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WHEN the PRESIDENT COMES Potemkinist Order As an Alternative to Democracy in Belarus

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WHEN the PRESIDENT COMES Potemkinist Order As an Alternative to Democracy in Belarus WHEN THE PRESIDENT COMES Potemkinist Order as an Alternative to Democracy in Belarus Anastasiya Astapova, University of Tartu, Uppsala University The Potemkin village is a metaphor for the cases of conscious, yet false construction or beautifi- cation for the sake of presenting something as better than it is, usually in front of high officials. Enumerating multiple cases and possible applications of the term (and its synonyms), I base my research on Belarus, a former Soviet and still socialist independent state governed by the same president since 1994. Going there for fieldwork at least twice a year, I noticed the extreme popu- larity of stories about Potemkin villages erected for the visits of the president, high officials, or foreigners. Analyzing vernacular attitudes toward Potemkinism, I argue for the multidimensional understanding of it, suggesting that in a socialist state, Potemkinist order becomes a viable alterna- tive to democracy and a significant means for the country’s self-representation. Keywords: Belarus, Potemkin villages, post-socialism, rumor, window-dressing The Potemkin villages phenomenon owes its name the defects and contradictions of the present were to what was perhaps the most famous case of build- overlooked and the world was described not as it ing façades to hoodwink important visitors. In 1787, was but as it was becoming, as Soviet Marxists be- Catherine the Great (the Empress of Russia) departed lieved it necessarily would be [Fitzpatrick’s italics] to see her newly conquered territory of Novorossiya in future” (Fitzpatrick 1994: 16). Michael David-Fox and Tavrida. To show this territory in the best possi- also mentions Soviet kultpokaz (“cultural show”) ble way, General Grigory Potemkin ordered the con- and pokazuha (“window-dressing”) as a practice of struction of mock-up villages along her route. After showing certain ideal places – model institutions – multiple arguments, historians have agreed that this to Western visitors: from collective farms to scientif- was a “myth”, but this myth has not appeared out ic organizations (David-Fox 2012: 98–141). Among of nowhere and definitely reflects political tenden- other socialist and post-socialist countries, the Bal- cies of that time (Panchenko 1999). Much later, in tic states under Soviet rule (Purs 2012: 49–75) and the Soviet Union, potemkinskie derevni (“Potemkin Romania (David-Fox 2012: 100) also faced Potemki- villages”) became an especially fitting idiom, a com- nism. Labeling contemporary Uzbekistan – another mon term to refer to certain ostentatious social- post-Soviet country – “a spectacular state”, Laura ist rituals concealing the real unflattering state of Adams suggests that its government seems less con- things. As Sheila Fitzpatrick characterized it later, cerned with Uzbek material prosperity than with its “Potemkinism was a Stalinist discourse in which international cachet, resulting in a Potemkin-village Anastasiya Astapova 2017: When the President Comes. Potemkinist Order as an AlternativeETHNOLOGIA to Democracy EUROPAEA in47:2 Belarus. 57 Ethnologia Europaea 47:2, 57–71. © Museum Tusculanum Press. effect for a visitor (Adams 2010: 28). These authors Potemkinism (Pikabu 2014). All these dimensions suggest different views on Potemkinism, while its show how versatile the meaning of the term and its complexity and ambiguity is, perhaps, best defined applications may be. Languages (including English) by Sheila Fitzpatrick who understands Potemkinism grasp this variety, producing multiple terms appli- not just as deceitful practices for international dis- cable for such cases: window-dressing, massaging play, but also as an envisioning of the future keeping the data, building façades, beautification, mock-up, people focused on a project. cosmetic reforms, smokescreen, etc. Folklore, in turn, responds with humor – for instance, jokes based on The History and Cases of Potemkin Villages the frame story “the disguised leader comes down Perhaps the most powerful Potemkinist stories cir- to his people to see how they live” (Thompson culate in the states in which socialism, as it often 1955–1958, K1812 “King in disguise”). Below two happens, is the foundation of the dictatorial and examples from Soviet and contemporary Belarusian oppressive regime. For instance, travelers discuss- jokes, respectively: ing North Korea often mention that the tourists are allowed to see and take pictures only of certain Once Stalin decided to check how his people live, things there. The North Korea narrative is a good walked around the city, went shopping. Molotov example of the very important feature of Potemkin [Bolshevik politician and diplomat] asks him, villages: their existence is often hard to prove and “What for? We report everything to you: people stories about them remain rumors, speculations, live well; they are happy… And it is not safe…” and myths (in the same way as the narrative which – “I will put on makeup in order to remain unrec- initially coined window-dressing as Potemkinism). ognized.” Molotov arranged goods to be brought For example, it is often said that in order to show off to one of the shops and sent checkists [members their wares to the South, the North Koreans fabricat- of Cheka, the Soviet security organization] and ed an entire village, Kijong-dong, which lies in the their wives to be customers. He drove Stalin to heavily-patrolled demilitarized zone between North this shop. The leader entered. He discovered that and South Korea (The latest 2008). It is indeed hard few customers bought anything. He decided to to validate these rumors, which insist that the vil- buy a hundred grams of butter, and handed in lage was designed purely for show, with actors and a receipt to the shop assistant. “Take more”, the actresses cutting the grass, turning the lights on in assistant said. “Why? I can take more tomorrow most buildings at the time when most people would if I need.” – “Fool! Tomorrow the shelves will be wake up, and pretending to live happy, poverty-free empty. Today this bastard is shopping, observing lives. how his people live. That is why there are goods in Authors mention Potemkin villages with regard the shops!” (Translated from Arkhipova & Mel- to various things. For instance, the journalist John nichenko 2010: 278) Laughland criticized the trial of Slobodan Milošević, understanding it as an example of Potemkin justice Lukashenko [the president of Belarus] decided to and democracy, “a travesty at the heart of interna- learn the truth of what his people thought about tional justice” (Laughland 2007: 88–109). Laugland him. He disguised himself in rags and in the even- considered the trial sham, serving the aims of the ing he went to the market. He went up to a butcher major world politics actors rather than doing justice. and asked, “How much is a kilo of meat?” – “200 Brian McVeigh declared window-dressing a peculi- roubles.” – “Why is it so expensive?” – “Because arity of Japanese higher education, with “opinions our president is a jerk.” The president was insulted suppressed, voices lost, self-expressions discour- and decided to teach this scum a lesson to scare aged, and individuality restrained” (McVeigh 2002: him. Next day he came by limousine in his suit. 3). The 2014 Sochi Olympics were often criticized for He went to the same butcher and asked the same 58 ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 47:2 question. The butcher answered, “200 roubles.” – consider and discuss different objects to put forward “Why is it so expensive?” – “I told you yesterday, for the display, trying to demonstrate the stereotypes jerk!” (Male, 35, translated from the interview in of Spanish culture with which the visiting American Russian, recorded in 2013, Minsk) officials will be most accustomed (Noyes 2006). From the point of view of classification of political The Belarusian Case: Areas of jokes, suggested by Victor Raskin, such texts belong Research and Methodology to the topic of compromising or undesirable situa- Unlike the famous Spanish movie, my study is based tions coupled with the denigration of a public figure on reports of such performances rather than dis- who reflects unflatteringly on the government as a cussions of how to perform – reception rather than whole (Raskin 1985: 235). production. The question I focus on in this research Maintaining faces and façades through erecting is not about the branding process only, but about Potemkin villages is at least as old and widespread vernacular attitudes and anxieties rising around it. around the world as another famous piece of folk- The focus of this article is on the attitudes toward lore – the fairy tale Puss in Boots (Uther 2004, ATU the institutions and objects put forward for display 545B). Through the course of the narrative, the cat in Belarus, a former Soviet country that elected its successfully presents his master (a dowerless son of first president, Alexander Lukashenko, in 1994, af- a miller) to the king. The cat hurries ahead of the ter gaining independence in 1991. Lukashenko has king’s couch and orders the country folk along the ruled the country since then; for this reason, it is road to tell the king that the land belongs to the notorious as the last dictatorship of Europe. In ad- cat’s master (saying that if they do not tell the king dition, the country inherited a state system that was what he instructed them to say, he will cut them into still socialist, and, unlike some other former USSR mincemeat). As a result of these and many other republics striving for novelties, enthusiastically pre- manipulations, the king is impressed with the bo- served many of its elements in economics, politics, gus son of a miller (now marquis) and his fortune, and everyday life. This environment appeared to and gives him the princess in marriage. The story be fruitful for Potemkinist practices, and, conse- of window-dressing by Puss in Boots is interna- quently, narratives, which I documented from al- tional, as its Potemkinist elements are widespread in most every interlocutor in a series of ethnographic many cultures.
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