V Bibliography of the Works of Denis Twitchett Bibliography of the Works
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Chen Gui and Other Works Attributed to Empress Wu Zetian
chen gui denis twitchett Chen gui and Other Works Attributed to Empress Wu Zetian ome quarter-century ago, studies by Antonino Forte and Richard S Guisso greatly advanced our understanding of the ways in which the empress Wu Zetian ࣳঞ֚ made deliberate and sophisticated use of Buddhist materials both before and after declaring herself ruler of a new Zhou ࡌʳdynasty in 690, in particular the text of Dayun jing Օႆᆖ in establishing her claim to be a legitimate sovereign.1 However, little attention has ever been given to the numerous political writings that had earlier been compiled in her name. These show that for some years before the demise of her husband emperor Gaozong in 683, she had been at considerable pains to establish her credentials as a potential ruler in more conventional terms, and had commissioned the writing of a large series of political writings designed to provide the ideologi- cal basis for both a new style of “Confucian” imperial rule and a new type of minister. All save two of these works were long ago lost in China, where none of her writings seems to have survived the Song, and most may not have survived the Tang. We are fortunate enough to possess that titled complete with its commentary, and also a fragmentary Chen gui copy of the work on music commissioned in her name, Yue shu yaolu ᑗ ᙕ,2 only thanks to their preservation in Japan. They had been ac- quired by an embassy to China, almost certainly that of 702–704, led టԳ (see the concluding section of thisضby Awata no ason Mahito ொ article) to the court of empress Wu, who was at that time sovereign of 1 See Antonino Forte, Political Propaganda and Ideology in China at the End of the Seventh Century (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale,1976); R. -
Early Chinese Texts: a Bibliographical Guide
THE EARLY CHINA SPECIAL MONOGRAPH SERIES announces EARLY CHINESE TEXTS: A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL GUIDE Edited by MICHAEL LOEWE This book will include descriptive notices on sixty-four literary works written or compiled before the end of the Han dynasty. Contributions by leading scholars from the United States and Europe summarize the subject matter and contents, present con clusions regarding authorship, authenticity and textual history, and indicate outstanding problems that await solution. Each item is supported by lists of traditional and modern editions, com mentaries, translations and research aids. Publication is planned for the late spring, 1993. The book will be available from the Institute of East Asian Studies, Berkeley, for $35, and in Europe through Sinobiblia for £20 (or the equivalent ECU). Please direct orders to: Publications Sinobiblia Institute of East Asian Studies 15 Durham Road University of California Harrow, Middx. 2223 Fulton Street HA1 4PG Berkeley CA 94720 United Kingdom Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.22, on 24 Sep 2021 at 16:16:53, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0362502800003631 itMM,mwiffi&2.m... w&mm Birdtrack Press We specialize in setting the type for sinological publications integrating Chinese characters with alphabetic text: Birdtrack Press offers camera-ready copy of good quality at reasonable cost. We know how to include the special features sinologists require, such as non-standard diacritics and custom characters. We can meet publishers' page specifications, and are happy to discuss technical issues with design and production staff. -
Cheng, Prefinal2.Indd
ru in han times anne cheng What Did It Mean to Be a Ru in Han Times? his paper is not meant to break new ground, but essentially to pay T homage| to Michael Loewe. All those who have touched upon Han studies must acknowledge an immense intellectual debt to his work. I have had the great privilege of being his student at Cambridge back in the early 1980s while I was writing my doctoral thesis on He Xiu and the Later Han “jinwen jingxue վ֮ᆖᖂ.” Along with his vast ۶ٖ knowledge about the Han period, he has kept giving me much more over the years: his unfailing support, his human warmth, and wisdom. All this, alas, has not transformed me into what I ought to have be- come: a disciple worthy of the master. The few general considerations I am about to submit about what it meant to be a ru ᕢ in the Han pe- riod call forth an immediate analogy. I would tend to view myself as a “vulgar ru,” as opposed to authentic ones such as the great sinologists who have taught me. Jacques Gernet, who is also one of them, asked me once half teas- ingly whether one could actually talk about an existing Confucianism as early as the Han. His opinion was that what is commonly called Neo-Confucianism from the Song onwards should actually be consid- ered as the earliest form of Confucianism. Conversely, in an article on ᆖ, Michael Nylan and Nathan Sivinخ֜ Yang Xiong’s ཆႂ Taixuan jing described the new syntheses of beliefs prevalent among leading think- ers of the Han as “the first Neo-Confucianism,”1 meaning that “what sinologists call the ‘Confucianism’ of that time decisively rejected cru- cial parts of ‘Confucius’s Way.’ Its revisionism is as great in scope as that of the Song.”2 I here thank the anonymous referees for their critical remarks on my paper and apologize for failing, due to lack of time and availability, to make all the necessary revisions. -
Buddhist Adoption in Asia, Mahayana Buddhism First Entered China
Buddhist adoption in Asia, Mahayana Buddhism first entered China through Silk Road. Blue-eyed Central Asian monk teaching East-Asian monk. A fresco from the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves, dated to the 9th century; although Albert von Le Coq (1913) assumed the blue-eyed, red-haired monk was a Tocharian,[1] modern scholarship has identified similar Caucasian figures of the same cave temple (No. 9) as ethnic Sogdians,[2] an Eastern Iranian people who inhabited Turfan as an ethnic minority community during the phases of Tang Chinese (7th- 8th century) and Uyghur rule (9th-13th century).[3] Buddhism entered Han China via the Silk Road, beginning in the 1st or 2nd century CE.[4][5] The first documented translation efforts by Buddhist monks in China (all foreigners) were in the 2nd century CE under the influence of the expansion of the Kushan Empire into the Chinese territory of the Tarim Basin under Kanishka.[6][7] These contacts brought Gandharan Buddhist culture into territories adjacent to China proper. Direct contact between Central Asian and Chinese Buddhism continued throughout the 3rd to 7th century, well into the Tang period. From the 4th century onward, with Faxian's pilgrimage to India (395–414), and later Xuanzang (629–644), Chinese pilgrims started to travel by themselves to northern India, their source of Buddhism, in order to get improved access to original scriptures. Much of the land route connecting northern India (mainly Gandhara) with China at that time was ruled by the Kushan Empire, and later the Hephthalite Empire. The Indian form of Buddhist tantra (Vajrayana) reached China in the 7th century. -
Journal Abbreviations
256 Journal Abbreviations AM: Asia Major AP: Asian Philosophy AS: Asiatische Studien / Études Asiatiques BIHP: Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology (Academia Sinica) BMFEA: Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities BSOAS: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies EC: Early China HJAS: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies JAAR: Journal of the American Academy of Religion JAOS: Journal of the American Oriental Society JAS: Journal of Asian Studies JBL: Journal of Biblical Literature JCP: Journal of Chinese Philosophy JCR: Journal of Chinese Religions JEAA: Journal of East Asian Archaeology JTS: Journal of Theological Studies MS: Monumenta Serica NT: Novum Testamentum NTS: New Testament Studies OE: Oriens Extremus PEW: Philosophy East and West TP: T’oung Pao WSP: Warring States Papers Frequently Cited Monographs and Series William H Baxter. A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology. Mouton 1992 BD:MichaelLoewe.ABiographicalDictionaryoftheQin...Brill2000 BDAG: Frederick William Danker. A Greek-English Lexicon...1957; 3ed Chicago 2000 E Bruce Brooks and A Taeko Brooks. The Original Analects. Columbia 1998 CHAC: Michael Loewe et al (ed). Cambridge History of Early China. Cambridge 1999 Chye!nMu". !!!! . !!!!!!!!!!!!!! . 2ed Hong Kong 1956 ECT: Michael Loewe (ed). Early Chinese Texts. SSEC 1993 GSB: Gu#-shr# Bye"n !!!!!! 1926-1941 GSR: Bernhard Karlgren. Grammata Serica Recensa. BMFEA v29 (1957) 1-332 HK: [The Chinese University of Hong Kong ICS concordances] HY: [The Harvard-Yenching concordances] Bernhard Karlgren. [The appropriate gloss or translation in BMFEA] James Legge. [The appropriate volume of James Legge’s Chinese Classics or SBE series] Jv"ng Lya!ng-shu" !!!!!!. !!!!!!!!!!.3v!!!!1984 Ma# Gwo!-ha"n !!!!!!. -
Water, Earth and Fire – the Symbols of the Han Dynasty
Water, Earth and Fire – the Symbols of the Han Dynasty by Michael Loewe (Cambridge) Between the inception of the Ch'in[1] empire in 221 B. C. and the restoration of the Han dynasty in A. D. 25, the concept of imperial sovereignty underwent con- siderable change; religious issues had entered into questions that had hitherto been largely subject to material considerations; and claims to rule with legitimacy had become dependent on establishing links with spiritual powers. In the initial stages, the right to govern a Chinese empire was claimed by virtue of practical success, which had been witnessed in the elimination of rivals and the establish- ment of an authority that was acknowledged throughout the land. By the time of Wang Mang[2] and the emperors of Eastern Han, the claim to exercise legitimate rule had been linked directly with the superhuman power of Heaven and the be- stowal of its order or mandate; the theory that was to be invoked throughout Chi- na's imperial history had become accepted as orthodox.1 This change of attitude was fully consistent with other religious and intellec- tual developments that affected policies of state and decisions of imperial gov- ernments. Simultaneously, philosophers and statesmen were paying considerable attention to the all important question of the choice of symbol, or cosmic element, with which the dynasty's future was linked and to which it looked for protection.2 Different elements were adopted by successive governments in Ch'in and Han times; and as some confusion is evident in the minds of early Chinese writers, it is desirable to establish the sequence of symbols that were actually chosen. -
Early Chinese Diplomacy: Realpolitik Versus the So-Called Tributary System
realpolitik versus tributary system armin selbitschka Early Chinese Diplomacy: Realpolitik versus the So-called Tributary System SETTING THE STAGE: THE TRIBUTARY SYSTEM AND EARLY CHINESE DIPLOMACY hen dealing with early-imperial diplomacy in China, it is still next W to impossible to escape the concept of the so-called “tributary system,” a term coined in 1941 by John K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng in their article “On the Ch’ing Tributary System.”1 One year later, John Fairbank elaborated on the subject in the much shorter paper “Tribu- tary Trade and China’s Relations with the West.”2 Although only the second work touches briefly upon China’s early dealings with foreign entities, both studies proved to be highly influential for Yü Ying-shih’s Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations published twenty-six years later.3 In particular the phrasing of the latter two titles suffices to demonstrate the three au- thors’ main points: foreigners were primarily motivated by economic I am grateful to Michael Loewe, Hans van Ess, Maria Khayutina, Kathrin Messing, John Kiesch nick, Howard L. Goodman, and two anonymous Asia Major reviewers for valuable suggestions to improve earlier drafts of this paper. Any remaining mistakes are, of course, my own responsibility. 1 J. K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng, “On the Ch’ing Tributary System,” H JAS 6.2 (1941), pp. 135–246. 2 J. K. Fairbank in FEQ 1.2 (1942), pp. 129–49. 3 Yü Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-barbarian Economic Relations (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U. -
Re-Dating the Sources a Taeko Brooks !!!!!!!!! ! University of Massachusetts at Amherst AAS / New England (Amherst, 28 Oct 1995)
9 Re-Dating the Sources A Taeko Brooks !!!!!!!!! ! University of Massachusetts at Amherst AAS / New England (Amherst, 28 Oct 1995) The sources for history are basic to history, and an accurate idea of the chronology of the sources is basic to the task of understanding the sources themselves historically. We cannot effectively investigate the history of China’s formative Warring States or classical period without knowing which of these texts are earlier and which are later. I here describe a systematic attempt to reach a better understanding of Warring States text chronology. But before saying how we have approached the chronology problem, I should first say why we think there is a problem – a problem that has not been solved in Michael Loewe’s 1993 survey, Early Chinese Texts (ECT).1 One reason is that the book’s conclusions are not entirely consistent with each other. A second is that some are indeterminate, quoting conflicting opinions without deciding among them. A third is that some fail to address all the problems in the texts. There are also points at which problems which are addressed might be reconsidered. In other words, a fully coherent and convincing text chronology has not yet emerged. The existence of conflicting opinions about the date of a text may indicate that the text itself includes diverse material. The proper solution in such cases may be, not to choose among the suggested dates, but to recognize different portions of the text as different layers, and assign to each layer its proper date. This approach is exemplified in Allyn Rickett’s work on Gwa"ndz".2 Rickett recognizes the 86 Gwa"ndz" chapters (and in some cases, chapter sections) as being potentially different layers, and assigns them dates ranging from the 04th to the 02nd centuries (4th to 2nd centuries BC). -
Western Sinology and Field Journals
Handbook of Reference Works in Traditional Chinese Studies (R. Eno, 2011) 9. WESTERN SINOLOGY AND FIELD JOURNALS This section of has two parts. The first outlines some aspects of the history of sinology in the West relevant to the contemporary shape of the field. The second part surveys some of the leading and secondary sinological journals, with emphasis on the role they have played historically. I. An outline of sinological development in the West The history of sinology in the West is over 400 years old. No substantial survey will be attempted here; that can wait until publication of The Lives of the Great Sinologists, a blockbuster for sure.1 At present, with Chinese studies widely dispersed in hundreds of teaching institutions, the lines of the scholarly traditions that once marked sharply divergent approaches are not as easy to discern as they were thirty or forty years ago, but they still have important influences on the agendas of the field, and they should be understood in broad outline. One survey approach is offered by the general introduction to Zurndorfer’s guide; its emphasis is primarily on the development of modern Japanese and Chinese scholarly traditions, and it is well worth reading. This brief summary has somewhat different emphases. A. Sinology in Europe The French school Until the beginning of the eighteenth century, Western views of China were principally derived from information provided by occasional travelers and by missionaries, particularly the Jesuits, whose close ties with the Ming and Ch’ing courts are engagingly portrayed by Jonathan Spence in his popular portraits, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci and Emperor of China. -
THE FIRST EMPIRES of CHINA a Review Article by RAFE DE
THE FIRST EMPIRES OF CHINA A review article BY RAFE DE CRESPIGNY The Australian National University The Cambridge History of China [General editors, John K. Fairbank and Denis Twitchett]: Volume1: The Ch'in and Han Empires, 221 B.C.-A.D. 220, edited by Denis Twitchett and Michael Loewe, Cambridge University Press, 1986, xlii + 981 pages: US $ 110.00. This most recent volume of the Cambridge History of China is a welcome addition to the series and marks a major development in the study of early imperial China. It gives a summary of Western scholarship of Qin %t and Han and it provides a point of de- parture for future research and analysis in that field.' Indeed, the nature and scope of this volume are delicately bal- anced. As the general editors of the Cambridge series observe in their preface, recent discoveries in archaeology have produced such a quantity of new information and material that the earlier history of China, and notably that of the Zhou JSj period in the first millen- nium B.C., is now in such a state of flux that it is effectively impos- sible to present an interpretation of the pre-C,?,in period that will be widely accepted in the scholarly world. It is for this reason the present volume is numbered as the first of the series: and one may well feel that the four and a half centuries of Qin and Han are just barely capable of being controlled inside their designated format-even if that format is one thousand pages long. -
“Qin and Han Empires and Their Legacy” (Handout) Michael Nylan ([email protected]) Professor, History
“Qin and Han Empires and their Legacy” (Handout) Michael Nylan ([email protected]) Professor, History NB: Many of the ideas presented to you today are brand-new, as they reflect research within the last ten years or so (mostly based on excavated documents, but also on some rethinking of the "received literature" transmitted prior to the twentieth century, when archaeological excavations began).1 Please do not hesitate to ask questions about this material, since it may contradict things you thought you knew, and also be too new to be reflected in the usual textbooks. Given the uneven spread in space and time of the excavated materials, historians of early China often find themselves making larger generalizations that the material warrants, but we can feel very confident that the generalizations that I am giving you here today represent the best and most current scholarship. Let us begin with the paradox: it was during the reigns of two emperors who are generally excoriated (Qin Shihuang or the First Emperor of terracotta fame, r. 221-210 BC, and the usurper Wang Mang, r. 9-23) that the main institutions of imperial China (221 BC-AD 1911) were devised. After the Han period (as after the Tang), there was a long period of disunion, as different rulers tried – but failed – to reinstitute empires. Still, it is noteworthy that by the time that the second Han dynasty (called "Eastern" or "Later" Han) fell in AD 220, good government by definition was "unified empire," regardless of whether the current administration had managed to unify or not. -
The Ming Dynasty Its Origins and Evolving Institutions
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES MICHIGAN PAPERS IN CHINESE STUDIES NO. 34 THE MING DYNASTY ITS ORIGINS AND EVOLVING INSTITUTIONS by Charles O. Hucker Ann Arbor Center for Chinese Studies The University of Michigan 1978 Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/ Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Copyright © 1978 by Charles O. Hucker Published by Center for Chinese Studies The University of Michigan Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Hucker, Charles O. The Ming dynasty, its origins and evolving institutions. (Michigan papers in Chinese studies; no. 34) Includes bibliographical references. 1. China—History—Ming dynasty, 1368-1644. I. Title. II. Series. DS753.H829 951f.O26 78-17354 ISBN 0-89264-034-0 Printed in the United States of America ISBN 978-0-89264-034-8 (hardcover) ISBN 978-0-472-03812-1 (paper) ISBN 978-0-472-12758-0 (ebook) ISBN 978-0-472-90153-1 (open access) The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ CONTENTS Preface vii I. Introduction 1 n. The Transition from Yuan to Ming 3 Deterioration of Mongol Control 3 Rebellions of the 1350s and 1360s 8 The Rise of Chu Yuan-chang 15 Expulsion of the Mongols 23 III. Organizing the New Dynasty 26 Continuing Military Operations 28 Creation of the Ming Government 33 T!ai-tsufs Administrative Policies 44 Personnel 45 Domestic Administration 54 Foreign Relations and Defense 62 The Quality of Tfai-tsufs Reign 66 IV.