J’aime les hommes, non pour ce qui les unit mais pour ce qui les divise, et des cœurs, je veux surtout connaître ce qui les ronge. Guillaume Apollinaire Boston International Antiquarian Book Fair November 16-18, 2018 | Boston, MA Hynes Convention Center booth 324 AMERICA 1. ORTELIUS Abraham Epitome du theatre du monde [EPITOME OF THE THEATER OF THE WORLD] De l’imprimerie de Christofle Plantin, Anvers (Antwerp) 1588, small in- 8, landscape: 15 x 10,5 cm, (8 f.) 94 f (2 f.), 18th-century sheep gilt First complete edition of the 94 maps. This is the “The collection was intended to satisfy two principal types of third edition in French, the first for some parts, as reviewed, cor- readers: the cultivated amateur and the professional, aware of rected and enlarged with 11 maps. the practical utility of the map. The layout was managed econom- ically in order to respond to the pragmatism of the second, while First published in Latin in 1570 in Antwerp (with two edi- the tastes of the first were catered to by choice typography, the tions appearing that same year, with the title Theatrus orbis symbolic language of the emblems and the scholarly notes on the terrarum), then in Dutch in 1577, the text was translated into history of places and peoples. TheTheatrum orbis terrarum was French from 1579 onwards. This first edition in French, which thus a rigorously put-together book which offered all its readers appeared under the title of Miroir du monde, had only 72 maps. the best positive way of seeing the known world represented.” It was re-published in 1583 with 83 maps. It was not until 1588 (Erika Giuliani, 5 – Mettre en collection des “vues de villes” à la fin de that the complete, definitive version, with its 94 maps appeared, la Renaissance: les Civitates orbis terrarum (1572-1617), in Isabelle entitled Epitome du theatre du monde. Pantin et al., Mise en forme des savoirs à la Renaissance, Armand Each map has a facing text on the history of, topographical Colin “Recherches,” 2013, pp. 103-126). details of, or anecdotes about, the part of the world in question. Giuliani also highlights that this enterprise proved successful There is an alphabetic table of maps at the back of the volume. because it brought together the best artisans of the age: “The fact This edition also has a preface from the engraver (and holder of that he was not only an illuminator and map-dealer, but also a the privilege) Philippe Galle (1537-1612), followed by an allegor- collector, friend of Mercator and a member of Plantin’s circles ical engraving showing Prudence, Truth and the Omnipotence of allowed him to choose the best examples to make what would be- God, and a Discours de la mer [Discourse on the Sea] by Ortelius. come a model for other publishers and an unsurpassed reference 18th-century light brown marbled sheep, spine in four com- work. Ortelius recommended that scholars have the Theatrum in partments with compartment decoration, gilt fillets and fleu- their libraries and consult it when reading the Bible or the histo- rons, as well as a tan morocco title-piece, all edges red. Head and ry books.” (op. cit.) tail of spine, corners and one compartment at head of spine re- The fact that Ortelius called upon the talents of Plantin as paired and re-gilded. A small burn affecting a few letters of the publisher to produce the French version of his work is not sur- text on Egypt. prising. The latter was one of the defining figures of the Renais- Ink ex-libris to title. A few contemporary manuscript annota- sance boom in illustrated scientific books. Geographers were re- tions to margins. A very fresh copy. discovering the work of Ptolemy (90-168) at that time, putting cartography no longer at the service of science, but of discovery An illuminator, book- and map-seller, Abraham Ortelius (the search for, and creation of new maritime routes, the per- (1527-1598) had a very good idea what collectors wanted and fection of ships, and so on). This was a total re-evaluation of the decided to embark on a career as a cartographer. He was deep- medieval view of the world, based on more precise astronomical ly influenced by his 1554 meeting with Gerard Mercator (1512- and terrestrial measurements. 1594), with whom he became so close that the latter, also work- ing on his famous atlas, pushed back its publication date in order Ortelius’ atlas found its rightful place in this re-nascent topo- not to hurt his friend, whose work he held in high esteem. It was graphical movement, while at the same time respecting Ptole- thus on the 20 May 1570 that the first, Latin, version of the work my’s rigorous and immutable geographic order: England, Spain, appeared, printed at the expense of the author by Gilles Coppens France, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Greece, Central and Eastern in Antwerp. Europe to Russia, Asia, and Africa. It was not until 1507 with the work of Martin Waldseemüller (1470-1520) that the map of The atlas was not cheap, costing 30 florins at the time it America saw the light of day; he was notably the first to provide appeared. Max Rooses (1839-1914), the curator of the Plan- a complete representation of the Atlantic Ocean and also to ex- tin-Moretus museum, tells us that the Ortelius atlas was the most th pand Ptolemy’s work considerably. Waldseemüller’s version was expensive book in the 16 century. Nonetheless, this collection, nonetheless only partial and restricted itself to the South-West having taken several years of rigorous and intense work, was im- coast of the continent. Far more detailed and extensive, Ortelius’ mediately very successful and became a cartographic reference map drew on the one published by Diego Gutiérrez in 1562, but almost ten years before the appearance of Mercator’s atlas. offering a much greater view, especially of North America. On Maps at the time circulated either in isolation or collected in Ortelius’ map we can see, among others, New France, discovered a somewhat random and unnatural way. Ortelius was thus the in 1523 by Giovanni da Verrazzano (1485-1528) who was tasked first to offer a coherent set of maps uniform in format, scale, and by François I with exploring the area between Florida and New- appearance, or in other words scientifically reliable, thus giving foundland in order to find a way through to the Pacific. birth to the modern encyclopedic atlas. The deliberately reduced Ortelius’ scale is correct for some areas and too great for oth- size of the work made it easy and convenient to handle and it was ers (Tierra del Fuego, New Guinea, and Mexico, as well as Austra- useful both to scientists and laymen. lia and Antarctica, which are shown all together and labeled ter- ra australis nondum cognita) that had, nonetheless been reached extreme North of America, the author notes “Ulterius septentrio- since the 1520s. As far as North America is concerned, it is repre- nem versus hec regiones incognite adhuc sunt,” or “The more north- sented more or less as we know it today. The toponymy was hard- erly regions are still unknown.” This note may leave us with the ly Christianized yet, with a number of Amerindian appellations impression that Ortelius was careful and prudent in not showing appearing (Culia, Tiguex and Tecoantepec, among others). on his maps anything but areas that had already been explored. Nonetheless, one can also see the presence of the cities of Quivira The cartographer was also the first to show Lower Cal- and Cibola, two of the mythical Cities of Gold located in Califor- ifornia as a peninsula, with the North-Western coast of nia, following the account of the explorer Francisco Vásquez de America being nothing more than a sketch beyond Califor- Coronado (1510-1554), who set off to find them in 1541. nia. Ortelius’ work, an emblematic work of the Renais- One can also see that the map’s legends focus on the rivers sance, nonetheless bears the marks of the popular tradi- and littorals, showing the lack of knowledge of inland areas, tions of the Middle Ages. It mixes the scientific rigor of which yet remained to be explored. It is equally interesting to its cartographic outlines with legends and descriptions note the presence of some quite surprising legends, especially in drawn from accounts of voyages, sometimes melded with Patagonia: “Patagonum regio ubi incole sunt gigantes” (or, the re- fantasy. gion of Patagonia where the inhabitants are giants). Other labels of the same sort explain the circumstances of the discovery of $ 15 000 certain areas, the names of famous explorers, and so on. In the > SEE MORE ARBORICULTURE 2. DUHAMEL DU MONCEAU Henri Louis Traité des arbres fruitiers; contenant leur figure, leur description, leur culture [TREATISE ON FRUIT TREES] Saillant et Desaint, à Paris 1768, 25 x 33,5 cm, (1f.) (2f.) (1f tit fr.) (XXIX p.) (1 p.) et (1f.) 337 pp and (1f.) (2 f.) 280 pp., two volumes, contemporary calf First edition, frontispiece by de Sève engraved by de Launay Duhamel du Monceau. It served as reference work and manual, and 180 plates (with numerous life-size figures) admirably ren- the author demarcating the differences between gardeners’ va- dered after drawings by Claude Aubriet, Madeleine-Françoise rieties and naturalists’ classifications. In his Treatise on Forests, Basseporte engraved by Catherine Haussard, Charles Milsan, Duhamel had already used the methods applied to fruit trees (re- Herisset, and so on.