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A Sociological Literature Review Makenna Lindsay 2 November 2020

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A Sociological Literature Review Makenna Lindsay 2 November 2020 Blackness in the Spanish-speaking/Latin Caribbean: A Sociological Literature Review Makenna Lindsay 2 November 2020 This literature review will address the sociological research that exists as it relates to Blackness in the Spanish-speaking/Latin Caribbean. Personally, this topic was chosen largely because of my own Caribbean background and connection to the community, as well as my passions revolving around providing resources to and protecting the rights of Caribbean and Latin American populations. Sociologically, this topic is fascinating in that it addresses how the concept of “race” and its discriminatory effects function in a part of the Caribbean. The sociological research brings awareness to how Afro-Latinx communities are affected by “race,” especially with regard to the larger Latinx ethnic group. Studying Blackness in the region is significant to society because it considers the implications of the social construction of “race” in the Caribbean. Moreover, the sociological research that has been conducted with regard to this topic illustrates the marginalization of Afro-Latinx communities both historically and presently, and as well as how racism is ingrained in Latinx culture. Thus, this research concludes that historical and present occurrences of anti-Blackness pervade the culture of the Spanish-speaking/Latin Caribbean (including Haiti), isolating Afro-descendants in these countries from the rest of their populations. The first and one of the most important sections of this research examines the history of race in the Spanish-speaking/Latin Caribbean. Though this research predominantly concerns the racialized history on the island of Puerto Rico, there is a brief summary of Cuba’s racialized past as written by sociologist Nadine Fernandez. In her article, “The Changing Discourse on Race in Contemporary Cuba,” Fernandez discusses the enslavement of Africans on the island, and their laborious lives on plantations. Fernandez notes that Black and Mulatto Cubans resisted to racial discrimination and inequalities that pervaded Cuban life long after the end of slavery in the late 1880s. The research goes on to recall that the Cuban Revolution in 1959 generally classified race as a taboo concept, as the government implemented color-blind policies despite very obvious racial differences (Fernandez, 2001, 118-121). Such research will be discussed further in the review as it relates to contemporary racial discourse in Cuba. As mentioned previously, there is more research available about the history of race in Puerto Rico. Multiple sociologists such as Denton, et. al, Godreau et. al, and Gordon, write about the history of racial discrimintion in Puerto Rico. Similarly to the research presented on Cuba, these sociologists note that racial discrimination and inequalities existed long after the end of slavery in 1873. In fact, in “Race Patterns and Prejudice in Puerto Rico,” Gordon explains how Puerto Ricans with any drop of Black ancestry worked to hide their racial background to avoid being discriminated against, as well as white Puerto Ricans isolating themselves from Blacks. Gordon writes: “...since the white Puerto Rican is never sure of his status with continentals [in reference to the North American continent] he denies relationship to the Negro wherever he finds him: in Puerto Rico, on the continent, in the Caribbean, or elsewhere in Latin America. More significantly, he denies any tinge of Negro blood he himself may knowingly but secretly possess” (Gordon, 1949, p. 296). Gordon also discusses difficulties Black Puerto Ricans have encountered with social status and employment opportunities, stating that “...although either Negro or mulatto Puerto Rican may ‘move up’ the social scale by his personal achievement, his movement is always relative; his final social position does not equal that of the white of ‘similar achievement’” (Gordon, 1949, p. 300). The contemporary desire for Puerto Ricans to be perceived as white or white-passing is explored by Lloréns and Godreau, et. al, as anyone closer to Blackness is on the lower end of Puerto Rico’s racial and social hierarchies. In her article, “Identity Practices: Racial Passing, Gender, and Racial Purity in Puerto Rico,” Lloréns writes, “...in Puerto Rico it is expected that individuals who can pass as Hispanic white do so, and those who may not easily pass, because of skin color, hair texture, or nose shape, make use of available body fashioning technologies to do so” (Lloréns, 2018, p. 38). Lloréns goes on to determine whiteness as the standard in Puerto Rico, contributing to the idea that there is more power and freedom in whiteness. This idea references blanqueamiento or “whitening” on the island. Godreau, et. al also speaks of the ​ ​ culture of blanqueamiento in “The Lessons of Slavery: Discourses of Slavery, Mestizaje, and ​ ​ Blanqueamiento in an Elementary School in Puerto Rico,” stating that: “Puerto Rican culture and Puerto Rican people are often represented as the product of the mixture between Taíno, Natives, Spaniards, and Africans. This mixture, however, implies blanqueamiento, or the notion that Puerto Ricans have whitened and ‘evolved’ by shedding most of their African ‘blood’” (Godreau, et. al, 2008, p. 117). This research illuminates how deeply stigmatized Blackness is in Puerto Rico, and how whiteness is the most desirable, “evolved,” state of being in which a Puerto Rican can exist. With regard to race relations in the Spanish-speaking/Latin Caribbean, many sociologists reviewed two issues in particular: that of statelessness, and experiences of racial discrimination. Bartlett, author of “South-south migration and education: the case of people of Haitian descent born in the Dominican Republic,” goes into great detail about how the citizenship statuses of those of Haitian descent in the Dominican Republic are distinctively regulated by the Dominican government. Bartlett writes: “Though the youth were born in the Dominican Republic...they had the right to a birth certificate and the benefits and entitlements of citizenship…only eight of the forty participants in our study were granted these flights at birth or soon after. That figure gives a strong sense of exclusion faced by Haitian-descent peoples in the Dominican Republic.” (Bartlett, 2011, p. 403). Bartlett also studied young people’s perceptions toward Haitian and Dominican identity in the Dominican Republic. In one of her interviews, a young Dominican of Haitian descent states that, “‘if the person is light, although he’s Haitian, he is treated like a Dominican. The person’s skin colour is an important element’” (Bartlett, 2011, p. 408). Bartlett’s research exemplifies how having African ancestry greatly affects how one is treated in the Domincan Republic, both politically and socially. Similarly to this research, in “Racializing Ethnicity in the Spanish-Speaking Caribbean,” Duany considers how those with African ancestry in the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico are consequently treated. Duany writes: “many Dominicans believe that Haitians are savage, ugly, violent, and bloodthirsty because of their African ancestry, just as many Puerto Ricans feel that Dominicans are strange, dangerous, criminal, and sexually obsessed, largely because of their blackness” (Duany, 2006, p. 242). Sociologists Pashel, et. al also discuss how migrants from the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and Haiti are affected by race relations in “WE DIDN’T CROSS THE COLOR LINE, THE COLOR LINE CROSSED US: Blackness and Immigration in the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and the United States.” The writers state that they focused on these countries in particular “...in order to understand the ways in which people get racialized in similar ways across different contexts” (Paschel, et. al, 2007, p. 314). These patterns found in all three articles explain how Blackness is contemporarily stigmatized from Haiti to the Dominican Republic, and the Dominican Republic to Puerto Rico, essentially serving as a social marker that excludes and isolates those of African descent from the rest of the population. The final subject matter found throughout this research is that of the contemporary discourse surrounding race in the Spanish-speaking/Latin Caribbean. The sociologists quoted largely provide information on the discourses in Puerto Rico and Cuba. Principally, the writers discuss how racism is recognized as a prominent social issue in Puerto Rico. Several sociologists, including Lloréns and Godreau, conducted a survey in 2017 that addressed whether or not individuals believe that racism is a distinguished issue on the island. They report that the findings “suggest that, rather than popular disbelief, it is the lack of an ‘official’ acknowledgement by the government that racism in Puerto Rico is indeed a social problem―a problem that presents an obstacle for civil rights protections” (Lloréns, et al., 2017, p. 175). Supporting the notion that racism is not addressed on a governmental or even societal level in Puerto Rico, in a separate article Godreau et. al explains how slavery and race are not explicitly addressed in Puerto Rican school curriculum, creating a barrier between Puerto Rican identity and the concept of Blackness (Godreau, et. al, 2008, p. 130). In terms of cultural discourse, research shows that a commonly shared idea in Puerto Rico is that mestizaje, or interracial ​ ​ mixture, is more important than identifying with one race. In “Ethnic Classification in Southeastern Puerto Rico: The Cultural Model of ‘Color,’” Gravelee
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