‘ contest? 3. What would be the cooperative bargaining areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites? 4. What are the challenges in the trying of the Amhara and Oromo political elites bargaining? 5. Is there any point you want to add?

IV. Interview Questions to Amhara Media Corporation and Oromoia Broadcasting Network Political Analyst Journalists

1. What the contesting areas of the Amhara and Oromo political elites? 2. Can you mention the political roots of the Amhara and Oromo elites‘ contestation? 3. What political strategies would be used to change their contestation into bargaining? 5. What would be their cooperative bargaining areas? 6. Is there any point you want to add?

V. Questions which will be considered by the researcher during observing of the Amhara and Oromo Political elites or Intellectuals debate/deal in Broadcast Media and the cyber world 1. Does their debate show contestation of the Amhara and Oromo Political elite? If so, what type of contesting areas are they debating/dealing with? 2. Does their debate-dealing demonstrate bargaining areas to their contestation?

Appendix II: List of the Key Informants No Key Institution and Way of the Place Academic Date and Informants Position Data Taken Rank Year of Taken 1 KI -4 Oromo Prosperity Telephone LLB in 17th of Party Public Interview Law April Relations Director 2021 2 KI-3 Chair Man of the Face to face Addis Ababa Professor 8th of Oromo Federalist Interview April Congress Party 2021 3 KI-6 Vice-Chair Man Telephone BA 7th of of Oromo Interview April Liberation Front 2021 4 KI-1 Amhara Face to face Bahir Dar -- 19th of Prosperity Party Interview April Secretariat 2021 Director 5 KI-2 Chair Man of Face to face Bahir Dar BA 19th of Amhara Interview April Democratic Force 2021 Movement 6 KI-10 National Telephone MA 25th of Movement of Interview April Amhara Party 2021 Central Executive Committee Member 7 Christian National Discourse MA 22th of Tadele Movement of taken from May 2021 Amhara Party Fana Political Affairs Television

Director 8 Jawar Executive member Discourse ------Mohammed of Oromo taken from Federalist OMN Congress Party 9 Agegnehu President of the Discourse 13th of Teshager Amhara Regional taken from August State Zehabesha 2020 10 Shemeles President of the Discourse 9th of Abdisa Oromo Regional taken from August State Zehabesha 2020 11 Tahir National Discourse Mohammed Movement of taken from September Amhara Party Ajibar Tube 2020 Public Relation Director 12 Achamyeleh Discourse 27th of Tamiru taken from November Hiber Radio 2017 13 Ezekiel Discourse Professor 27th of Gabissa taken from November Hiber Radio 2017 14 KI-11 Chairman of Telephone PhD 8th of May Institute of Oromo Interview 2021 Studies

15 Member of Face to face Addis Ababa PhD 10th of KI-5 Governance and Interview April Democracy 2021 Cluster of the Amhara Scholars Council

16 KI-8 History Professor, Telephone Bahir Dar Professor 26th of Bahir Dar, Interview April University 2021 17 KI-7 Political Analyst Telephone Bahir Dar MA 25th of at Amhara Media Interview April Corporation 2021 18 KI-9 Political Analyst Telephone Addis Ababa BA 6th of May at Oromoia Interview 2021 Broadcasting Network 19 Gedu The late President Discourse 8th of Andargachew of the Amhara Taken from November Regional State Tennadam 2017 Tube 20 Lemma The late President Discourse 8th of Megersa of Oromo regional Taken from November State Tennadam 2017 Tube