Civil Disobedience

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Cover illustration: Henry David Thoreau, c. 1879. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

I heartily accept the motto—“That government is best which governs least;” and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe—“That government is best which governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure. This American government—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But 6 Civil Disobedience it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed upon, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient, by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made of India-rubber, would never manage to bounce over obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievious persons who put obstructions on the railroads. But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it. After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. But a government in which the majority rule in all cases can not be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which the majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, Civil Disobedience 7 but conscience?—in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly enough said that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation on conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice. A common and natural result of an undue respect for the law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? Visit the Navy-Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts—a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniment, though it may be,—

“Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note, As his corse to the rampart we hurried; Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot O’er the grave where out hero was buried.” 1

1. Quoted from Charles Wolfe, “Burial of Sir John Moore at Corunna.” 8 Civil Disobedience

The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgement or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others—as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders—serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as the rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay,” and “stop a hole to keep the wind away,” 2 but leave that office to his dust at least:—

“I am too high born to be propertied, To be a second at control, Or useful serving-man and instrument To any sovereign state throughout the world.” 3

He who gives himself entirely to his fellow men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist. How does it become a man to behave toward the American government today? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that

2. Shakespeare, Hamlet, V, i, 205–6. 3. Shakespeare, King John, V, ii, 78–82. Civil Disobedience 9 political organization as my government which is the slave’s government also. All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such was the case, they think, in the Revolution of ’75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them. All machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counter-balance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more urgent is the fact, that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army. Paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on the “Duty of Submission to Civil Government,” resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say that “so long as the interest of the whole society requires it, that is, so long as the established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniencey, it is the will of God that the established government be obeyed, and no longer…… This principle being admitted, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quantity of the danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense of redressing it on the other.” Of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. But Paley appears never to have contempla- 10 Civil Disobedience ted those cases to which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. If I have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him though I drown myself. This, according to Paley, would be inconvenient. But he that would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it. 4 This people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on Mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people. In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does anyone think that Massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis?

“A drab of state, a cloth-o’-silver slut, To have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirt.” 5

Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interes- ted in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and to Mexico, cost what it may. I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, neat at home, co-operate with, and do the bidding of, those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not as materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many should be good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their poc-

4. See Matthew 10:39. 5. Cyril Tourneur, The Revenger’s Tragedy, IV, iv, 71–72. Civil Disobedience 11 kets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free- trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is the price-current of an honest man and patriot today? They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give up only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the right, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man. But it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it. All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. When the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote. I hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore, or elsewhere, for the selection of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession; but I think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man 12 Civil Disobedience what decision they may come to? Shall we not have the advantage of his wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? Can we not count upon some independent votes? Are there not many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions? But no: I find that the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reasons to despair of him. He forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus selected as the only available one, thus proving that he is himself available for any purposes of the demagogue. His vote is of no more worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. O for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand through! Our statistics are at fault: the population has been returned too large. How many men are there to a square thousand miles in the country? Hardly one. Does not America offer any inducement for men to settle here? The American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow—one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is to see that the almshouses are in good repair; and, before yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund to the support of the widows and orphans that may be; who, in short, ventures to live only by the aid of the Mutual Insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently. It is not a man’s duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous, wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support. If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them sitting upon another man’s shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my Civil Disobedience 13 townsmen say, “I should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico—see if I would go”; and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. The soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if the state were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under the name of Order and Civil Government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. After the first blush of sin comes its indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made. The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disin- terested virtue to sustain it. The slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning the State to dissolve the Union, to disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves—the union between themselves and the State—and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury? Do not they stand in same relation to the State that the State does to the Union? And have not the same reasons prevented the State from resisting the Union which have prevented them from resisting the State? How can a man be satisfied to entertain and opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing you are cheated, 14 Civil Disobedience or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see to it that you are never cheated again. Action from principle, the perception and the performance of right, changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divides States and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine. Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men, generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to put out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels? One would think, that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was the only offense never contemplated by its government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalty? If a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the State, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that I know, and determined only by the discretion of those who put him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the State, he is soon permitted to go at large again. If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let it go: perchance it will wear smooth— Civil Disobedience 15 certainly the machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another, then I say, break the law. Let your life be a counter-friction to stop the machine. What I have to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to the wrong which I condemn. As for adopting the ways of the State has provided for reme- dying the evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and, if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case the State has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil. This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconcilliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. So is all change for the better, like birth and death, which convulse the body. I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves Aboli- tionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already. I meet this American government, or its representative, the State government, directly, and face to face, once a year—no more—in the person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in 16 Civil Disobedience which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with—for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel—and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. How shall he ever know well that he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he will treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well- disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action. I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name—if ten honest men only—ay, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this co-partnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done forever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our mission. Reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed neighbor, the State’s ambassador, who will devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the Council Cham- ber, instead of being threatened with the prisons of Carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of Massachusetts, that State which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister—though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her—the Legislature would not wholly waive the subject of the following winter. Under a government which imprisons unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. The proper place today, the only Civil Disobedience 17 place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less des- pondent spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the State by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. It is there that the fugitive slave, and the Mexi- can prisoner on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race should find them; on that separate but more free and honorable ground, where the State places those who are not with her, but against her—the only house in a slave State in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, “But what shall I do?” my answer is, “If you really wish to do anything, resign your office.” When the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned from office, then the revolution is accomplished. But even suppose blood shed when the conscience is wounded? Through this wound a man’s real man- hood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now. I have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender, rather than the seizure of his goods—though both will serve the same 18 Civil Disobedience purpose—because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. To such the State ren- ders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands. If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the State itself would hesitate to demand it of him. But the rich man—not to make any invidious compari- son—is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. Abso- lutely speaking, the more money, the less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him; it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as that are called the “means” are increased. The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor. Christ answered the Herodians according to their condition. “Show me the tribute- money,” said he—and one took a penny out of his pocket—if you use money which has the image of Cæsar on it, and which he has made current and valuable, that is, if you are men of the State, and gladly enjoy the advantages of Cæsar’s government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it. “Render therefore to Cæsar that which is Cæsar’s and to God those things which are God’s” 6—leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know. When I converse with the freest of my neighbors, I perceive that, whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the question, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the short of the matter is, that they cannot spare the pro- 6. Matthew 15:22. Civil Disobedience 19 tection of the existing government, and they dread the consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. For my own part, I should not like to think that I ever rely on the protection of the State. But, if I deny the authority of the State when it presents its tax bill, it will soon take and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. This is hard. This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at the same time com- fortably, in outward respects. It will not be worth the while to accu- mulate property; that would be sure to go again. You must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish government. Confucius said: “If a state is governed by the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame; if a state is not governed by the principles of reason, riches and honors are subjects of shame.” No: until I want the protection of Massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant Southern port, where my liberty is endangered, or until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. It costs me less in every sense to incur the penalty of disobedience to the State than it would to obey. I should feel as if I were worth less in that case. Some years ago, the State met me in behalf of the Church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward the support of a cler- gyman whose preaching my father attended, but never I myself. “Pay,” it said, “or be locked up in the jail.” I declined to pay. But, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. I did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster; for I was not the State’s schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription. I did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax bill, and have the State to back 20 Civil Disobedience its demand, as well as the Church. However, at the request of the selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing: “Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any society which I have not joined.” This I gave to the town clerk; and he has it. The State, having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. If I had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find such a complete list. I have paid no poll tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. They plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against Civil Disobedience 21 whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the State was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it. Thus the state never intentionally confronts a man’s sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. It is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength. I was not born to be forced. I will breathe after my own fashion. Let us see who is the strongest. What force has a multitude? They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves. I do not hear of men being forced to live this way or that by masses of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I meet a government which says to me, “Your money our your life,” why should I be in haste to give it my money? It may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: I cannot help that. It must help itself; do as I do. It is not worth the while to snivel about it. I am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society. I am not the son of the engineer. I perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the other. If a plant cannot live according to nature, it dies; and so a man.

The night in prison was novel and interesting enough. The prisoners in their shirtsleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the doorway, when I entered. But the jailer said, “Come, boys, it is time to lock up”; and so they dispersed, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments. My roommate was introduced to me by the jailer as “a first-rate fellow and clever man.” When the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed matters there. The rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably neatest apartment 22 Civil Disobedience

in town. He naturally wanted to know where I came from, and what brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and as the world goes, I believe he was. “Why,” said he, “they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did it.” As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. He had the reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on, and would have to wait as much longer; but he was quite domesticated and conten- ted, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated. He occupied one window, and I the other; and I saw that if one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out the window. I had soon read all the tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various occupants of that room; for I found that even there there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. Probably this is the only house in the town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published. I was shown quite a long list of young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them. I pumped my fellow prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out the lamp. It was like travelling into a far country, such as I had never expected to behold, to lie there for one night. It seemed to me that I never had heard the town clock strike before, not the evening sounds of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the grating. It was to see my native village in the light of the Middle Ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and visions of knights and castles passed before me. They were the voices of old burghers that I heard in the streets. I was an involuntary spectator and auditor of whatever was done and said in the kitchen of the adjacent village-inn—a Civil Disobedience 23 wholly new and rare experience to me. It was a closer view of my native town. I was fairly inside of it. I never had seen its institutions before. This is one of its peculiar institutions; for it is a shire town. I began to comprehend what its inhabitants were about. In the morning, our breakfasts were put through the hole in the door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon. When they called for the vessels again, I was green enough to return what bread I had left, but my comrade seized it, and said that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after he was let out to work at haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till noon; so he bade me good day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again. When I came out of prison—for someone interfered, and paid that tax—I did not perceive that great changes had taken place on the common, such as he observed who went in a youth and emer- ged a gray-headed man; and yet a change had to my eyes come over the scene—the town, and State, and country, greater than any that mere time could effect. I saw yet more distinctly the State in which I lived. I saw to what extent the people among whom I lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly propose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that, in their sacrifices to humanity, they ran no risks, not even to their property; that, after all, they were not so noble but they treated the thief as he had treated them, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls. This may be to judge my neighbors harshly; for I believe that many of them are not aware that they have such an institution as the jail in their village. It was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent the jail window, “How do ye do?” My neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had retur- 24 Civil Disobedience

ned from a long journey. I was put into jail as I was going to the shoemaker’s to get a shoe which was mended. When I was let out the next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour—for the horse was soon tackled—was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off, and then the State was nowhere to be seen. This is the whole history of “My Prisons.”

I have never declined paying the highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbor as I am of being a bad subject; and as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow countrymen now. It is for no particular item in the tax bill that I refuse to pay it. I simply wish to refuse allegiance to the State, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. I do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if I could, till it buys a man a musket to shoot one with—the dollar is innocent—but I am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will still make use and get what advantages of her I can, as is usual in such cases. If others pay the tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the State requires. If they pay the tax from a mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with the public good. This, then, is my position at present. But one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his actions be biased by obstinacy or an undue regard for the opinions of men. Let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour. I think sometimes, Why, this people mean well; they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your Civil Disobedience 25 neighbors this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to? But I think again, This is no reason why I should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill will, without personal feelings of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force? You do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessi- ties. You do not put your head into the fire. But just in proportion as I regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. But if I put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal to fire or to the Maker for fire, and I have only myself to blame. If I could convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and I ought to be, then, like a good Mussulman and fatalist, I should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that I can resist this with some effect; but I cannot expect, like Orpheus, to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts. I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. I seek rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. I am but too ready to conform to them. Indeed, I have reason to suspect myself on this head; and 26 Civil Disobedience each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review the acts and position of the general and State governments, and the spirit of the people to discover a pretext for confor- mity.

“We must affect our country as our parents, And if at any time we alienate Our love or industry from doing it honor, We must respect effects and teach the soul Matter of conscience and religion, And not desire of rule or benefit.” 7

I believe that the State will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then I shall be no better patriot than my fellow countrymen. Seen from a lower point of view, the Cons- titution, with all its faults, is very good; the law and the courts are very respectable; even this State and this American government are, in many respects, very admirable, and rare things, to be than- kful for, such as a great many have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all? However, the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a government, even in this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him. I know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kin- dred subjects, content me as little as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within the institution, never distinctly

7. Quoted from George Peele, The Battle of Alcazar. Civil Disobedience 27 and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. They may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. They are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency. Webster never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about it. His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. I know of those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind’s range and hospitality. Yet, compared with the cheap professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom an eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost the only sen- sible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him. Compara- tively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. Still, his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. The lawyer’s truth is not Truth, but consistency, or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-doing. He well deserves to be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the Constitution. There are really no blows to be given him but defensive ones. He is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are the men of ’87. “I have never made an effort,” he says, “and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrangement as originally made, by which various States came into the Union.” Still thinking of the sanction which the Constitution gives to slavery, he says, “Because it was part of the original compact—let it stand.” Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellect—what, for ins- 28 Civil Disobedience tance, it behooves a man to do here in America today with regard to slavery—but ventures, or is driven, to make some such despe- rate answer to the following, while professing to speak absolutely, and as a private man—from which what new and singular of social duties might be inferred? “The manner,” says he, “in which the governments of the States where slavery exists are to regulate it is for their own consideration, under the responsibility to their cons- tituents, to the general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from a fee- ling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any encouragement from me and they never will.” 8 They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humanity; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pil- grimage toward its fountainhead. No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are rare in the history of the world. There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak, who is capable of settling the much-vexed questions of the day. We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may inspire. Our legislators have not yet learned the comparative value of free trade and of freed, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and agriculture. If we were left solely to the wordy wit of legislators in Congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual complaints of the people, America would not long retain her rank among the nations. For eighteen hundred 8. These extracts have been inserted since the lecture was read. HDT. Civil Disobedience 29 years, though perchance I have no right to say it, the New Testa- ment has been written; yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation? The authority of government, even such as I am willing to submit to—for I will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so well—is still an impure one: to be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. It can have no pure right over my person and property but what I concede to it. The progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual. Even the Chinese philosopher was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire. Is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? Is it not possible to take a step further towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man? There will never be a really free and enlightened State until the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please myself with imagining a State at last which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embra- ced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow men. A State which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more per- fect and glorious State, which I have also imagined, but not yet anywhere seen. Civil Disobedience Electronically Contents

1 Civil disobedience 1 1.1 Overview ...... 1 1.2 Etymology ...... 3 1.3 Theories ...... 4 1.3.1 Violent vs. nonviolent ...... 5 1.3.2 Revolutionary vs. non-revolutionary ...... 5 1.3.3 Collective vs. solitary ...... 5 1.4 Techniques ...... 6 1.4.1 Choice of speciﬁc act ...... 6 1.4.2 Cooperation with authorities ...... 6 1.4.3 Choice of plea ...... 7 1.5 Legal implications of civil disobedience ...... 8 1.6 See also ...... 9 1.7 References ...... 11 1.8 Further reading ...... 13 1.9 External links ...... 13

2 Examples of civil disobedience 14 2.1 People’s Republic of China ...... 14 2.2 Cuba ...... 14 2.3 Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic ...... 14 2.4 Egypt ...... 15 2.5 East Germany ...... 15 2.6 France ...... 16 2.7 India ...... 16 2.8 Israel ...... 16 2.9 Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic ...... 18 2.10 Pakistan ...... 18 2.10.1 Bangladesh (East Pakistan) ...... 19 2.11 Puerto Rico ...... 19 2.12 South Africa ...... 20 2.13 Thailand ...... 20 2.14 Ukraine ...... 20

i ii CONTENTS

2.15 United States ...... 20 2.16 Vietnam ...... 22 2.17 Religious examples ...... 22 2.18 Climate Change ...... 22 2.19 References ...... 23

3 Electronic civil disobedience 25 3.1 History ...... 25 3.2 Hacktivism ...... 26 3.3 Examples ...... 26 3.3.1 Intervasion of the UK ...... 26 3.3.2 Grey Tuesday ...... 26 3.3.3 Border Haunt ...... 27 3.3.4 E-Graﬃti: Texts in Mourning and Action ...... 27 3.4 See also ...... 27 3.5 References ...... 27

4 European Protest and Coercion 29 4.1 links ...... 30

5 Civil resistance 31 5.1 Historical examples ...... 32 5.2 Eﬀectiveness of civil resistance ...... 33 5.3 Reasons for choosing to use civil resistance ...... 33 5.4 Relationship to other forms of power ...... 34 5.5 Proposals for defence by civil resistance ...... 36 5.6 The term “civil resistance": merits and concerns ...... 36 5.7 See also ...... 38 5.8 References ...... 38 5.9 Bibliography ...... 40 5.10 External links ...... 41

6 Nonviolence 42 6.1 Forms ...... 44 6.1.1 Pragmatic ...... 44 6.1.2 Ethical ...... 45 6.2 Methods ...... 47 6.2.1 Acts of protest ...... 47 6.2.2 Noncooperation ...... 48 6.2.3 Nonviolent intervention ...... 48 6.3 Revolution ...... 48 6.4 Criticism ...... 48 6.5 See also ...... 49 CONTENTS iii

6.6 References ...... 50 6.7 Further reading ...... 52 6.8 External links ...... 52

7 Nonviolent resistance 54 7.1 History of nonviolent resistance (see also Swarthmore College’s Nonviolent Action Database .... 56 7.2 See also ...... 56 7.2.1 Documentaries ...... 56 7.2.2 Organizations and people ...... 56 7.2.3 Concepts ...... 56 7.3 Notes and references ...... 58 7.4 Further reading ...... 59 7.4.1 From the 20th century ...... 59 7.4.2 From the 21st century ...... 60

8 Arab Spring 61 8.1 Etymology ...... 61 8.2 Background ...... 62 8.2.1 Causes ...... 62 8.3 Overview ...... 62 8.3.1 Summary of conﬂicts by country ...... 63 8.4 Major events ...... 64 8.4.1 Tunisia ...... 64 8.4.2 Egypt ...... 65 8.4.3 Libya ...... 66 8.4.4 Yemen ...... 67 8.4.5 Syria ...... 68 8.4.6 Bahrain ...... 69 8.5 Minor events ...... 71 8.6 Aftermath ...... 71 8.7 Analysis ...... 71 8.7.1 Ethnic scope ...... 71 8.7.2 Concurrent events ...... 72 8.7.3 International reactions ...... 73 8.7.4 Social media and the Arab Spring ...... 73 8.8 See also ...... 74 8.9 References ...... 75 8.10 Further reading ...... 87 8.11 External links ...... 88 8.12 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses ...... 90 8.12.1 Text ...... 90 8.12.2 Images ...... 93 iv CONTENTS

8.12.3 Content license ...... 96 Chapter 1

Civil disobedience

“Disobedience” redirects here. For the 2003 film, see Disobedience (film). For the act of disobeying an authority figure, see insubordination. For other uses, see Civil disobedience (disambiguation). Civil disobedience is the active, professed refusal to obey certain laws, demands, or commands of a government, or of an occupying international power. Civil disobedience is sometimes, though not always,[1][2] defined as being nonviolent resistance.

1.1 Overview

One of its earliest massive implementations was brought about by Egyptians against the British occupation in the 1919 Revolution.[3] Civil disobedience is one of the many ways people have rebelled against what they deem to be unfair laws. It has been used in many nonviolent resistance movements in India (Gandhi’s campaigns for independence from the British Empire), in Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution and in East Germany to oust their communist governments,[4][5] in South Africa in the fight against apartheid, in the American Civil Rights Movement, in the Singing Revolution to bring independence to the Baltic countries from the Soviet Union, recently with the 2003 Rose Revolution in Georgia and the 2004 Orange Revolution[6] in Ukraine, among other various movements worldwide. One of the oldest depictions of civil disobedience is in Sophocles' play Antigone, in which Antigone, one of the daughters of former King of Thebes, Oedipus, defies Creon, the current King of Thebes, who is trying to stop her from giving her brother Polynices a proper burial. She gives a stirring speech in which she tells him that she must obey her conscience rather than human law. She is not at all afraid of the death he threatens her with (and eventually carries out), but she is afraid of how her conscience will smite her if she does not do this.[7] Following the Peterloo massacre of 1819, poet Percy Shelley wrote the political poem The Mask of Anarchy later that year, that begins with the images of what he thought to be the unjust forms of authority of his time—and then imagines the stirrings of a new form of social action. It is perhaps the first modern statement of the principle of nonviolent protest.[8] A version was taken up by the author Henry David Thoreau in his essay Civil Disobedience, and later by Gandhi in his doctrine of Satyagraha.[8] Gandhi’s Satyagraha was partially influenced and inspired by Shelley’s nonviolence in protest and political action.[9] In particular, it is known that Gandhi would often quote Shelley’s Masque of Anarchy to vast audiences during the campaign for a free India.[8][10] Thoreau’s 1848 essay Civil Disobedience, originally titled “Resistance to Civil Government”, has had a wide influence on many later practitioners of civil disobedience. The driving idea behind the essay is that citizens are morally responsible for their support of aggressors, even when such support is required by law. In the essay, Thoreau explained his reasons for having refused to pay taxes as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican-American War. He writes, “If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them sitting upon another man’s shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, 'I should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico; — see if I would go'; and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute.” By the 1850s, a range of minority groups in the United States--blacks, Jews, Seventh Day Baptists, Catholics, an- tiprohibitionists, racial egalitarians, and others--employed civil disobedience to combat a range of legal measures

1 2 CHAPTER 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

Mahatma Gandhi employed civil disobedience during the Indian independence movement. 1.2. ETYMOLOGY 3 and public practices that to them promoted ethnic, religious, and racial discrimination. Public and typically peaceful resistance to public power would remain an integral tactic in modern American minority-rights politics.[11]

1.2 Etymology

Henry David Thoreau's classic essay Civil Disobedience inspired Martin Luther King and many other activists. 4 CHAPTER 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

Thoreau’s 1849 essay “Resistance to Civil Government” was eventually renamed “Essay on Civil Disobedience.” After his landmark lectures were published in 1866, the term began to appear in numerous sermons and lectures relating to slavery and the war in Mexico.[12][13][14][15] Thus, by the time Thoreau’s lectures were first published under the title “Civil Disobedience,” in 1866, four years after his death, the term had achieved fairly widespread usage. It has been argued that the term “civil disobedience” has always suffered from ambiguity and in modern times, become utterly debased. Marshall Cohen notes, “It has been used to describe everything from bringing a test-case in the federal courts to taking aim at a federal official. Indeed, for Vice President Agnew it has become a code-word describing the activities of muggers, arsonists, draft evaders, campaign hecklers, campus militants, anti-war demonstrators, juvenile delinquents and political assassins.”[16] LeGrande writes that “the formulation of a single all-encompassing definition of the term is extremely difficult, if not impossible. In reviewing the voluminous literature on the subject, the student of civil disobedience rapidly finds himself surrounded by a maze of semantical problems and grammatical niceties. Like Alice in Wonderland, he often finds that specific terminology has no more (or no less) meaning than the individual orator intends it to have.” He encourages a distinction between lawful protest demonstration, nonviolent civil disobedience, and violent civil disobedience.[17] In a letter to P.K.Rao, dated September 10, 1935, Gandhi disputes that his idea of civil disobedience was derived from the writings of Thoreau:[18]

1.3 Theories

In seeking an active form of civil disobedience, one may choose to deliberately break certain laws, such as by forming a peaceful blockade or occupying a facility illegally, though sometimes violence has been known to occur. Often there is an expectation to be attacked or even beaten by the authorities. Protesters often undergo training in advance on how to react to arrest or to attack. Mahatma Gandhi outlined several rules for civil resisters (or satyagrahi) in the time when he was leading India in the struggle for Independence from the British Empire. For instance, they were to express no anger, never retaliate, submit to the opponent’s orders and assaults, submit to arrest by the authorities, surrender personal property when confiscated by the authorities but refuse to surrender property held in trust, refrain from swearing and insults (which are contrary to ahimsa), refrain from saluting the Union flag, and protect officials from insults and assaults even at the risk of the resister’s own life. Civil disobedience is usually defined as pertaining to a citizen’s relation to the state and its laws, as distinguished from a constitutional impasse in which two public agencies, especially two equally sovereign branches of government, conflict. For instance, if the head of government of a country were to refuse to enforce a decision of that country’s highest court, it would not be civil disobedience, since the head of government would be acting in her or his capacity as public official rather than private citizen.[19] Ronald Dworkin held that there are three types of civil disobedience:

• “Integrity-based” civil disobedience occurs when a citizen disobeys a law she or he feels is immoral, as in the case of northerners disobeying the fugitive slave laws by refusing to turn over escaped slaves to authorities.

• “Justice-based” civil disobedience occurs when a citizen disobeys laws in order to lay claim to some right denied to her or him, as when blacks illegally protested during the Civil Rights Movement.

• “Policy-based” civil disobedience occurs when a person breaks the law in order to change a policy (s)he believes is dangerously wrong.[20]

Some theories of civil disobedience hold that civil disobedience is only justified against governmental entities. Brown- lee argues that disobedience in opposition to the decisions of non-governmental agencies such as trade unions, banks, and private universities can be justified if it reflects “a larger challenge to the legal system that permits those decisions to be taken”. The same principle, she argues, applies to breaches of law in protest against international organizations and foreign governments.[21] It is usually recognized that lawbreaking, if it is not done publicly, at least must be publicly announced in order to constitute civil disobedience. But Stephen Eilmann argues that if it is necessary to disobey rules that conflict with morality, we might ask why disobedience should take the form of public civil disobedience rather than simply covert 1.3. THEORIES 5

lawbreaking. If a lawyer wishes to help a client overcome legal obstacles to securing her or his natural rights, he might, for instance, find that assisting in fabricating evidence or committing perjury is more effective than open disobedience. This assumes that common morality does not have a prohibition on deceit in such situations.[22] The Fully Informed Jury Association's publication “A Primer for Prospective Jurors” notes, “Think of the dilemma faced by German citizens when Hitler's secret police demanded to know if they were hiding a Jew in their house.”[23] By this definition, civil disobedience could be traced back to the Book of Exodus, where Shiphrah and Puah refused a direct order of Pharaoh but misrepresented how they did it. (Exodus 1: 15-19)[24]

1.3.1 Violent vs. nonviolent

There have been debates as to whether civil disobedience must necessarily be non-violent. Black’s Law Dictionary includes nonviolence in its definition of civil disobedience. Christian Bay’s encyclopedia article states that civil disobedience requires “carefully chosen and legitimate means,” but holds that they do not have to be nonviolent.[25] It has been argued that, while both civil disobedience and civil rebellion are justified by appeal to constitutional defects, rebellion is much more destructive; therefore, the defects justifying rebellion must be much more serious than those justifying disobedience, and if one cannot justify civil rebellion, then one cannot justify a civil disobedients’ use of force and violence and refusal to submit to arrest. Civil disobedients’ refraining from violence is also said to help preserve society’s tolerance of civil disobedience.[26] But McCloskey argues that “if violent, intimidatory, coercive disobedience is more effective, it is, other things being equal, more justified than less effective, nonviolent disobedience.”[27] In his best-selling Disobedience and Democracy: Nine Fallacies on Law and Order,[28] Howard Zinn takes a similar position; Zinn states that while the goals of civil disobedience are generally nonviolent,

in the inevitable tension accompanying the transition from a violent world to a nonviolent one, the choice of means will almost never be pure, and will involve such complexities that the simple distinction between violence and nonviolence does not suﬃce as a guide...the very acts with which we seek to do good cannot escape the imperfections of the world we are trying to change.[29]

Zinn rejects any “easy and righteous dismissal of violence,” noting that Henry Thoreau, the popularizer of the term civil disobedience, approved of the armed insurrection of John Brown. He also notes that some major civil disobedience campaigns which have been classiﬁed as nonviolent, such as the Birmingham campaign, have actually included elements of violence.[30]

1.3.2 Revolutionary vs. non-revolutionary

Non-revolutionary civil disobedience is a simple disobedience of laws on the grounds that they are judged “wrong” by an individual conscience, or as part of an eﬀort to render certain laws ineﬀective, to cause their repeal, or to exert pressure to get one’s political wishes on some other issue. Revolutionary civil disobedience is more of an active attempt to overthrow a government.[31] Gandhi’s acts have been described as revolutionary civil disobedience.[19] It has been claimed that the Hungarians under Ferenc Deák directed revolutionary civil disobedience against the Austrian government.[32] Thoreau also wrote of civil disobedience accomplishing “peaceable revolution.”[33]

1.3.3 Collective vs. solitary

The earliest recorded incidents of collective civil disobedience took place during the Roman Empire. Unarmed Jews gathered in the streets to prevent the installation of pagan images in the Temple in Jerusalem. In modern times, some activists who commit civil disobedience as a group collectively refuse to sign bail until certain demands are met, such as favorable bail conditions, or the release of all the activists. This is a form of jail solidarity.[34] There have also been many instances of solitary civil disobedience, such as that committed by Thoreau, but these sometimes go unnoticed. Thoreau, at the time of his arrest, was not yet a well-known author, and his arrest was not covered in any newspapers in the days, weeks and months after it happened. The tax collector who arrested him rose to higher political oﬃce, and Thoreau’s essay was not published until after the end of the Mexican War.[35] 6 CHAPTER 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

1.4 Techniques

Main article: Examples of civil disobedience

1.4.1 Choice of speciﬁc act

Civil disobedients have chosen a variety of different illegal acts. Bedau writes, “There is a whole class of acts, undertaken in the name of civil disobedience, which, even if they were widely practiced, would in themselves constitute hardly more than a nuisance (e.g. trespassing at a nuclear-missile installation)...Such acts are often just a harassment and, at least to the bystander, somewhat inane...The remoteness of the connection between the disobedient act and the objectionable law lays such acts open to the charge of ineffectiveness and absurdity.” Bedau also notes, though, that the very harmlessness of such entirely symbolic illegal protests toward public policy goals may serve a propaganda purpose.[32] Some civil disobedients, such as the proprietors of illegal medical cannabis dispensaries and Voice in the Wilderness, which brought medicine to Iraq without the permission of the U.S. Government, directly achieve a desired social goal (such as the provision of medication to the sick) while openly breaking the law. Julia Butterfly Hill lived in Luna, a 180-foot (55 m)-tall, 600-year-old California Redwood tree for 738 days, successfully preventing it from being cut down. In cases where the criminalized behavior is pure speech, civil disobedience can consist simply of engaging in the forbidden speech. An example would be WBAI's broadcasting the track "Filthy Words" from a George Carlin comedy album, which eventually led to the 1978 Supreme Court case of FCC v. Pacifica Foundation. Threatening government officials is another classic way of expressing defiance toward the government and unwillingness to stand for its policies. For example, Joseph Haas was arrested for allegedly sending an email to the Lebanon, New Hampshire city councilors stating, “Wise up or die.”[36] More generally, protesters of particular victimless crimes often see fit to openly commit that crime. Laws against public nudity, for instance, have been protested by going naked in public, and laws against cannabis consumption have been protested by openly possessing it and using it at cannabis rallies.[37] Some forms of civil disobedience, such as illegal boycotts, refusals to pay taxes, draft dodging, distributed denial- of-service attacks, and sit-ins, make it more difficult for a system to function. In this way, they might be considered coercive. Brownlee notes that “although civil disobedients are constrained in their use of coercion by their conscientious aim to engage in moral dialogue, nevertheless they may find it necessary to employ limited coercion in order to get their issue onto the table.”[21] The Plowshares organization temporarily closed GCSB Waihopai by padlocking the gates and using sickles to deflate one of the large domes covering two satellite dishes. Electronic civil disobedience can include web site defacements, redirects, denial-of-service attacks, information theft and data leaks, illegal web site parodies, virtual sit-ins, and virtual sabotage. It is distinct from other kinds of hacktivism in that the perpetrator openly reveals his identity. Virtual actions rarely succeed in completely shutting down their targets, but they often generate significant media attention.[38] Dilemma actions are designed to create a “response dilemma” for public authorities “by forcing them to either concede some public space to protesters or make themselves look absurd or heavy-handed by acting against the protest.”[39]

1.4.2 Cooperation with authorities

Some disciplines of civil disobedience hold that the protestor must submit to arrest and cooperate with the authorities. Others advocate falling limp or resisting arrest, especially when it will hinder the police from effectively responding to a mass protest. Many of the same decisions and principles that apply in other criminal investigations and arrests arise also in civil disobedience cases. For example, the suspect may need to decide whether or not to grant a consent search of his property, and whether or not to talk to police officers. It is generally agreed within the legal community,[40] and is often believed within the activist community, that a suspect’s talking to criminal investigators can serve no useful purpose, and may be harmful. However, some civil disobedients have nonetheless found it hard to resist responding to investigators’ questions, sometimes due to a lack of understanding of the legal ramifications, or due to a fear of seeming rude.[41] Also, some civil disobedients seek to use the arrest as an opportunity to make an impression on the officers. Thoreau wrote, “My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with--for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel--and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. 1.4. TECHNIQUES 7

A police oﬃcer speaks with a demonstrator at a union picket, explaining that she will be arrested if she does not leave the street. The demonstrator was arrested moments later.

How shall he ever know well that he is and does as an oﬃcer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he will treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action.”[33] Some civil disobedients feel it is incumbent upon them to accept punishment because of their belief in the validity of the social contract, which is held to bind all to obey the laws that a government meeting certain standards of legitimacy has established, or else suﬀer the penalties set out in the law. Other civil disobedients who favor the existence of government still don't believe in the legitimacy of their particular government, or don't believe in the legitimacy of a particular law it has enacted. And still other civil disobedients, being anarchists, don't believe in the legitimacy of any government, and therefore see no need to accept punishment for a violation of criminal law that does not infringe the rights of others.

1.4.3 Choice of plea

An important decision for civil disobedients is whether or not to plead guilty. There is much debate on this point, as some believe that it is a civil disobedient’s duty to submit to the punishment prescribed by law, while others believe that defending oneself in court will increase the possibility of changing the unjust law.[42] It has also been argued that either choice is compatible with the spirit of civil disobedience. ACT-UP's Civil Disobedience Training handbook states that a civil disobedient who pleads guilty is essentially stating, “Yes, I committed the act of which you accuse me. I don't deny it; in fact, I am proud of it. I feel I did the right thing by violating this particular law; I am guilty as charged,” but that pleading not guilty sends a message of, “Guilt implies wrong-doing. I feel I have done no wrong. I may have violated some speciﬁc laws, but I am guilty of doing no wrong. I therefore plead not guilty.” A plea of no contest is sometimes regarded as a compromise between the two.[43] One defendant accused of illegally protesting nuclear power, when asked to enter his plea, stated, “I plead for the beauty that surrounds us";[44] this is known as a “creative plea,” and will usually be interpreted as a plea of not guilty.[45] 8 CHAPTER 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

When the Committee for Non-Violent Action sponsored a protest in August 1957, at the Camp Mercury nuclear test site near Las Vegas, Nevada, 13 of the protesters attempted to enter the test site knowing that they faced arrest. At a pre-arranged announced time, one at a time they stepped across the “line” and were immediately arrested. They were put on a bus and taken to the Nye County seat of Tonopah, Nevada, and arraigned for trial before the local Justice of the Peace, that afternoon. A well known civil rights attorney, Francis Heisler, had volunteered to defend the arrested persons, advising them to plead "nolo contendere", as an alternative to pleading either guilty or not- guilty. The arrested persons were found “guilty,” nevertheless, and given suspended sentences, conditional on their not reentering the test site grounds. Howard Zinn writes, “There may be many times when protesters choose to go to jail, as a way of continuing their protest, as a way of reminding their countrymen of injustice. But that is different than the notion that they must go to jail as part of a rule connected with civil disobedience. The key point is that the spirit of protest should be maintained all the way, whether it is done by remaining in jail, or by evading it. To accept jail penitently as an accession to 'the rules’ is to switch suddenly to a spirit of subservience, to demean the seriousness of the protest...In particular, the neo-conservative insistence on a guilty plea should be eliminated.”[46] Sometimes the prosecution proposes a plea bargain to civil disobedients, as in the case of the Camden 28, in which the defendants were offered an opportunity to plead guilty to one misdemeanor count and receive no jail time.[47] In some mass arrest situations, the activists decide to use solidarity tactics to secure the same plea bargain for everyone.[45] But some activists have opted to enter a blind plea, pleading guilty without any plea agreement in place. Mohandas Gandhi pleaded guilty and told the court, “I am here to . . . submit cheerfully to the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon me for what in law is a deliberate crime and what appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen.”[48]

1.5 Legal implications of civil disobedience

Barkan writes that if defendants plead not guilty, “they must decide whether their primary goal will be to win an acquittal and avoid imprisonment or a fine, or to use the proceedings as a forum to inform the jury and the public of the political circumstances surrounding the case and their reasons for breaking the law via civil disobedience.” A technical defense may enhance the chances for acquittal but make for more boring proceedings and reduced press coverage. During the Vietnam War era, the Chicago Eight used a political defense, while Benjamin Spock used a technical defense.[49] In countries such as the United States whose laws guarantee the right to a jury trial but do not excuse lawbreaking for political purposes, some civil disobedients seek jury nullification. Over the years, this has been made more difficult by court decisions such as Sparf v. United States, which held that the judge need not inform jurors of their nullification prerogative, and United States v. Dougherty, which held that the judge need not allow defendants to openly seek jury nullification. Governments have generally not recognized the legitimacy of civil disobedience or viewed political objectives as an excuse for breaking the law. Specifically, the law usually distinguishes between criminal motive and criminal intent; the offender’s motives or purposes may be admirable and praiseworthy, but his intent may still be criminal.[50] Hence the saying that “if there is any possible justification of civil disobedience it must come from outside the legal system.”[51] One theory is that, while disobedience may be helpful, any great amount of it would undermine the law by encouraging general disobedience which is neither conscientious nor of social benefit. Therefore, conscientious lawbreakers must be punished.[52] Michael Bayles argues that if a person violates a law in order to create a test case as to the constitutionality of a law, and then wins his case, then that act did not constitute civil disobedience.[53] It has also been argued that breaking the law for self-gratification, as in the case of a homosexual or cannabis user who does not direct his act at securing the repeal of amendment of the law, is not civil disobedience.[54] Likewise, a protestor who attempts to escape punishment by committing the crime covertly and avoiding attribution, or by denying having committed the crime, or by fleeing the jurisdiction, is generally viewed as not being a civil disobedient. Courts have distinguished between two types of civil disobedience: “Indirect civil disobedience involves violating a law which is not, itself, the object of protest, whereas direct civil disobedience involves protesting the existence of a particular law by breaking that law.”[55] During the Vietnam War, courts typically refused to excuse the per- petrators of illegal protests from punishment on the basis of their challenging the legality of the Vietnam War; the courts ruled it was a political question.[56] The necessity defense has sometimes been used as a shadow defense by civil disobedients to deny guilt without denouncing their politically motivated acts, and to present their political beliefs in the courtroom.[57] However, court cases such as U.S. v. Schoon have greatly curtailed the availability of the political necessity defense.[58] Likewise, when Carter Wentworth was charged for his role in the Clamshell Alliance's 1977 illegal occupation of the Seabrook Station Nuclear Power Plant, the judge instructed the jury to disregard his 1.6. SEE ALSO 9 competing harms defense, and he was found guilty.[59] Fully Informed Jury Association activists have sometimes handed out educational leaflets inside courthouses despite admonitions not to; according to FIJA, many of them have escaped prosecution because “prosecutors have reasoned (correctly) that if they arrest fully informed jury leafleters, the leaflets will have to be given to the leafleter’s own jury as evidence.”[60] Along with giving the offender his “just deserts”, achieving crime control via incapacitation and deterrence is a major goal of criminal punishment.[61][62] Brownee argues, “Bringing in deterrence at the level of justification detracts from the law’s engagement in a moral dialogue with the offender as a rational person because it focuses attention on the threat of punishment and not the moral reasons to follow this law.”[21] Leonard Hubert Hoffmann writes, “In deciding whether or not to impose punishment, the most important consideration would be whether it would do more harm than good. This means that the objector has no right not to be punished. It is a matter for the state (including the judges) to decide on utilitarian grounds whether to do so or not.”[63]

1.6 See also

Ideas

• Civil resistance • Conscientious objection • Direct action • Diversity of tactics • Draft resistance • Examples of civil disobedience • Hunt sabotage • Insubordination • Nonconformism • Nonviolence • Nonviolent resistance • Sousveillance, passive campaign against surveillance • Tax resistance • Tree sitting

Groups

• Abalone Alliance and Clamshell Alliance, anti-nuclear power groups • Committee of 100 (United Kingdom) • Deﬁance Campaign, anti-apartheid campaign in South Africa. • Gay Liberation Front • Gay Activists’ Alliance • Greenpeace • Righteous Among the Nations • Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, French bread town • Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, 1960s civil rights organization 10 CHAPTER 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

• Students for a Democratic Society (20th century)

• Students for a Democratic Society (21st century)

• Women’s Social and Political Union, suﬀragette organization

• The White Rose

• Trident Ploughshares, anti-nuclear weapons group

People

• Daniel Berrigan Jesuit priest and nonviolent activist

• Étienne de La Boétie French writer and philosopher

• Shiphrah and Puah, a pair of women from the Bible

• Philip Berrigan former Josephite priest and nonviolent activist

• James Bevel, strategist of the Birmingham campaign and other projects of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)

• Dorothy Day co-founder of Catholic Worker Movement

• Stokely Carmichael, ﬁeld organizer (1961-1968) and Chair (1966-1967) for the Student Nonviolent Coordi- nating Committee (SNCC)

• James Forman, Executive secretary (1961-1967) of SNCC

• Mohandas Gandhi

• Satyagraha

• Václav Havel

• Anna Hazare, 2011 Civil Disobedience in India for Jan Lokpal Bill (Citizen’s ombudsman Bill)

• Dr Martin Luther King, Jr

• Letter from Birmingham Jail

• Dalai Lama

• Emmeline Pankhurst, women’s suﬀrage leader

• Rosa Parks, “mother of the civil rights movement”

• Gloria Richardson, SNCC leader

• Henry David Thoreau

• Lech Wałęsa

By country

• Mass incidents in China

Documents

• Civil Disobedience, an essay written by Henry David Thoreau

• May 68, Philosophy is in the Street!, a book written by Vincent Cespedes 1.7. REFERENCES 11

1.7 References

[1] Violent Civil Disobedience and Willingness to Accept Punishment 8 (2), Essays in Philosophy, June 2007

[2] J Morreall (1976), “The justiﬁability of violent civil disobedience”, Canadian Journal of Philosophy (Canadian Journal of Philosophy) 6 (1): 35–47, JSTOR 40230600

[3] Zunes, Stephen (1999:42), Nonviolent Social Movements: A Geographical Perspective, Blackwell Publishing

[4] Michael Lerner, Tikkun reader

[5] “Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany”. Archived from the original on 2013-10-19.

[6] “The Orange Revolution”. Time Magazine. 12 December 2004. Retrieved 30 April 2010.

[7] Sophocle’s Antigone, Project Gutenberg, F. Storr translation, 1912, Harvard University Press

[8]

[9] Thomas Weber, “Gandhi as Disciple and Mentor,” Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 28–29.

[10] Thomas Weber, “Gandhi as Disciple and Mentor,” Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 28.

[11] Volk, Kyle G. (2014). Moral Minorities and the Making of American Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.

[12] The Gospel Applied to the Fugitive Slave Law [1850]: A Sermon, by mayur (1851)

[13] “The Higher Law,” in Its Application to the Fugitive Slave Bill:... by John Newell and John Chase Lord (1851)

[14] The Limits of Civil Disobedience: A Sermon..., by Nathaniel Hall (1851)

[15] The Duty and Limitations of Civil Disobedience: A Discourse, by Samuel Colcord Bartlett (1853)

[16] Marshall Cohen (Spring 1969), Civil Disobedience in a Constitutional Democracy 10 (2), The Massachusetts Review, pp. 211–226

[17] J. L. LeGrande (Sep 1967), “Nonviolent Civil Disobedience and Police Enforcement Policy”, The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science (Northwestern University) 58 (3): 393–404, doi:10.2307/1141639, JSTOR 1141639

[18] Letter to P.K. Rao, Servants of India Society, September 10, 1935, Letter quoted in Louis Fischer’s, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, Part I, Chapter 11, pp. 87-88.

[19] Rex Martin (Jan 1970), Civil Disobedience 80 (2), Ethics, pp. 123–139

[20] Ken Kress and Scott W. Anderson (Spring 1989), Dworkin in Transition 37 (2), The American Journal of Comparative Law, pp. 337–351

[21] Kimberley Brownlee (9 November 2006), “The communicative aspects of civil disobedience and lawful punishment”, Criminal Law and Philosophy (Criminal Law and Philosophy) 1 (2): 179, doi:10.1007/s11572-006-9015-9

[22] Stephen Ellmann; Luban, David (Jan 1990), “Lawyering for Justice in a Flawed Democracy”, Columbia Law Review (Columbia Law Review) 90 (1): 116–190, doi:10.2307/1122838, JSTOR 1122838

[23] A Primer for Prospective Jurors, Fully Informed Jury Association

[24] Magonet, Jonathan (1992) Bible Lives (London: SCM), 8

[25] Bay, Christian, Civil Disobedience II, International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, pp. 473–486

[26] Stuart M. Brown, Jr., Civil Disobedience 58 (22), The Journal of Philosophy

[27] H. J. McCloskey (Jun 1980), “Conscientious Disobedience of the Law: Its Necessity, Justiﬁcation, and Problems to Which it Gives Rise”, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research (Philosophy and Phenomenological Research) 40 (4): 536–557, doi:10.2307/2106847, JSTOR 2106847

[28] Davis D. Joyce, Howard Zinn: A Radical American Vision (Prometheus, 2003), 102-103. Joyce notes that Disobedience and Democracy sold 75,000 copies in the late 1960s and was Zinn’s best-selling book prior to A People’s History of the United States

[29] Howard Zinn, Disobedience and Democracy: Nine Fallacies on Law and Order (South End Press edition, 2002), 39-41

[30] Zinn, Disobedience, 47 12 CHAPTER 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

[31] Harry Prosch (Apr 1967), Toward an Ethics of Civil Disobedience 77 (3), Ethics, pp. 176–192 [32] Hugo A. Bedau (October 12, 1961), “On Civil Disobedience”, The Journal of Philosophy (The Journal of Philosophy) 58 (21): 653–665, doi:10.2307/2023542, JSTOR 2023542 [33] Thoreau, Henry David. Civil Disobedience. [34] P Herngren (1993), Path of Resistance, The Practice of Civil Disobedience [35] Gross, Robert A. (October 2005), Quiet War With The State; Henry David Thoreau and Civil Disobedience., The Yale Review, pp. 1–17 [36] Brown case e-mails investigated, Union-Leader, June 21, 2007 [37] Clark, Dick (April 22, 2008), Civil Disobedience and the Libertarian Division of Labor, LewRockwell.com [38] Jeffrey S. Juris (2005), “The New Digital Media and Activist Networking within Anti-Corporate Globalization Move- ments”, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science) 597 (Cultural Production in a Digital Age): 189–208, doi:10.1177/0002716204270338, JSTOR 25046069 [39] Laura Moth, Today’s Zaman, 19 June 2013, A standing dilemma in Taksim [40] Watts v. Indiana, 338 U.S. 49 (1949) [41] John Griffiths and Richard E. Ayres (Dec 1967), “A Postscript to the Miranda Project: Interrogation of Draft Protestors”, The Yale Law Journal 77 (2): 300–319, doi:10.2307/795080 [42] Rules for Engaging in Civil Disobedience, Free State Project [43] Civil Disobedience Training, ACT-UP, 2003 [44] Hurst, John (1978), A-plant protesters being freed, Los Angeles Times [45] National Lawyers Guild, LA Chapter, Questions and Answers about Civil Disobedience and the Legal Process [46] Howard Zinn, Disobedience and Disorder: Nine Fallacies on Law and Order, cited in Paul F. Power (Mar 1970), On Civil Disobedience in Recent American Democratic Thought 64 (1), The American Political Science Review, p. 40 [47] Mirelle Cohen (Oct 2007), “The Camden 28 (review)", Teaching Sociology 35 (4): 391–392, doi:10.1177/0092055x0703500423 [48] Nick Gier (January 15, 2006), Three Principles of Civil Disobedience: Thoreau, Gandhi, and King, Lewiston Morning Tribune [49] Steven E. Barkan (Oct 1979), Strategic, Tactical and Organizational Dilemmas of the Protest Movement against Nuclear Power 27 (1), Social Problems, pp. 19–37 [50] Thomas Morawetz (Summer 1986), Reconstructing the Criminal Defenses: The Significance of Justification 77 (2), The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973-), pp. 277–307 [51] Arthur W. Munk (Sep 1971), Civil Disobedience: Conscience, Tactics, and the Law 397, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 211–212 [52] Robert T. Hall (Jan 1971), Legal Toleration of Civil Disobedience 81 (2), Ethics, pp. 128–142 [53] Michael Bayles (Sep 1970), The Justifiability of Civil Disobedience 24 (1), The Review of Metaphysics, pp. 3–20 [54] Leslie J. Macfarlane (Oct 1968), Justifying Political Disobedience 79 (1), Ethics, pp. 24–55 [55] U.S. v. Schoon, 939 F2d 826 (July 29, 1991). [56] Hughes, Graham (1968), Civil Disobedience and the Political Question Doctrine 43, N.Y.U. L. Rev., p. 1 [57] Steven M. Bauer and Peter J. Eckerstrom (May 1987), The State Made Me Do It: The Applicability of the Necessity Defense to Civil Disobedience 39 (5), Stanford Law Review, pp. 1173–1200 [58] James L. Cavallaro, Jr. (Jan 1993), The Demise of the Political Necessity Defense: Indirect Civil Disobedience and United States v. Schoon 81 (1), California Law Review, pp. 351–385 [59] Robert Surbrug, Beyond Vietnam: The Politics of Protest in Massachusetts, 1974-1990 [60] http://www.fija.org/docs/JG_If_You_are_Facing_Charges.pdf [61] 18 U.S.C. § 3553 [62] 3. The Basic Approach (Policy Statement), 2009 Federal Sentencing Guidelines Manual [63] Judgments - Sepet (FC) and Another (FC) (Appellants) v. Secretary of State for the Home Department (Respondent), 20 March 2003 1.8. FURTHER READING 13

1.8 Further reading

• Lewis Perry, Civil Disobedience: An American Tradition. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2013.

1.9 External links

• Civil Disobedience - Henry David Thoreau’s complete essay with audio

• Civil Disobedience entry by Kimberley Brownlee in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy • “Civil Disobedience” by Peter Suber, originally in Christopher B. Gray (ed.), Philosophy of Law: An Encyclo- pedia, Garland Pub. Co, 1999, II.110-113. Chapter 2

Examples of civil disobedience

The following are examples of civil disobedience from around the world.

2.1 People’s Republic of China

In the 2000s (decade), forms of civil disobedience such as tax resistance, rural protests and work stoppages were on the rise in China.[1]

2.2 Cuba

Other works related to the topic

• Ackerman, Peter and Jack DuVall, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conﬂict, New York: Palgrave, 2000. ISBN 0-312-24050-3 (paperback). • Ackerman, Peter and Christopher Kruegler, Strategic Nonviolent Conﬂict: The Dynamics of People Power in the Twentieth Century, Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1994. ISBN 0-275-93916-2 (paperback). • Carter, April, People Power and Political Change: Key Issues and Concepts, Routledge, London, 2012. ISBN 978-0-415-58049-6. • Tim Gee, Counterpower: Making Change Happen, New Internationalist, Oxford, 2011. ISBN 978-1-78026- 032-7. • King, Mary E., A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance, New York: Nation Books, 2007. ISBN 1560258020. • Pearlman, Wendy, Violence, Nonviolence and the Palestinian National Movement, Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 2011. ISBN 110700702X. 5.10. EXTERNAL LINKS 41

• Roberts, Adam, ed., The Strategy of Civilian Defence: Non-violent Resistance to Aggression, Faber, London, 1967. (Also published as Civilian Resistance as a National Defense, Stackpole Books, Harrisburg, USA, 1968; and, with a new Introduction on “Czechoslovakia and Civilian Defence”, as Civilian Resistance as a National Defence, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, UK, and Baltimore, USA, 1969. ISBN 0-14-021080-6.) • Schock, Kurt, Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0-8166-4193-2. • Semelin, Jacques, Unarmed Against Hitler: Civilian Resistance in Europe, 1939-1943, Westport: Praeger, 1993. ISBN 0-275-93961-8. • Semelin, Jacques, La Liberté au Bout des Ondes: Du Coup de Prague à la Chute du Mur de Berlin, Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2009. ISBN 978-2-84736-466-8. • Semelin, Jacques, Face au Totalitarisme: La Résistance Civile, Brussels: André Versaille, 2011. ISBN 978-2- 87495-127-5.

• Sharp, Gene, The Politics of Nonviolent Action, Boston: Porter Sargent, 1973. ISBN 0-87558-068-8. Also in a 3-volume edition. ISBN 0-87558-070-X.

• Sharp, Gene and others, Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential, Porter Sargent, Boston, 2005. ISBN 978-0-87558-161-3.

5.10 External links

• Albert Einstein Institution, East Boston, Massachusetts • Civil resistance website established by the late Howard Clark

• International Center for Nonviolent Conﬂict (ICNC), Washington DC • Jack DuVall, “Civil resistance and the language of power”, 19 November 2010 at openDemocracy.net

• Hardy Merriman, The trifecta of civil resistance: unity, planning, discipline, 19 November 2010 at openDemocracy.net • Oxford University Research Project on Civil Resistance and Power Politics

• Stellan Vinthagen, People power and the new global ferment, 15 November 2010 at openDemocracy.net Chapter 6

Nonviolence

For the bronze sculpture, see Non-Violence (sculpture). Nonviolence (from Sanskrit ahimṣā, non-violence, “lack of desire to harm or kill”) is the personal practice of being harmless to self and others under every condition. It comes from the belief that hurting people, animals or the environment is unnecessary to achieve an outcome and refers to a general philosophy of abstention from violence based on moral, religious or spiritual principles.[1] For some, the philosophy of nonviolence is rooted in the simple belief that God is harmless. Mahavira (599 BCE–527 BCE), the twenty-fourth tirthankara of the Jain religion, was the torch-bearer of "ahimsa" and introduced the word to the world and applied the concept in his own life. He taught that to more strongly connect with God, one must likewise be harmless. Nonviolence also has 'active' or 'activist' elements, in that believers accept the need for nonviolence as a means to achieve political and social change. Thus, for example, the Tolstoy and Gandhian nonviolence is a philosophy and strategy for social change that rejects the use of violence, but at the same time sees nonviolent action (also called civil resistance) as an alternative to passive acceptance of oppression or armed struggle against it. In general, advocates of an activist philosophy of nonviolence use diverse methods in their campaigns for social change, including critical forms of education and persuasion, mass noncooperation, civil disobedience, nonviolent direct action, and social, political, cultural and economic forms of intervention. In modern times, nonviolent methods of action have been a powerful tool for social protest and revolutionary social and political change.[2][3][4] There are many examples of their use. Fuller surveys may be found in the entries on civil resistance, nonviolent resistance and nonviolent revolution. Here certain movements particularly influenced by a philosophy of nonviolence should be mentioned, including Mahatma Gandhi leading a successful decades-long nonviolent struggle against British rule in India, Martin Luther King's and James Bevel's adoption of Gandhi’s nonviolent methods in their campaigns to win civil rights for African Americans,[5][6] and César Chávez's campaigns of nonviolence in the 1960s to protest the treatment of farm workers in California.[7] The 1989 "Velvet Revolution" in Czechoslovakia that saw the overthrow of the Communist government[8] is considered one of the most important of the largely nonviolent Revolutions of 1989.[9] Most recently the nonviolent campaigns of Leymah Gbowee and the women of Liberia were able to achieve peace after a 14-year civil war.[10] This story is captured in a 2008 documentary film Pray the Devil Back to Hell. In an essay, “To Abolish War,” evolutionary biologist Judith Hand advocated the use of nonviolent direct action to dismantle the global war machine.[11] The term “nonviolence” is often linked with or used as a synonym for peace, and despite being frequently equated with passivity and pacifism, this is rejected by nonviolent advocates and activists.[12] Nonviolence refers specifically to the absence of violence and is always the choice to do no harm or the least harm, and passivity is the choice to do nothing. Sometimes nonviolence is passive, and other times it isn't. So If a house is burning down with mice or insects in it, the most harmless appropriate action is to put the fire out, not to sit by and passively let the fire burn. There is at times confusion and contradiction written about nonviolence, harmlessnessm and passivity. A confused person may advocate nonviolence in a specific context while advocating violence in other contexts. For example, someone who passionately opposes abortion or meat eating may concurrently advocate violence to kill an abortionist or attack a slaughterhouse, which makes that person a violent person.[13]

42 43

Mohandas Gandhi, often considered a founder of the nonviolence movement, spread the concept of ahimsa through his movements and writings, which then inspired other nonviolent activists. 44 CHAPTER 6. NONVIOLENCE

Petra Kelly founded the German Green Party on nonviolence

6.1 Forms

Advocates of nonviolent action believe cooperation and consent are the roots of civil or political power: all regimes, including bureaucratic institutions, ﬁnancial institutions, and the armed segments of society (such as the military and police); depend on compliance from citizens.[14] On a national level, the strategy of nonviolent action seeks to undermine the power of rulers by encouraging people to withdraw their consent and cooperation. The forms of nonviolence draw inspiration from both religious or ethical beliefs and political analysis. Religious or ethically based nonviolence is sometimes referred to as principled, philosophical, or ethical nonviolence, while nonviolence based on political analysis is often referred to as tactical, strategic, or pragmatic nonviolent action. Commonly, both of these dimensions may be present within the thinking of particular movements or individuals.[15]

6.1.1 Pragmatic

The fundamental concept of pragmatic (or tactical or strategic) nonviolent action is to create a social dynamic or political movement that can create a national or international dialogue which eﬀects social change without necessarily winning over those who wish to maintain the status quo.[16] Nicolas Walter noted the idea that nonviolence might work “runs under the surface of Western political thought without ever quite disappearing”.[17] Walter noted Étienne de La Boétie’s Discourse on Voluntary Servitude (sixteenth century) and P.B. Shelley’s The Masque of Anarchy (1819) contain arguments for resisting tyranny without using violence.[17] In 1838, William Lloyd Garrison helped found the New England Non-Resistance Society, a society devoted to achieving racial and gender equality through the rejection of all violent actions.[17] In modern industrial democracies, nonviolent action has been used extensively by political sectors without mainstream political power such as labor, peace, environment and women’s movements. Lesser known is the role that nonviolent action has played and continues to play in undermining the power of repressive political regimes in the developing world and the former eastern bloc. Susan Ives emphasizes this point by quoting Walter Wink:

“In 1989, thirteen nations comprising 1,695,000,000 people experienced nonviolent revolutions that succeeded beyond anyone’s wildest expectations ... If we add all the countries touched by major nonviolent actions in our century (the Philippines, South Africa ... the independence movement in India ...), 6.2. METHODS 45

the ﬁgure reaches 3,337,400,000, a staggering 65% of humanity! All this in the teeth of the assertion, endlessly repeated,that nonviolence doesn't work in the 'real' world.” — Walter Wink, Christian theologian[9]

As a technique for social struggle, nonviolent action has been described as “the politics of ordinary people”, reflecting its historically mass-based use by populations throughout the world and history. Movements most often associated with nonviolence are the non-cooperation campaign for Indian independence led by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the movement to attain civil rights for African Americans, led by Dr Martin Luther King, James Bevel, and others, and the People Power Revolution in the Philippines. Also of primary significance is the notion that just means are the most likely to lead to just ends. When Gandhi said that “the means may be likened to the seed, the end to a tree,” he expressed the philosophical kernel of what some refer to as prefigurative politics. Martin Luther King, a student of Gandhian nonviolent resistance, concurred with this tenet, concluding that “nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek.” Proponents of nonviolence reason that the actions taken in the present inevitably re-shape the social order in like form. They would argue, for instance, that it is fundamentally irrational to use violence to achieve a peaceful society. People have come to use nonviolent methods of struggle from a wide range of perspectives and traditions. A landless peasant in Brazil may nonviolently occupy a parcel of land for purely practical motivations. If they do not, the family will starve. A Buddhist monk in Thailand may “ordain” trees in a threatened forest, drawing on the teachings of Buddha to resist its destruction. A waterside worker in England may go on strike in socialist and union political traditions. All the above are using nonviolent methods but from different standpoints. Likewise, secular political movements have utilized nonviolent methods, either as a tactical tool or as a strategic program on purely pragmatic and strategic levels, relying on their political effectiveness rather than a claim to any religious, moral or ethical worthiness. Respect or love for opponents also has a pragmatic justification, in that the technique of separating the deeds from the doers allows for the possibility of the doers changing their behaviour, and perhaps their beliefs. Martin Luther King wrote, “Nonviolent resistance... avoids not only external physical violence but also internal violence of spirit. The nonviolent resister not only refuses to shoot his opponent, but he also refuses to hate him.” [18] Finally, the notion of Satya, or truth, is central to the Gandhian conception of nonviolence. Gandhi saw truth as something that is multifaceted and unable to be grasped in its entirety by any one individual. All carry pieces of the truth, he believed, but all need the pieces of others’ truths in order to pursue the greater truth. This led him to believe in the inherent worth of dialogue with opponents, in order to understand motivations. On a practical level, the willingness to listen to another’s point of view is largely dependent on reciprocity. In order to be heard by one’s opponents, one must also be prepared to listen. Nonviolence has obtained a level of institutional recognition and endorsement at the global level. On November 10, 1998, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed the first decade of the 21st century and the third millennium, the years 2001 to 2010, as the International Decade for the Promotion of a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World.

6.1.2 Ethical

For many, practicing nonviolence goes deeper than abstaining from violent behavior or words. It means overriding the impulse to be hateful and holding love for everyone, even those with whom one strongly disagrees. In this view, because violence is learned, it is necessary to unlearn violence by practicing love and compassion at every possible opportunity. For some, the commitment to non-violence entails a belief in restorative or transformative justice, an abolition of the death penalty and other harsh punishments. This may involve the necessity of caring for those who are violent. Nonviolence, for many, involves a respect and reverence for all sentient, and perhaps even non-sentient, beings. This might include abolitionism against animals as property, the practice of not eating animal products or bi-products (vegetarianism or veganism), spiritual practices of non-harm to all beings, and caring for the rights of all beings. Mohandas Gandhi, James Bevel, and other nonviolent proponents advocated vegetarianism as part of their nonviolent philosophy. Buddhists extend this respect for life to animals, plants, and even minerals, while Jains extend this respect for life to animals, plants and even micro-organisms. 46 CHAPTER 6. NONVIOLENCE

Gandhi used the weapon of nonviolence against British Raj 6.2. METHODS 47

Martin Luther King speaking at the 1963 "March on Washington".

6.2 Methods

Nonviolent action generally comprises three categories: Acts of Protest and Persuasion, Noncooperation, and Nonvi- olent Intervention.[19]

6.2.1 Acts of protest

Nonviolent acts of protest and persuasion are symbolic actions performed by a group of people to show their support or disapproval of something. The goal of this kind of action is to bring public awareness to an issue, persuade or inﬂuence a particular group of people, or to facilitate future nonviolent action. The message can be directed toward the public, opponents, or people aﬀected by the issue. Methods of protest and persuasion include speeches, public communications, petitions, symbolic acts, art, processions (marches), and other public assemblies.[20] 48 CHAPTER 6. NONVIOLENCE

6.2.2 Noncooperation

Noncooperation involves the purposeful withholding of cooperation or the unwillingness to initiate in cooperation with an opponent. The goal of noncooperation is to halt or hinder an industry, political system, or economic process. Methods of noncooperation include labour strikes, economic boycotts, civil disobedience, sex strike, tax refusal, and general disobedience.[20]

6.2.3 Nonviolent intervention

Compared with protest and noncooperation, nonviolent intervention is a more direct method of nonviolent action. Nonviolent intervention can be used defensively—for example to maintain an institution or independent initiative— or offensively- for example, to drastically forward a nonviolent struggle into the opponent’s territory. Intervention is often more immediate and effective than the other two methods, but is also harder to maintain and more taxing to the participants involved. Gene Sharp, a political scientist who seeks to advance the worldwide study and use of strategic nonviolent action in conflict, has written extensively about the methods of nonviolent action. In his book Waging Nonviolent Struggle he describes 198 methods of nonviolent action.[21] In early Greece, Aristophanes' Lysistrata gives the fictional example of women withholding sexual favors from their husbands until war was abandoned. A modern work of fiction inspired by Gene Sharp and by Aristophanes is A Door into Ocean by Joan Slonczewski, depicting an ocean world inhabited by women who use nonviolent means to repel armed space invaders. Other methods of nonviolent intervention include occupations (sit-ins), blockades, fasting (hunger strikes), truck cavalcades, and dual sovereignty/parallel government.[20] Tactics must be carefully chosen, taking into account political and cultural circumstances, and form part of a larger plan or strategy. Successful nonviolent cross-border intervention projects include the Guatemala Accompaniment Project,[22] Peace Brigades International and Christian Peacemaker Teams. Developed in the early 1980s, and originally inspired by the Gandhian Shanti Sena, the primary tools of these organisations have been nonviolent protective accompaniment, backed up by a global support network which can respond to threats, local and regional grassroots diplomatic and peacebuilding efforts, human rights observation and witnessing, and reporting.[23][24] In extreme cases, most of these groups are also prepared to do interpositioning: placing themselves between parties who are engaged or threatening to engage in outright attacks in one or both directions. Individual and large group cases of interpositioning, when called for, have been remarkably effective in dampening conflict and saving lives. Another powerful tactic of nonviolent intervention invokes public scrutiny of the oppressors as a result of the resisters remaining nonviolent in the face of violent repression. If the military or police attempt to repress nonviolent resisters violently, the power to act shifts from the hands of the oppressors to those of the resisters. If the resisters are persistent, the military or police will be forced to accept the fact that they no longer have any power over the resisters. Often, the willingness of the resisters to suffer has a profound effect on the mind and emotions of the oppressor, leaving them unable to commit such a violent act again.[25][26]

6.3 Revolution

Certain individuals (Barbara Deming, Danilo Dolci, Devere Allen etc.) and party groups (e.g. Committees of Corre- spondence for Democracy and Socialism, Paciﬁst Socialist Party or War Resisters League) have advocated nonviolent revolution as an alternative to violence as well as elitist reformism. This perspective is usually connected to militant anti-capitalism. Many leftist and socialist movements have hoped to mount a “peaceful revolution” by organising enough strikers to completely paralyse the state and corporate apparatus, allowing workers to re-organise society along radically diﬀerent lines. Some have argued that a relatively nonviolent revolution would require fraternisation with military forces.[27]

6.4 Criticism

Leon Trotsky, Frantz Fanon, Subhas Chandra Bose and Ward Churchill[28] and Malcolm X were fervent critics of 6.5. SEE ALSO 49

nonviolence, arguing variously that nonviolence and pacifism are an attempt to impose the morals of the bourgeoisie upon the proletariat, that violence is a necessary accompaniment to revolutionary change, or that the right to self- defense is fundamental. Note, for example, the complaint of Malcolm X that ""I believe it’s a crime for anyone being brutalized to continue to accept that brutality without doing something to defend himself.”[29] Since all these objections are based on the belief that nonviolence has no power (in other words that it is tantamount to no resistance at all), nonviolent activists responding to these arguments point to the success of non-violent struggles even against the Nazi regimes in Denmark and even in Berlin.[30] Since the appearance of the important study by Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan it has been possible to document the fact that nonviolent revolutions are twice as effective as violent ones and lead to much greater degrees of democratic freedom.[31] George Orwell argued that the nonviolent resistance strategy of Gandhi could be effective in countries with “a free press and the right of assembly”, which could make it possible “not merely to appeal to outside opinion, but to bring a mass movement into being, or even to make your intentions known to your adversary"; however, he was skeptical of Gandhi’s approach being effective in the opposite sort of circumstances.[32] Reinhold Niebuhr similarly affirmed Gandhi’s approach while criticizing aspects of it. He argued that "[t]he advantage of non-violence as a method of expressing moral goodwill lies in the fact that it protects the agent against the resentments which violent conflict always creates in both parties to a conflict, and it proves this freedom of resentment and ill-will to the contending party in the dispute by enduring more suffering than it causes.” However, Niebuhr also held "[t]he differences between violent and non-violent methods of coercion and resistance are not so absolute that it would be possible to regard violence as a morally impossible instrument of social change.”[33] In the midst of repression of radical African American groups in the United States during the 1960s, Black Panther member George Jackson said of the nonviolent tactics of Martin Luther King, Jr.:

“The concept of nonviolence is a false ideal. It presupposes the existence of compassion and a sense of justice on the part of one’s adversary. When this adversary has everything to lose and nothing to gain by exercising justice and compassion, his reaction can only be negative.”[34][35]

Malcolm X also clashed with civil rights leaders over the issue of nonviolence, arguing that violence should not be ruled out where no option remained: In his book How Nonviolence Protects the State, anarchist Peter Gelderloos criticises nonviolence as being ineffec- tive, racist, statist, patriarchal, tactically and strategically inferior to militant activism, and deluded.[36] Gelderloos claims that traditional histories whitewash the impact of nonviolence, ignoring the involvement of militants in such movements as the Indian independence movement and the Civil Rights movement and falsely showing Gandhi and King as being their respective movement’s most successful activist.[37] He further argues that nonviolence is generally advocated by privileged white people who expect “oppressed people, many of whom are people of color, to suffer patiently under an inconceivably greater violence, until such time as the Great White Father is swayed by the movement’s demands or the pacifists achieve that legendary 'critical mass.'"[38] On the other hand anarchism also includes a section committed to nonviolence called anarcho-pacifism.[39][40] The main early influences were the thought of Henry David Thoreau[40] and Leo Tolstoy while later the ideas of Mohandas Gandhi gained importance.[39][40] It developed “mostly in Holland, Britain, and the United States, before and during the Second World War".[41] The efficacy of nonviolence was also challenged by some anti-capitalist protesters advocating a "diversity of tactics" during street demonstrations across Europe and the US following the anti-World Trade Organization protests in Seattle, Washington in 1999. American feminist writer D. A. Clarke, in her essay “A Woman With A Sword,” suggests that for nonviolence to be effective, it must be “practiced by those who could easily resort to force if they chose.” Nonviolence advocates see some truth in this argument: Gandhi himself said often that he could teach nonviolence to a violent person but not to a coward, and that true nonviolence came from renouncing violence, not by not having any to renounce.

6.5 See also

• Nonviolence organizations • Anti-war • Anarcho-paciﬁsm • Christian anarchism 50 CHAPTER 6. NONVIOLENCE

• Christian paciﬁsm

• Conﬂict resolution

• Consistent life ethic

• Department of Peace

• Draft resistance

• International Day of Non-Violence

• List of peace activists

• Non-aggression principle

• Nonkilling

• Nonresistance

• Nonviolence International

• Nonviolent Communication

• Nonviolent resistance

• Nonviolent revolution

• Paciﬁsm

• Padayatra

• Passive resistance

• Satyagraha

• Social defence

• Tax resistance

• Third Party Non-violent Intervention

• Turning the other cheek

• Violence begets violence

• Veganism

• Vegetarianism

• War resister

6.6 References

[1] A clariﬁcation of this and related terms appears in Gene Sharp, Sharp’s Dictionary of Power and Struggle: Language of Civil Resistance in Conﬂicts, Oxford University Press, New York, 2012.

[2] Ronald Brian Adler, Neil Towne, Looking Out/Looking In: Interpersonal Communication, 9th ed. Harcourt Brace College Publishers, p. 416, 1999. “In the twentieth century, nonviolence proved to be a powerful tool for political change.”

[3] Lester R. Kurtz, Jennifer E. Turpin, Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, and Conﬂict, p.557, 1999. “In the West, nonviolence is well recognized for its tactical, strategic, or political aspects. It is seen as a powerful tool for redressing social inequality.”

[4] Mark Kurlansky, Nonviolence: The History of a Dangerous Idea, Foreword by Dalai Lama, p. 5-6, Modern Library (April 8, 2008), ISBN 0-8129-7447-6 “Advocates of nonviolence — dangerous people — have been there throughout history, questioning the greatness of Caesar and Napoleon and the Founding Fathers and Roosevelt and Churchill.” 6.6. REFERENCES 51

[5] “James L. Bevel The Strategist of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement” by Randy Kryn, a paper in David Garrow's 1989 book We Shall Overcome Volume II, Carlson Publishing Company

[6] “Movement Revision Research Summary Regarding James Bevel” by Randy Kryn, October 2005, published by Middlebury College

[7] Stanley M. Burstein and Richard Shek: “World History Ancient Civilizations ", page 154. Holt, Rinhart and Winston, 2005. As Chavez once explained, “Nonviolence is not inaction. It is not for the timid or the weak. It is hard work, it is the patience to win.”

[8] RP’s History Online - Velvet Revolution

[9] Ives, Susan (19 October 2001). “No Fear”. Palo Alto College. Retrieved 2009-05-17.

[10] Chris Graham, Peacebuilding alum talks practical app of nonviolence, Augusta Free Press, October 26, 2009.

[11] Hand, Judith L. (2010) “To Abolish War.” Journal of Aggression, Conﬂict, and Peace Research 2(4): 44-56.

[12] Ackerman, Peter and Jack DuVall (2001) “A Force More Powerful: A Century of Non-Violent Conﬂict"(Palgrave Macmil- lan)

[13] Adam Roberts, Introduction, in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford University Press, 2009 pp. 3 and 13-20.

[14] Sharp, Gene (1973). The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Porter Sargent. p. 12. ISBN 978-0-87558-068-5.

[15] Two Kinds of Nonviolent Resistance ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans

[16] Nonviolent Resistance & Political Power ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans (U.S.)

[17] Nicolas Walter, “Non-Violent Resistance:Men Against War”. Reprinted in Nicolas Walter, Damned Fools in Utopia edited by David Goodway. PM Press 2010. ISBN 160486222X (pp. 37-78).

[18] Martin Luther King, Jr.. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story. Beacon Press. p. 114. ISBN 978-0-8070-0070- 0.

[19] United Nations International Day of Non-Violence, United Nations, 2008. see International Day of Non-Violence.

[20] Sharp, Gene (2005). Waging Nonviolent Struggle. Extending Horizon Books. pp. 50–65. ISBN 0-87558-162-5.

[21] Sharp, Gene (1973). “The Methods of Nonviolent Action”. Peace magazine. Retrieved 2008-11-07.

[22] Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala

[23] “PBI’s principles”. Peace Brigades International. PBI General Assembly. 2001 [1992]. Retrieved 2009-05-17.

[24] “Christian Peace Maker Teams Mission Statement”. Christian Peacemaker Team. CPT founding conference. 1986. Re- trieved 2009-05-17.

[25] Sharp, Gene (1973). The Politics of Nonviolent Action. P. Sargent Publisher. p. 657. ISBN 978-0-87558-068-5.

[26] Sharp, Gene (2005). Waging Nonviolent Struggle. Extending Horizon Books. p. 381. ISBN 0-87558-162-5.

[27] Daniel Jakopovich: Revolution and the Party in Gramsci’s Thought: A Modern Application.

[28] Churchill, Ward et al. Paciﬁsm as Pathology. Arbeiter Ring, 1998.

[29] X, Malcolm and Alex Haley:“The Autobiography of Malcolm X”, page 366. Grove Press, 1964

[30] Aryan woman, protesting against the arrest of their Jewish husbands, secured the release of their husbands even at the height of Nazi power

[31] “Why Civil Resistance Works, The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conﬂict”, New York: Columbia University Press, 2011.

[32] Orwell, George. Reﬂections on Gandhi, Partisan Review, January 1949. Found at http://www.orwell.ru/library/reviews/ gandhi/english/e_gandhi on 21 August 2012.

[33] Niebuhr, Reinhold. Moral Man and Immoral Society, Charles Scribner’s Sons. 1932. Chapter 9. Found at http://www. colorado.edu/ReligiousStudies/chernus/4800/MoralManAndImmoralSociety/Section6.htm on 21 August 2012.

[34] Jackson, George. Soledad Brother: The Prison Letters of George Jackson. Lawrence Hill Books, 1994. ISBN 1-55652- 230-4 52 CHAPTER 6. NONVIOLENCE

[35] Walters, Wendy W. At Home in Diaspora. U of Minnesota Press, 2005. ISBN 0-8166-4491-8

[36] Gelderloos, Peter. How Nonviolence Protects the State. Boston: South End Press, 2007.

[37] Ibid., p.7-12.

[38] Ibid., p.23.

[39] George Woodcock. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (1962)

[40] “Resisting the Nation State, the paciﬁst and anarchist tradition” by Geoﬀrey Ostergaard

[41] Woodstock, George (1962). Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Finally, somewhat aside from the curve that runs from anarchist individualism to anarcho-syndicalism, we come to Tolstoyanism and to paciﬁst anarchism that appeared, mostly in the Netherlands, Britain, and the United states, before and after the Second World War and which has continued since then in the deep in the anarchist involvement in the protests against nuclear armament.

6.7 Further reading

• ISBN 978-1-937786-21-2 Mahavira: The Hero of Nonviolence, by Manoj K Jain

• OCLC 03859761 The Kingdom of God Is Within You, by Leo Tolstoy

• ISBN 978-0-85066-336-5 Making Europe Unconquerable: the Potential of Civilian-Based Deterrence and De- fense (see article), by Gene Sharp

• ISBN 0-87558-162-5 Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice And 21st Century Potential, by Gene Sharp with collaboration of Joshua Paulson and the assistance of Christopher A. Miller and Hardy Merriman

• ISBN 0-8166-4193-5 Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Non-Democracies, by Kurt Schock

• ISBN 1-930722-35-4 Is There No Other Way? The Search for a Nonviolent Future, by Michael Nagler

• ISBN 0-85283-262-1 People Power and Protest since 1945: A Bibliography of Nonviolent Action, compiled by April Carter, Howard Clark, and [Michael Randle], online at with updates.

• ISBN 978-0-903517-21-8 Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns, War Resisters’ International

• ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6 Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, ed. Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash, Oxford University Press, 2009. (hardback) .

• How to Start a Revolution, documentary directed by Ruaridh Arrow

• A Force More Powerful, documentary directed by Steve York

• On The Question of Violence and Nonviolence In The Social Protest Movement, By David Van Deusen of the Green Mountain Anarchist Collective, Black Clover Press, 2002.

6.8 External links

• Nonviolent activism at DMOZ

• Nonviolence in philosophy at DMOZ

• Civil Disobedience - Henry David Thoreau’s complete essay with audio

• Nonviolence International - international organization focused on promoting nonviolence worldwide

• Right to Nonviolence - international organization focused on promoting nonviolence through law where possible, and through democratic mobilization where necessary.

• Waging Nonviolence - Popular news blog on nonviolent movements occurring around the world. 6.8. EXTERNAL LINKS 53

• Living Nonviolence - Blog discussing nonviolent movements and events.

• Love My Enemy: Nonviolence as a Way of Life - Blog discussing theory and practice of nonviolence from a secular perspective.

• “Global Nonviolent Action Database”. Pennsylvania, USA: Swarthmore College. Chapter 7

Nonviolent resistance

See also: Nonviolent revolution Nonviolent resistance (NVR or nonviolent action) is the practice of achieving goals through symbolic protests,

The Salt March on March 12, 1930

civil disobedience, economic or political noncooperation, satyagraha, or other methods, without using violence. It is largely but wrongly taken as synonymous with civil resistance. Each of these terms (“nonviolent resistance” and “civil resistance”) has its distinct merits and also quite different connotations and commitments, which are briefly explored in the entry on civil resistance. The modern form of non-violent resistance was popularised and proven to be effective by the Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi in his efforts to gain independence from the British. Major nonviolent resistance advocates include Gene Sharp, Maori (indigenous New Zealand) leaders Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kakahi, Leo Tolstoy, Alice Paul, Martin Luther King, Jr, James Bevel, Václav Havel, Andrei Sakharov, and Lech Wałęsa. There are hundreds of books and papers on the subject — see Further reading below. From 1966 to 1999, nonviolent civic resistance played a critical role in 50 of 67 transitions from authoritarianism.[1]

54 55

A demonstrator oﬀers a ﬂower to military police at an National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam sponsored protest in Arlington, Virginia, 21 October 1967

A “No NATO” protester in Chicago, 2012

Recently, nonviolent resistance has led to the Rose Revolution in Georgia and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. Cur- rent nonviolent resistance includes the Jeans Revolution in Belarus, the “Jasmine” Revolution in Tunisia, and the fight of the Cuban dissidents. Many movements which promote philosophies of nonviolence or pacifism have pragmatically 56 CHAPTER 7. NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE adopted the methods of nonviolent action as an effective way to achieve social or political goals. They employ nonviolent resistance tactics such as: information warfare, picketing, marches, vigils, leafletting, samizdat, magnitizdat, satyagraha, protest art, protest music and poetry, community education and consciousness raising, lobbying, tax resistance, civil disobedience, boycotts or sanctions, legal/diplomatic wrestling, underground railroads, principled refusal of awards/honours, and general strikes. Nonviolent action differs from pacifism by potentially being proactive and interventionist.

7.1 History of nonviolent resistance (see also Swarthmore College’s Nonviolent Action Database

7.2 See also

• Active measures

• Subversion

• Special operations

• Psyops

7.2.1 Documentaries

• A Force More Powerful, directed by Steve York

• How to Start a Revolution, directed by Ruaridh Arrow

7.2.2 Organizations and people

• List of peace activists

• List of anti-war organizations

• Category:Nonviolence organizations

• Category:Nonviolent resistance movements

• Category:Anti-war activists by nationality

• Category:Human rights activists by nationality

• Category:Democracy activists by nationality

7.2.3 Concepts

• Christian nonviolence

• Civil disobedience

• Civil resistance

• Direct action

• Economic secession

• Flower power

• Industrial action

• Internet resistance 7.2. SEE ALSO 57

Pro-nonviolence protesters at an anti-globalization protest

• Islamic nonviolence

• Non-aggression principle

• Nonresistance

• Nonviolence

• Nonviolent revolution

• Paciﬁsm

• Passive obedience

• "Pen is mightier than the sword"

• Rebellion

• Sex strike

• Sit-in

• Social defence

• Tax resistance

• Teach-in

• Third Party Non-violent Intervention

• Transarmament 58 CHAPTER 7. NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE

7.3 Notes and references

[1] “A Force More Powerful”. A Force More Powerful. 2010-07-01. Retrieved 2010-09-01.

[2] Diamond, Jared (1997). Guns, germs, and steel: the fates of human societies (book). W. W. Norton & Company. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-393-03891-0. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[3] Transactions and proceedings of the New Zealand Institute (book). New Zealand Institute. 1902. p. 124. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[4] Rawlings-Way, Charles (2008). New Zealand (book). Lonely Planet. p. 686. ISBN 978-1-74104-816-2. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[5] Littell, Eliakim; Littell, Robert (1846). The Living Age. Littell, Son and Co. p. 410. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[6] Capadose, Henry (1845). Sixteen Years in the West Indies. T.C. Newby. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[7] “Resistance to conscription - Maori and the First World War | NZHistory.net.nz, New Zealand history online”. Nzhis- tory.net.nz. 2007-07-17. Retrieved 2010-09-01.

[8] James Cowan, The New Zealand Wars: A History of the Maori Campaigns and the Pioneering Period: Volume II, 1922, page 478.

[9] The Legacy of Parihaka

[10] Searle, G.R. (1971). The Quest for National Eﬃciency: a Study in British Politics and Political Thought, 1899-1914. Uni- versity of California Press. pp. 207–16.

[11] Sources quoted in John Cliﬀord and Education Act of 1902 Wikipedia pages.

[12] McCarthy, Ronald; Sharp, Gene; Bennett, Brad (1997). Nonviolent action: a research guide (book). Taylor & Francis. p. 342. ISBN 978-0-8153-1577-3. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[13] Powers, Roger; Vogele, William; Kruegler, Christopher (1997). Protest, Power, and Change (book). Taylor & Francis. p. 314. ISBN 978-0-8153-0913-0. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[14] “Why Did Mao, Nehru and Tagore Applaud the March First Movement?". Korea Focus. Retrieved 2010-09-01.

[15] Hopkinson, Michael (2004). The Irish War of Independence (book). McGill-Queen’s Press - MQUP. p. 13. ISBN 978-0- 7735-2840-6. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[16] “EU rebukes Israel for convicting Palestinian protester”. BBC News. 2010-08-26.

[17] Dajani, Jamal (2010-04-21). “Deporting Gandhi from Palestine”. Huﬃngton Post.

[18] “Palestinians test out Gandhi-style protest”. BBC News. 2010-04-14.

[19] Dana, Joseph (2010-10-25). “Criminalizing Peaceful Protest: Israel Jails Another Palestinian Gandhi”. Huﬃngton Post.

[20] http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/west-bank-arrest-violated-international-law-palestinian-claims-1.357812

[21] http://josephdana.com/2010/08/criminalizing-peaceful-protest-israel-jails-another-palestinian-gandhi/

[22] Nashville Student Movemen ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans

[23] Arsenault, Raymond (2006). Freedom Riders (book). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-513674-6. Retrieved 2009-05-12.

[24] Garrison, Dee (2006). Bracing for Armageddon: why civil defense never worked (book). Oxford University Press US. p. 89. ISBN 978-0-19-518319-1. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[25] Knopf, Jeﬀrey W. (1998). Domestic society and international cooperation (book). Cambridge University Press. pp. 122– 123. ISBN 978-0-521-62691-0. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[26] Bennett, Scott (2003). Radical paciﬁsm (book). Syracuse University Press. pp. 235–236. ISBN 978-0-8156-3003-6. Retrieved 2009-05-20.

[27] “Guillermo Fariñas ends seven-month-old hunger strike for Internet access”. Reporters Without Borders. 1 September 2006.

[28] “Amnesty International USA’s Medical Action”. 7.4. FURTHER READING 59

[29] Pérez, José Luis García (2005). Boitel vive: Testimonio desde el actual presidio político cubano (book). Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung. pp. p7. ISBN 978-987-21129-3-6. Retrieved 2009-05-09çç13. Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)

[30] Foley, Michael S. (2003). Confronting the War Machine: Draft Resistance During the Vietnam War. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-80782-767-3.

[31] Gottlieb, Sherry Gershon (1991). Hell No, We Won't Go!: Resisting the Draft During the Vietnam War. Viking Press. ISBN 978-0-670-83935-3.

[32] Williams, Roger Neville (1971). The New Exiles: American War Resisters in Canada. Liveright Publishers. ISBN 978-0- 87140-533-3.

[33] Black Cat Protest (Now LeBar), City of Los Angeles, Historic Cultural Monument Resistance to LAPD Raids Against Homosexuals| year = 2009

[34] (1) Adair, Bill; Kenny, Moira; and Samudio, Jeﬀrey B., 2000, Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian History Tour (single folded sheet with text). Center for Preservation Education and Planning. ISBN 0-9648304-7-7

[35] (2) Faderman, Lillian and Timmons, Stuart (2006). Gay L.A.: a History of Sexual Outlaws, Power Politics, and Lipstick Lesbians. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-02288-5

[36] Rootes, Christopher. “1968 and the Environmental Movement in Europe.” . Retrieved 02-2008.

[37]

[38] Steger, Manfred B (January 2004). Judging Nonviolence: The Dispute Between Realists and Idealists (ebook). Routledge (UK). pp. p114. ISBN 0-415-93397-8. Retrieved 2006-07-09.

[39] Paul Wehr, Guy Burgess, Heidi Burgess, ed. (February 1993). Justice Without Violence (ebook). Lynne Rienner Publishers. pp. p28. ISBN 1-55587-491-6. Retrieved 2006-07-06.

[40] Cavanaugh-O'Keefe, John (January 2001). Emmanuel, Solidarity: God’s Act, Our Response. Xlibris Corporation. p. 68. ISBN 0-7388-3864-0.

[41] “Summary/Observations - The 2006 State of World Liberty Index: Free People, Free Markets, Free Thought, Free Planet”. Stateofworldliberty.org. Retrieved 2010-09-01.

[42] “Libyan Writer Detained Following Protest Call”. Amnesty International. 8 February 2011. Archived from the original on 8 February 2011. Retrieved 18 March 2011.

[43] Mahmoud, Khaled (9 February 2011). “Gaddaﬁ Ready for Libya’s 'Day of Rage'". Asharq Al-Awsat. Archived from the original on 10 February 2011. Retrieved 10 February 2011.

[44] Due to nature of this table, inline citations weren't used. All references can be found at Bahrain#2011–2012 Bahraini uprising

[45] “everywheretaksim.net - online archive of articles and data related to the Turkish protests 2013”.

7.4 Further reading

7.4.1 From the 20th century

• Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conﬂict. New York: Palgrave, 2000. ISBN 978-0-312-24050-9.

• Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s. (SNCC is the acronym for Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981. ISBN 978-0-674- 44725-9.

• M K Gandhi, Non-Violent Resistance (Satyagraha). Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2001, orig. 1961. ISBN 978-0-486-41606-9.

• Gene Sharp, Making Europe Unconquerable: The Potential of Civilian-Based Deterrence and Defence. United Kingdom: Taylor & Francis, 1985. ISBN 978-0-85066-336-5/

• Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Boston: Porter Sargent, 1973. ISBN 978-0-87558-068-5. 60 CHAPTER 7. NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE

7.4.2 From the 21st century

• Michael Bröning, The Politics of Change in Palestine. State-Building and Non-Violent Resistance. London: Pluto Press, 2011, Part 5. ISBN 978-0-7453-3093-8.

• Judith Hand, A Future Without War: The Strategy of a Warfare Transition. San Diego, CA: Questpath Pub- lishing, 2006. ISBN 978-0-9700031-3-3.

• Michael King, The Penguin History of New Zealand. London: Penguin Books, 2003, pp 219–20, 222, 247–8, and 386. ISBN 978-0-14-301867-4.

• Mark Kurlansky, Nonviolence: The History of a Dangerous Idea. New York: Modern Library / Random House, 2006. ISBN 978-0-8129-7447-8.

• David McReynolds, A Philosophy of Nonviolence. Originally New York: A.J. Muste Memorial Institute, 2001. No ISBN. Retrieved 22 December 2012.

• Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash, eds., Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non- violent Action from Gandhi to the Present. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-19- 955201-6. Retrieved 22 December 2012.

• Jonathan Schell, The Unconquerable World: Power, Nonviolence, and the Will of the People. New York: Metropolitan Books / Henry Holt and Company, 2003. ISBN 978-0-8050-4457-4.

• Kurt Schock, Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies. Minneapolis, MN: Uni- versity of Minnesota Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0-8166-4193-2.

• Gene Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Liberation. East Boston, MA: The Albert Einstein Institution, 4th ed. 2010, orig. 2002. ISBN 978-1-880813-09-6. Retrieved 22 December 2012. • Mike Staresinic, Activism: People, Power, Plan . Pittsburgh, PA: Breakthrough, 2011. ISBN 978-0-6154- 1790-5. • Walter Wink, Jesus and Nonviolence: A Third Way. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2003. ISBN 978-0- 8006-3609-8. • Srdja Popovic, Andrej Milivojevic, Slobodan Djinovic, “Nonviolent Struggle: 50 Crucial Points”. Belgrade, Serbia: DMD, 2006 Chapter 8

Arab Spring

This article is about the demonstrations and revolts in the Arab world in early 2010s. For other Arab revolts, see Arab Revolt (disambiguation). ar-rabīˁ al-ˁarabī) is a revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests , الربيع العربي :The Arab Spring (Arabic (both non-violent and violent), riots, and civil wars in the Arab world that began on 18 December 2010 and spread throughout the countries of the Arab League and surroundings. While the wave of initial revolutions and protests had expired by mid-2012, some refer to the ongoing large-scale conflicts in Middle East and North Africa as a continuation of the Arab Spring, while others refer to aftermath of revolutions and civil wars post mid-2012 as the Arab Winter. By December 2013, rulers had been forced from power in Tunisia,[3] Egypt (twice),[4] Libya,[5] and Yemen;[6] civil uprisings had erupted in Bahrain[7] and Syria;[8] major protests had broken out in Algeria,[9] Iraq,[10] Jordan,[11] Kuwait,[12] Morocco,[13] Israel[14] and Sudan;[15] and minor protests had occurred in Mauritania,[16] Oman,[17] Saudi Arabia,[18] Djibouti,[19] Western Sahara,[20] and Palestine. Weapons and Tuareg fighters returning from the Libyan Civil War stoked a simmering conflict in Mali which has been described as “fallout” from the Arab Spring in North Africa.[21] The protests have shared some techniques of civil resistance in sustained campaigns involving strikes, demonstrations, marches, and rallies, as well as the effective use of social media[22][23] to organize, communicate, and raise awareness in the face of state attempts at repression and Internet censorship.[24][25] Many Arab Spring demonstrations have been met with violent responses from authorities,[26][27][28] as well as from pro-government militias and counter-demonstrators. These attacks have been answered with violence from protestors in some cases.[29][30][31] A major slogan of the demonstrators in the Arab world has been Ash-sha`b yurid isqat an- nizam (“the people want to bring down the regime”).[32] Some observers have drawn comparisons between the Arab Spring movements and the Revolutions of 1989 (also known as the “Autumn of Nations”) that swept through Eastern Europe and the Second World, in terms of their scale and significance.[33][34][35] Others, however, have pointed out that there are several key differences between the movements, such as the desired outcomes and the organizational role of Internet-based technologies in the Arab revolutions.[36][37][38]

8.1 Etymology

The term “Arab Spring” is an allusion to the Revolutions of 1848, which is sometimes referred to as the “Springtime of Nations”, and the Prague Spring in 1968. In the aftermath of the Iraq War it was used by various commentators and bloggers who anticipated a major Arab movement towards democratization.[39] The ﬁrst speciﬁc use of the term Arab Spring as used to denote these events may have started with the American political journal Foreign Policy.[40] Marc Lynch, referring to his article in Foreign Policy,[41] writes “Arab Spring—a term I may have unintentionally coined in a January 6, 2011 article”.[42] Joseph Massad on Al Jazeera said the term was “part of a US strategy of controlling [the movement’s] aims and goals” and directing it towards American-style liberal democracy.[40] Due to the electoral success of Islamist parties following the protests in many Arab countries, the events have also come to be known as “Islamist Spring” or “Islamist Winter”.[43][44]

61 62 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

8.2 Background

8.2.1 Causes

The Arab Spring is widely believed to have been instigated by dissatisfaction with the rule of local governments, particularly by youth and unions, though some have speculated that wide gaps in income levels may have had a hand as well.[45] Numerous factors have led to the protests, including issues such as dictatorship or absolute monarchy, human rights violations, political corruption (demonstrated by Wikileaks diplomatic cables),[46] economic decline, unemployment, extreme poverty, and a number of demographic structural factors,[47] such as a large percentage of educated but dissatisfied youth within the entire population.[48][49] Also, some - like Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek - name the 2009–2010 Iranian election protests as an additional reason behind the Arab Spring, although there is little documentation to support this assertion.[50] Catalysts for the revolts in all Northern African and Persian Gulf countries have included the concentration of wealth in the hands of autocrats in power for decades, insufficient transparency of its redistribution, corruption, and especially the refusal of the youth to accept the status quo.[51] Some protesters looked to the Turkish model as an ideal (contested but peaceful elections, fast-growing but liberal economy, secular constitution but Islamist government).[52] More broadly, increasing food prices and famine rates associated with climate change may have acted as “stressors” that contributed to unrest in the region.[53][54] Tunisia experienced a series of conflicts over the past three years, the most notable occurring in the mining area of Gafsa in 2008, where protests continued for many months. These protests included rallies, sit-ins, and strikes, during which there were two fatalities, an unspecified number of wounded, and dozens of arrests.[55][56] In Egypt, the labor movement had been strong for years, with more than 3,000 labor actions since 2004, and provided an important venue for organizing protests and collective action.[57] One important demonstration was an attempted workers’ strike on 6 April 2008 at the state-run textile factories of al-Mahalla al-Kubra, just outside Cairo. The idea for this type of demonstration spread throughout the country, promoted by computer-literate working class youths and their supporters among middle-class college students.[57] A Facebook page, set up to promote the strike, attracted tens of thousands of followers and provided the platform for sustained political action in pursuit of the “long revolution.”[49] The government mobilized to break the strike through infiltration and riot police, and while the regime was somewhat successful in forestalling a strike, dissidents formed the “6 April Committee” of youths and labor activists, which became one of the major forces calling for the anti-Mubarak demonstration on 25 January in Tahrir Square.[57] In Algeria, discontent had been building for years over a number of issues. In February 2008, United States Ambas- sador Robert Ford wrote in a leaked diplomatic cable that Algeria is 'unhappy' with long-standing political alienation; that social discontent persisted throughout the country, with food strikes occurring almost every week; that there were demonstrations every day somewhere in the country; and that the Algerian government was corrupt and fragile.[58] Some have claimed that during 2010 there were as many as '9,700 riots and unrests’ throughout the country.[59] Many protests focused on issues such as education and health care, while others cited rampant corruption.[60] In Western Sahara, the Gdeim Izik protest camp was erected 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) south-east of El Aaiún by a group of young Sahrawis on 9 October 2010. Their intention was to demonstrate against labor discrimination, unemployment, looting of resources, and human rights abuses.[61] The camp contained between 12,000 and 20,000 inhabitants, but on 8 November 2010 it was destroyed and its inhabitants evicted by Moroccan security forces. The security forces faced strong opposition from some young Sahrawi civilians, and rioting soon spread to El Aaiún and other towns within the territory, resulting in an unknown number of injuries and deaths. Violence against Sahrawis in the aftermath of the protests was cited as a reason for renewed protests months later, after the start of the Arab Spring.[62] The catalyst for the current escalation of protests was the self-immolation of Tunisian Mohamed Bouazizi. Unable to find work and selling fruit at a roadside stand, on 17 December 2010, a municipal inspector confiscated his wares. An hour later he doused himself with gasoline and set himself afire. His death on 4 January 2011[63] brought together various groups dissatisfied with the existing system, including many unemployed, political and human rights activists, labor, trade unionists, students, professors, lawyers, and others to begin the Tunisian Revolution.[55]

8.3 Overview

Main article: Timeline of the Arab Spring 8.3. OVERVIEW 63

The series of protests and demonstrations across the Middle East and North Africa that commenced in 2010 has become known as the “Arab Spring”,[64][65][66] and sometimes as the “Arab Spring and Winter”,[67] “Arab Awakening”[68][69][70] or “Arab Uprisings”[71][72] even though not all the participants in the protests are Arab. It was sparked by the first protests that occurred in Tunisia on 18 December 2010 in Sidi Bouzid, following Mohamed Bouazizi's self- immolation in protest of police corruption and ill treatment.[73][74] With the success of the protests in Tunisia, a wave of unrest sparked by the Tunisian “Burning Man” struck Algeria, Jordan, Egypt, and Yemen,[75] then spread to other countries. The largest, most organised demonstrations have often occurred on a “day of rage”, usually Friday afternoon prayers.[76][77][78] The protests have also triggered similar unrest outside the region. As of September 2012, governments have been overthrown in four countries. Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia on 14 January 2011 following the Tunisian Revolution protests. In Egypt, President Hosni Mubarak resigned on 11 February 2011 after 18 days of massive protests, ending his 30-year presidency. The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was overthrown on 23 August 2011, after the National Transitional Council (NTC) took control of Bab al-Azizia. He was killed on 20 October 2011, in his hometown of Sirte after the NTC took control of the city. Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh signed the GCC power-transfer deal in which a presidential election was held, resulting in his successor Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi formally replacing him as the president of Yemen on 27 February 2012, in exchange for immunity from prosecution. During this period of regional unrest, several leaders announced their intentions to step down at the end of their current terms. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir announced that he would not seek re-election in 2015,[79] as did Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, whose term ends in 2014,[80] although there have been increasingly violent demonstrations demanding his immediate resignation.[81] Protests in Jordan have also caused the sacking of four successive governments[82][83] by King Abdullah.[84] The popular unrest in Kuwait has also resulted in resignation of Prime Minister Nasser Mohammed Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah cabinet.[85] The geopolitical implications of the protests have drawn global attention,[86] including the suggestion that some protesters may be nominated for the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize.[87] Tawakel Karman from Yemen was one of the three laureates of the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize as a prominent leader in the Arab Spring. In December 2011, Time magazine named “The Protester” its "Person of the Year".[88] Another award was noted when the Spanish photographer Samuel Aranda won the 2011 World Press Photo award for his image of a Yemeni woman holding an injured family member, taken during the civil uprising in Yemen on 15 October 2011.[89]

8.3.1 Summary of conﬂicts by country

Government overthrown Government overthrown multiple times Civil war Protests and governmental changes Major protests Minor protests Other protests and militant action outside the Arab world 64 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

8.4 Major events

8.4.1 Tunisia

Main article: Tunisian Revolution Following the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid, a series of increasingly violent street demon-

Protesters in downtown Tunis on 14 January 2011

strations through December 2010 ultimately led to the ousting of longtime President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on 14 January 2011. The demonstrations were preceded by high unemployment, food inflation, corruption,[189] lack of freedom of speech and other forms of political freedom,[190] and poor living conditions. The protests constituted the most dramatic wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades,[191][192] and have resulted in scores of deaths and injuries, most of which were the result of action by police and security forces against demonstrators. Ben Ali fled into exile in Saudi Arabia, ending his 23 years in power.[193][194] A state of emergency was declared and a caretaker coalition government was created following Ben Ali’s departure, which included members of Ben Ali’s party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD), as well as opposition figures from other ministries. However, the five newly appointed non-RCD ministers resigned almost immediately.[195][196] As a result of continued daily protests, on 27 January Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi reshuffled the government, removing all former RCD members other than himself, and on 6 February the former ruling party was suspended;[197] later, on 9 March, it was dissolved.[198] Following further public protests, Ghannouchi himself resigned on 27 February, and Béji Caïd Essebsi became Prime Minister. On 23 October, citizens voted in the first post-revolution election to elect representatives to a 217-member constituent assembly that would be responsible for the new constitution.[199] The leading Islamist party, Ennahda, won 37% of the vote, and managed to elect 42 women to the Constituent Assembly.[200] 8.4. MAJOR EVENTS 65

8.4.2 Egypt

Main article: Egyptian Revolution of 2011 Inspired by the uprising in Tunisia and prior to his entry as a central ﬁgure in Egyptian politics, potential presidential

Celebrations in Tahrir Square after Omar Suleiman's statement concerning Hosni Mubarak's resignation

candidate Mohamed ElBaradei warned of a “Tunisia-style explosion” in Egypt.[201] Protests in Egypt began on 25 January 2011 and ran for 18 days. Beginning around midnight on 28 January, the Egyptian government attempted, somewhat successfully, to eliminate the nation’s Internet access,[25] in order to inhibit the protesters’ ability use media activism to organize through social media.[202] Later that day, as tens of thousands protested on the streets of Egypt’s major cities, President Hosni Mubarak dismissed his government, later appointing a new cabinet. Mubarak also appointed the first Vice President in almost 30 years. The U.S. embassy and international students began a voluntary evacuation near the end of January, as violence and rumors of violence escalated.[203][204] On 10 February, Mubarak ceded all presidential power to Vice President Omar Suleiman, but soon thereafter announced that he would remain as President until the end of his term.[205] However, protests continued the next day, and Suleiman quickly announced that Mubarak had resigned from the presidency and transferred power to the Armed Forces of Egypt.[206] The military immediately dissolved the Egyptian Parliament, suspended the Constitution of Egypt, and promised to lift the nation’s thirty-year "emergency laws". A civilian, Essam Sharaf, was appointed as Prime Minister of Egypt on 4 March to widespread approval among Egyptians in Tahrir Square.[207] Violent protests however, continued through the end of 2011 as many Egyptians expressed concern about the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' perceived sluggishness in instituting reforms and their grip on power.[208] Hosni Mubarak and his former interior minister Habib al-Adli were convicted to life in prison on the basis of their failure to stop the killings during the first six days of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution.[209] His successor, Mohamed Morsi, was sworn in as Egypt’s first democratically elected president before judges at the Supreme Constitutional Court.[210] Fresh protests erupted in Egypt on 22 November 2012. On 3 July 2013, the military overthrew the replacement government and President Morsi was removed from power.[211] 66 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

8.4.3 Libya

Main article: 2011 Libyan civil war Anti-government protests began in Libya on 15 February 2011. By 18 February the opposition controlled most

Thousands of demonstrators gather in Bayda of Benghazi, the country’s second-largest city. The government dispatched elite troops and militia in an attempt to recapture it, but they were repelled. By 20 February, protests had spread to the capital Tripoli, leading to a television address by Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, who warned the protestors that their country could descend into civil war. The rising death toll, numbering in the thousands, drew international condemnation and resulted in the resignation of several Libyan diplomats, along with calls for the government’s dismantlement.[212] Amidst ongoing efforts by demonstrators and rebel forces to wrest control of Tripoli from the Jamahiriya, the opposition set up an interim government in Benghazi to oppose Colonel Muammar Gaddafi's rule.[213][214] However, despite initial opposition success, government forces subsequently took back much of the Mediterranean coast. On 17 March, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 was adopted, authorising a no-fly zone over Libya, and “all necessary measures” to protect civilians. Two days later, France, the United States and the United Kingdom intervened in Libya with a bombing campaign against pro-Gaddafi forces. A coalition of 27 states from Europe and the Middle East soon joined the intervention. The forces were driven back from the outskirts of Benghazi, and the rebels mounted an offensive, capturing scores of towns across the coast of Libya. The offensive stalled however, and a counter-offensive by the government retook most of the towns, until a stalemate was formed between Brega and Ajdabiya, the former being held by the government and the latter in the hands of the rebels. Focus then shifted to the west of the country, where bitter fighting continued. After a three-month-long battle, a loyalist siege of rebel-held Misrata, the third largest city in Libya, was broken in large part due to coalition air strikes. The four major fronts of combat were generally considered to be the Nafusa Mountains, the Tripolitanian coast, the Gulf of Sidra,[215] and the southern Libyan Desert.[216] In late August, anti-Gaddafi fighters captured Tripoli, scattering Gaddafi’s government and marking the end of his 42 years of power. Many institutions of the government, including Gaddafi and several top government officials, regrouped in Sirte, which Gaddafi declared to be Libya’s new capital.[217] Others fled to Sabha, Bani Walid, and remote reaches of the Libyan Desert, or to surrounding countries.[218][219] However, Sabha fell in late September,[220] Bani Walid was captured after a grueling siege weeks later,[221] and on 20 October, fighters under the aegis of the National Transitional Council seized Sirte, killing Gaddafi in the process.[222] 8.4. MAJOR EVENTS 67

8.4.4 Yemen

Main article: Yemeni Revolution Protests occurred in many towns in both the north and south of Yemen starting in mid-January 2011. demon-

Protests in Sana'a

strators initially protested against governmental proposals to modify the constitution of Yemen, unemployment and economic conditions,[223] and corruption,[224] but their demands soon included a call for the resignation of President Ali Abdullah Saleh,[224][225][226] who had been facing internal opposition from his closest advisors since 2009.[227] A major demonstration of over 16,000 protesters took place in Sana'a on 27 January 2011,[228] and soon thereafter human rights activist and politician Tawakel Karman called for a “Day of Rage” on 3 February.[229] According to Xinhua News, organizers were calling for a million protesters.[230] In response to the planned protest, Ali Abdullah Saleh stated that he would not seek another presidential term in 2013.[231] On 3 February, 20,000 protesters demonstrated against the government in Sana'a,[232][233] others participated in a “Day of Rage” in Aden[234] that was called for by Tawakel Karman,[229] while soldiers, armed members of the General People’s Congress, and many protestors held a pro-government rally in Sana'a.[235] Concurrent with the resignation of Egyptian president Mubarak, Yemenis again took to the streets protesting President Saleh on 11 February, in what has been dubbed a “Friday of Rage”.[236] The protests continued in the days following despite clashes with government advocates.[237] In a “Friday of Anger” held on 18 February, tens of thousands of Yemenis took part in anti-government demonstrations in the major cities of Sana'a, Taiz, and Aden. Protests continued over the following months, especially in the three major cities, and briefly intensified in late May into urban warfare between Hashid tribesmen and army defectors allied with the opposition on one side and security forces and militias loyal to Saleh on the other.[238] After Saleh pretended to accept a Gulf Cooperation Council-brokered plan allowing him to cede power in exchange for immunity only to back away before signing three separate times,[239][240] an assassination attempt on 3 June left him and several other high-ranking Yemeni officials injured by a blast in the presidential compound’s mosque.[241] Saleh was evacuated to Saudi Arabia for treatment, but he handed over power to Vice President Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi, who has largely continued his policies[242] and ordered the arrest of several Yemenis in connection with the attack on the presidential compound.[241] While in Saudi Arabia, Saleh kept hinting that he could return any time and continued to be present in the political sphere through television appearances from Riyadh starting with an address 68 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING to the Yemeni people on 7 July.[243] On Friday 13 August, a demonstration was announced in Yemen as “Mansouron Friday” in which hundreds of thousands of Yemenis called for Ali Abdullah Saleh to go. The protesters joining the “Mansouron Friday” were calling for establishment of “a new Yemen”.[244] On 12 September, Saleh issued a presidential decree while still receiving treatment in Riyadh authorizing Vice President Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi to negotiate a deal with the opposition and sign the GCC initiative.[245] On 23 September, three months since the assassination attempt, Saleh returned to Yemen abruptly, defying all earlier expectations.[246] Pressure on Saleh to sign the GCC initiative eventually led to his signing of it in Riyadh on 23 November, in which Saleh agreed to step down and set the stage for the transfer of power to his vice-president.[247] A presidential election was then held on 21 February 2012, in which Hadi (the only candidate) won 99.8 percent of the vote.[248] Hadi then took the oath of office in Yemen’s parliament on 25 February.[249] By 27 February, Saleh had resigned from the presidency and transferred power to his successor, however he is still wielding political clout as the head of the General People’s Congress party.[250]

8.4.5 Syria

Main article: Syrian Civil War Protests in Syria started on 26 January 2011, when a police oﬃcer assaulted a man in public at “Al-Hareeka Street”

Anti-government demonstrations in Baniyas in old Damascus. The man was arrested right after the assault. As a result, protesters called for the freedom of the arrested man. Soon a “day of rage” was set for 4–5 February, but it was uneventful.[251][252] On 6 March, the Syrian security forces arrested about 15 children in Daraa, in southern Syria, for writing slogans against the government. Soon protests erupted over the arrest and abuse of the children. Daraa was to be the first city to protest against the Baathist regime, which has been ruling Syria since 1963.[253] Thousands of protestors gathered in Damascus, Aleppo, al-Hasakah, Daraa, Deir ez-Zor, and Hama on 15 March,[254][255][256] with recently released politician Suhair Atassi becoming an unofficial spokesperson for the “Syrian revolution”.[257] The next day there were reports of approximately 3000 arrests and a few martyrs, but there are no official figures on the number of deaths.[258] On 18 April 2011, approximately 100,000 protesters sat in the central Square of Homs 8.4. MAJOR EVENTS 69

calling for the resignation of President Bashar al-Assad. Protests continued through July 2011, the government responding with harsh security clampdowns and military operations in several districts, especially in the north.[259] On 31 July, Syrian army tanks stormed several cities, including Hama, Deir Ez-Zour, Abu Kamal, and Herak near Daraa. At least 136 people were killed, the highest death toll in any day since the start of the uprising.[260] On 5 August 2011, an anti-government demonstration took place in Syria called “God is with us”, during which the Syrian security forces shot the protesters from inside the ambulances, killing 11 people consequently.[261] By late November – early December, the Baba Amr district of Homs fell under armed Syrian opposition control. By late December, the battles between the government’s security forces and the rebel Free Syrian Army intensified in Idlib Governorate. Cities in Idlib and neighborhoods in Homs and Hama began falling into the control of the opposition, during this time military operations in Homs and Hama stopped. By mid-January the FSA gained control over Zabadani and Madaya. By late January, the Free Syrian Army launched a full-scale attack against the government in Rif Dimashq, where they took over Saqba, Hamoreya, Harasta and other cities in Damascus’s Eastern suburbs. On 29 January, the fourth regiment of the Syrian Army led by the president’s brother Maher al-Assad and the Syrian Army dug in at Damascus, and the fighting continued where the FSA was 8 km away from the Republican palace in Damascus. Fighting broke out near Damascus international airport, but by the next day the Syrian government deployed the Republican Guards. The military gained the upper hand and regained all land the opposition gained in Rif Dimashq by early February. On 4 February, the Syrian Army launched a massive bombardment on Homs and committed a huge massacre, killing 500 civilians in one night in Homs. By mid-February, the Syrian army regained control over Zabadani and Madaya. In late February, Army forces entered Baba Amr after a big military operation and heavy fighting. Following this, the opposition forces began losing neighborhoods in Homs to the Syrian Army including al-Inshaat, Jobr, Karm el-Zaytoon and only Homs’s old neighborhood’s, including Al- Khalidiya, Homs|al-Khalidiya, remained in opposition hands. By March 2012, the government began military operations against the opposition in Idlib Governorate including the city of Idlib, which fell to the Army by mid-March. Saraqib and Sarmin were also recaptured by the government during the month. Still, at this time, the opposition managed to capture al-Qusayr and Rastan. Heavy fighting also continued in several neighborhoods in Homs and in the city of Hama. The FSA also started to conduct hit-and-run attacks in the pro-Assad Aleppo Governorate, which they were not able to do before. Heavy-to-sporadic fighting was also continuing in the Daraa and Deir ez-Zor Governorates. By late April 2012, despite a cease-fire being declared in the whole country, sporadic fighting continued, with heavy clashes specifically in Al-Qusayr, where rebel forces controlled the northern part of the city, while the military held the southern part. FSA forces were holding onto Al-Qusayr, due to it being the last major transit point toward the Lebanese border. A rebel commander from the Farouq Brigade in the town reported that 2,000 Farouq fighters had been killed in Homs province since August 2011. At this point, there were talks among the rebels in Al-Qusayr, where many of the retreating rebels from Homs city’s Baba Amr district had gone, of Homs being abandoned completely. On 12 June 2012, the UN peacekeeping chief in Syria stated that, in his view, Syria has entered a period of civil war.[262]

8.4.6 Bahrain

Main article: Bahraini uprising (2011–present) The protests in Bahrain started on 14 February, and were initially aimed at achieving greater political freedom and respect for human rights; they were not intended to directly threaten the monarchy.[7][263](pp162–3) Lingering frustration among the Shiite majority with being ruled by the Sunni government was a major root cause, but the protests in Tunisia and Egypt are cited as the inspiration for the demonstrations.[7][263](p65) The protests were largely peaceful until a pre- dawn raid by police on 17 February to clear protestors from Pearl Roundabout in Manama, in which police killed four protesters.[263](pp73–4) Following the raid, some protesters began to expand their aims to a call for the end of the monarchy.[264] On 18 February, army forces opened ﬁre on protesters when they tried to reenter the roundabout, fatally wounding one.[263](pp77–8) The following day protesters reoccupied Pearl Roundabout after the government ordered troops and police to withdraw.[263](p81)[265] Subsequent days saw large demonstrations; on 21 February a pro- government Gathering of National Unity drew tens of thousands,[263](p86)[266] whilst on 22 February the number of protestors at the Pearl Roundabout peaked at over 150,000 after more than 100,000 protesters marched there and were coming under ﬁre from the Bahraini Military which killed around 20 and injured over 100 protestors.[263](p88) On 14 March, GCC forces (comprising mainly of Saudi and UAE troops) were requested by the government and entered the country,[263](p132) which the opposition called an “occupation”.[267] 70 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

Over 100,000 of Bahrainis taking part in the "March of Loyalty to Martyrs", honoring political dissidents killed by security forces

King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa declared a three-month state of emergency on 15 March and asked the military to reassert its control as clashes spread across the country.[263](p139)[268] On 16 March, armed soldiers and riot police cleared the protesters’ camp in the Pearl Roundabout, in which 3 policemen and 3 protesters were reportedly killed.[263](pp133–4)[269] Later, on 18 March, the government tore down Pearl Roundabout monument.[263](pp150)[270] 8.5. MINOR EVENTS 71

After the lifting of emergency law on 1 June,[271] several large rallies were staged by the opposition parties.[272] Smaller-scale protests and clashes outside of the capital have continued to occur almost daily.[273][274] On 9 March 2012, over 100,000 protested in what the opposition called “the biggest march in our history”.[275][276] The police response has been described as a “brutal” crackdown on peaceful and unarmed protestors, including doctors and bloggers.[277][278][279] The police carried out midnight house raids in Shia neighbourhoods, beatings at checkpoints, and denial of medical care in a “campaign of intimidation”.[280][281][282][283] More than 2,929 people have been arrested,[284][285] and at least ﬁve people died due to torture while in police custody.[263](p287,288) On 23 November 2011, the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry released its report on its investigation of the events, ﬁnding that the government had systematically tortured prisoners and committed other human rights violations.[263](pp415–422) It also rejected the government’s claims that the protests were instigated by Iran.[286] Although the report found that systematic torture had stopped,[263](pp417) the Bahraini government has refused entry to several international human rights groups and news organizations, and delayed a visit by a UN inspector.[287][288] More than 80 people had died since the start of the uprising.[289]

8.5 Minor events

Main article: Arab Spring concurrent incidents

During the Arab Spring, protests ﬂared up in the rest of the region, some becoming violent, some facing strong suppression eﬀorts, and some resulting in small to moderate political changes.

8.6 Aftermath

Main article: Arab Winter

Arab Winter[290] or Islamist Winter,[291] is the term for the wide-scale violence and instability, evolving in the aftermath of the Arab Spring protests in Arab World countries. The Arab Winter is characterized by extensive civil wars, general regional instability, economic and demographic decline of the Arab League and overall religious wars between Sunni and Shia Muslims. As of summer 2014, the Arab Winter has produced about quarter a million deaths and millions of refugees.

8.7 Analysis

8.7.1 Ethnic scope

Many analysts, journalists, and involved parties have focused on the protests as being a uniquely Arab phenomenon, and indeed, protests and uprisings have been strongest and most wide-reaching in majority-Arabic-speaking countries, giving rise to the popular moniker of Arab Spring—a play on the so-called 1968 Prague Spring, a democratic awakening in what was then communist Czechoslovakia—to refer to protests, uprisings, and revolutions in those states.[292][293][294] However, the international media has also noted the role of minority groups in many of these majority-Arab countries in the revolts. In Tunisia, the country’s small Jewish minority was initially divided by protests against Ben Ali and the government, but eventually came to identify with the protesters in opposition to the regime, according to the group’s president, who described Jewish Tunisians as “part of the revolution”.[295][296] While many in the Coptic minority in Egypt had criticized the Mubarak government for its failure to suppress Islamic extremists who attack the Coptic community, the prospect of these extremist groups taking over after its fall caused most Copts to avoid the protests, with then- Pope Shenouda III of the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria calling for them to end.[297] The international media pointed to a few Copts who joined the protests.[298][299] Because the uprisings and revolutions erupted ﬁrst in North Africa before spreading to Asian Arab countries, and the Berbers of Libya[300] participated massively in the protests and ﬁghting under Berber identity banners, some Berbers in Libya often see the revolutions of North Africa, west of Egypt, as a reincarnated Berber Spring.[301][302][303] In 72 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

Bahrain’s Shia protesters shot by security forces, February 2011

Morocco, through a constitutional reform, passed in a national referendum on 1 July 2011, among other things, Amazigh—a standardized version of the three Berber languages of Morocco—was made oﬃcial alongside Arabic.[304] During the civil war in Libya, one major theater of combat was the western Nafusa Mountains, where the indigenous Berbers took up arms against the regime while supporting the revolutionary National Transitional Council, which was based in the majority-Arab eastern half of the country.[305][306] In northern Sudan, hundreds of non-Arab Darfuris joined anti-government protests,[307] while in Iraq and Syria, the ethnic Kurdish minority has been involved in protests against the government,[308][309] including the Kurdistan Regional Government in the former’s Kurdish-majority north, where at least one attempted self-immolation was reported.[310][311][312]

8.7.2 Concurrent events

Main article: Impact of the Arab Spring

The regional unrest has not been limited to countries of the Arab world. The early uprisings in North Africa were inspired by the 2009–2010 uprisings in the neighboring state of Iran;[313][314] these are considered by many commentators to be part of a wave of protest that began in Iran, moved to North Africa, and has since gripped the broader Middle Eastern and North African regions, including additional protests in Iran in 2011–2012.[315] In the countries of the neighboring South Caucasus—namely Armenia,[316] Azerbaijan,[317] and Georgia[318]—as well as some countries in Europe, including Albania,[319] Croatia,[320] and Spain;[321] countries in sub-Saharan Africa, including Burkina Faso,[322] and Uganda;[323][324] and countries in other parts of Asia, including the Maldives[325] and the People’s Republic of China,[326] demonstrators and opposition ﬁgures claiming inspiration from the examples of Tunisia and Egypt have staged their own popular protests. The protests in the Maldives led to the resignation of the President. The bid for statehood by Palestine at the UN on 23 September 2011 is also regarded as drawing inspiration from the Arab Spring after years of failed peace negotiations with Israel. In the West Bank, schools and government oﬃces were shut to allow demonstrations backing the UN membership bid in Ramallah, Bethlehem, Nablus and Hebron; echoing similar peaceful protests from other Arab countries.[327] The 15 October 2011 global protests and the Occupy Wall Street movement, which started in the United States and has since spread to Asia and Europe, drew direct inspiration from the Arab Spring, with organizers asking U.S. citizens “Are you ready for a Tahrir moment?"[328] The protesters have committed to using the “revolutionary Arab Spring tactic” to achieve their goals of curbing corporate power and control in Western governments.[329] 8.7. ANALYSIS 73

Also, the Occupy Nigeria protests beginning the day after Goodluck Jonathan announced the scrap of the fuel subsidy in oil-rich Nigeria on 1 January 2012, were motivated by the Arab people.[330] The Tunisian Revolution also brought about important changes to the intersection of art and politics in post-2011 Tunisia.

8.7.3 International reactions

Main article: International reactions to the Arab Spring Protests in many countries aﬀected by the Arab Spring have attracted widespread support from the international

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry shakes hands with Bahraini Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad Al-Khalifa, Washington, D.C., on June 6, 2013 community, while harsh government responses have generally met condemnation.[331][332][333][334] In the case of the Bahraini, Moroccan, and Syrian protests, the international response has been considerably more nuanced.[335][336][337][338] Some critics have accused Western governments and media, including those of France, the United Kingdom, and the United States, of hypocrisy in the way they have reacted to the Arab Spring.[339][340][341] Noam Chomsky accused the Obama administration of endeavoring to muffle the revolutionary wave and stifle popular democratization efforts in the Middle East.[342] The International Monetary Fund said oil prices were likely to be higher than originally forecast due to unrest in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), major regions of oil production.[343] Starting in 2010 global investors have significantly reduced their stakes in MENA region holdings since December 2010 resulting in significant declines in region-linked stock indexes.[344] Kenan Engin, a German-Kurdish political scientist, identified the new uprising in Arab and Islamic countries as the “fifth wave of democracy” because of evident features qualitatively similar to the “third wave of democracy” in Latin America that took place in the 1970s and 1980s.[345][346]

8.7.4 Social media and the Arab Spring

In the wake of the recent events occurring in Syria, Egypt and Tunisia, a considerable amount of attention has been focused on the concept of democracy and collective activism, which continues to unravel in front of Western eyes 74 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING across mass media. Equally important has been the role of social media and digital technologies in allowing citizens within areas affected by 'the Arab Uprisings’ as a means for collective activism to circumvent state-operated media channels.[347] Nine out of ten Egyptians and Tunisians responded to a poll that they used Facebook to organize protests and spread awareness.[348] Furthermore, 28% of Egyptians and 29% of Tunisians from the same poll said that blocking Facebook greatly hindered and/or disrupted communication. The influence of social media on political activism during the Arab Uprisings has been much debated.[22][23][349] Some critics have argued that digital technologies and other forms of communication–videos, cellular phones, blogs, photos and text messages– have brought about the concept of a 'digital democracy' in parts of North Africa affected by the uprisings.[350] Others have claimed that in order to understand the role of social media during the Arab Uprisings, it must be first be understood that in the context of high rates of unemployment and corrupt political regimens led to dissent movements within the region.[351][352] Revolutions that were previously started on Facebook alone were rapidly quashed by secret police in those countries, so much so that in Egypt a prominent activist group always had “Do not use Facebook or Twitter” on the front and backs of their revolutionary material.[353] Further evidence that suggests an important role of social media on the uprisings is that social media use more than doubled in Arab countries during the protests. Some research have shown how collective intelligence, dynamics of the crowd in participatory systems such as social media, have the immense power to support a collective action – such as foment a political change.[354][355] The graph depicting the data collected by the Dubai School of Government illustrates this sharp increase in Internet usage. The only discrepancy in the trend is with the growth rate in Libya.[348] The report proposes a reasonable argument that explains such discrepancy: many Libyans fled the violence, and therefore moved their social media usage elsewhere. This influx of social media usage indicates the kind of people that were essentially powering the Arab Spring. Young people fueled the revolts of the various Arab countries by using the new generation’s abilities of social networking to release the word of uprising to not only other Arab nations, but nations all over the world. As of 5 April 2011, the amount of Facebook users in the Arabian nations surpassed 27.7 million people,[348] indicating that the constant growth of people connected via social media acted as an asset where communication was concerned. Others have argued that television, specifically the constant live coverage by Al Jazeera and the sporadic live coverage by BBC News and others, was highly important for the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 as the cameras provided exposure and prevented mass violence by the Egyptian government in Tahrir Square, as opposed to the lack of such live coverage and the more widespread violence in Libya.[356] The ability of protesters to focus their demonstrations on a single area and be covered live was fundamental in Egypt, but was not possible in Libya, Bahrain and Syria. Different sorts of media such as image and video were also used to portray the information. Images surfaced that showed current events, which illustrated what was going on within the Arabian nations. The visual media that spread throughout the Internet depicted not only singular moments, but showed the Arabian nations’ history, and the change that was to come.[357] Through social media, the ideals of rebel groups, as well as the current situations in each country received international attention. It is still debated whether or not social media acted as a primary catalyst for the Arab Spring to gain momentum and become an internationally recognized situation. Regardless, it has still played a crucial role in the movement.

8.8 See also

• Arab Revolt

• Atlantic Revolutions

• Colour revolution

• Democracy in the Middle East

• List of modern conﬂicts in North Africa

• List of modern conﬂicts in the Middle East 8.9. REFERENCES 75

• List of ongoing armed conﬂicts

• List of ongoing protests

• Protests of 1968

• Revolutions of 1820

• Revolutions of 1830

• Revolutions of 1848

• Revolutions of 1917–23

• Revolutions of 1989

• War on Terror

• Women in the Arab Spring

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[336] “Iran and Bahrain exchange threats of embassy closure while Kuwait conﬁrms expulsion of Iranian diplomats”. Payvand Iran News. 21 April 2011. Archived from the original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved 5 June 2011.

[337] “The View From Iran of Syria’s Protests”. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 29 March 2011. Archived from the original on 24 April 2011. Retrieved 5 June 2011.

[338] “Qatar, other Gulf states deploy troops to Bahrain”. World Tribune. 21 March 2011. Archived from the original on 16 May 2011. Retrieved 5 June 2011.

[339] "U.S. Hypocrisy on Parade: Washington Arms Bahrain, Denounces Russia For Arming Syria". Forbes. 18 June 2013.

[340] Cockburn, Patrick (17 April 2011). “So the Arab landscape shifts – and confusion reigns”. The Independent (London). Retrieved 4 June 2011.

[341] Sampat, Mike (7 February 2013). “Editorial betrays a Western bias”. Opinion (Toronto Star). Retrieved 7 Feb 2013.

[342] Chomsky, Noam (11 May 2011). “The U.S. and Its Allies Will Do Anything to Prevent Democracy in the Arab World”. Democracy Now. Retrieved 4 June 2011.

[343] “Oil price rising to dangerous levels for economy”. money.canoe.ca/. 18 February 2011. Retrieved 18 February 2011.

[344] Carbonara, Peter (13 December 2011). “Investing after the Arab Spring: Unﬁnished business”. Fortune.

[345] Engin, Kenan. “The Arab Spring: The 5.0 Democracy Wave”. Hürriyet Daily News. Retrieved 28 October 2011.

[346] “Die fünfte Welle der Demokratisierung im islamisch-arabischen Raum?" [The ﬁfth wave of democratization in the Muslim- Arab world?]. Migrapolis (in German). 27 April 2011. Retrieved 28 October 2011.

[347] CNN (12 March 2013). [. “CNN at SXSW: Social media in Arab Spring"] (Online video clip). Youtube. 8.10. FURTHER READING 87

[348] Salem, Fadi, Mourtada. “Civil Movements: The Impact of Facebook and Twitter”. Dubai School of Government. Re- trieved 16 May 2012.

[349] Himelfarb, Sheldon. “Social Media in the Middle East”. United States Institute of Peace. Retrieved 16 May 2012.

[350] Anonymous (2011). [. “Social Media: Power to The People?"]. NATO Review Magazine. NATO Review Magazine. Retrieved 3 October 2013.

[351] Ross, Alec; Ben Scott (2011). [. “Social Media: Cause, Eﬀect and Response"]. NATO Review Magazine. NATO Review Magazine.

[352] Schillinger, Raymond (20 September 2011). “Social Media and the Arab Spring: What Have We Learned?". Huﬃngton Post. Retrieved 21 May 2012.

[353] “Internet is a ‘spying machine’, says Assange | Media Digest”. Mediadigest.inluk.com. 2011-03-16. Retrieved 2013-05-30.

[354] “Participatory Systems: Introduction” (PDF). Retrieved 2013-05-30.

[355] Online Collective Action: Dynamics of the Crowd in Social Media

[356] Hearns-Branaman, Jesse Owen (2012), 'The Egyptian Revolution did not take place: On live television coverage by Al Jazeera English', International Journal of Baudrillard Studies Vol 9, no 1

[357] McCann, Colum (23 December 2011). “YEAR IN PICTURES: Arab Spring”. The New York Times. Retrieved 16 May 2012.

8.10 Further reading

• Aa. Vv. (2011), The New Arab Revolt: What Happened, What It Means, and What Comes Next, Council on Foreign Relations, Foreign Aﬀairs, Maggio-Giugno.

• Abaza, M. (2011), Revolutionary Moments in Tahrir Square, American University of Cairo, 7 May 2011, www.isa-sociology.org.

• Abdih, Y. (2011), Arab Spring: Closing the Jobs Gap. High youth unemloyment contributes to widespread unrest in the Middle East Finance & Development, in Finance & Development (International Monetary Fund), Giugno.

• Anderson, L (May–June 2011). “Demystifying the Arab Spring: Parsing the Diﬀerences between Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya”. Foreign Aﬀairs 90 (3).

• Beinin, J. – Vairel, F. (2011), (a cura di), Social Movements, Mobilization, and Contestation in the Middle East and North Africa, Stanford, CA, Stanford University press.

• Brownlee, Jason; Masoud, Tarek; Reynolds, Andrew (2013). The Arab Spring: the politics of transformation in North Africa and the Middle East. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

• Browers, Michaelle (2009). Political Ideology in the Arab World: Accommodation and Transformation. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-76532-9.

• Cohen, R. (2011), A Republic Called Tahrir, in New York Times.

• Dabashi, Hamid. The Arab Spring: The End of Postcolonialism (Palgrave Macmillan; 2012) 182 pages

• Darwish, Nonie (28 February 2012). The demon We Don't Know: The Dark Side of Revolutions in the Middle East. John Wiley & Sons.

• Gardner, David (2009). Last Chance: The Middle East in the Balance. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1- 84885-041-5.

• Gause, F. G. (2011), Why Middle East Studies Missed the Arab Spring: The Myth of Authoritarian Stability, in Foreign Aﬀairs, July/August.

• Goldstone, Jack A.; Hazel, John T., Jr. (14 April 2011). “Understanding the Revolutions of 2011: Weakness and Resilience in Middle Eastern Autocracies”. Foreign Aﬀairs. 88 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

• Haddad, Bassam; Bsheer, Rosie; Abu-Rish, Ziad, eds. (2012). The Dawn of the Arab Uprisings: End of an Old Order?. London: Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-3325-0. • Kaye, Dalia Dassa (2008). More Freedom, Less Terror? Liberalization and Political Violence in the Arab World. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. ISBN 978-0-8330-4508-9. • Lutterbeck, Derek. (2013). Arab Uprisings, Armed Forces, and Civil-Military Relations. Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 39, No. 1 (pp. 28–52) • Ottaway, Marina; Choucair-Vizoso, Julia, ed. (2008). Beyond the Façade: Political Reform in the Arab World. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. ISBN 978-0-87003-239-4. • Pelletreau, Robert H. (24 February 2011). “Transformation in the Middle East: Comparing the Uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain”. Foreign Affairs. • Phares, Walid (2010). Coming Revolution: Struggle for Freedom in the Middle East. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-7837-9. • Posusney, Marsha Pripstein; Angrist, Michele Penner, ed. (2005). Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Regimes and Resistance. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. ISBN 1-58826-317-7. • Struble, Jr., Robert (22 August 2011). “Libya and the Doctrine of Justifiable Rebellion”. Catholic Lane. • United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on International Opera- tions and Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy, and Global Women’s Issues. (2012). Women and the Arab Spring: Joint Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy, and Global Women’s Issues and the Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, First Session, November 2, 2011. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O.

8.11 External links

• Right to Nonviolence • Arab Spring, Christian Fall? – The situation of Christian minorities in the Middle East after the Arab Spring • United States Institute of Peace • Civil Movements: The Impact of Facebook and Twitter • The ﬁrst anniversary of the „Arab Spring” – What kind of change have taken place since then • Middle East Constitutional Forum

Live blogs

• Middle East at Al Jazeera • Middle East protests at BBC News • Arab and Middle East protests live blog at The Guardian • Middle East Protests at The Lede blog at The New York Times • Middle East protests live at Reuters

Ongoing coverage

• A (Working) Academic Arab Spring Reading List collected peer-reviewed academic articles on the impact of social media on the Arab Spring • Constitutional Transitions Timeline Collected legal and political changes and short analysis at Middle East Constitutional Forum 8.11. EXTERNAL LINKS 89

• Unrest in the Arab World collected news and commentary at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

• Issue Guide: Arab World Protests, Council on Foreign Relations • Middle East protests collected news and commentary at The Financial Times

• Unrest in the Arab World collected map, news and commentary at CNN • Arab and Middle East unrest collected news and commentary at The Guardian

• Arab and Middle East unrest – interactive timeline collected news and commentary at The Guardian • Rage on the Streets collected news and commentary at Hurriyet Daily News and Economic Review

• Middle East Unrest collected news and commentary at The National • Middle East Uprisings collected news and commentary at Showdown in the Middle East website

• The Arab Revolution collected news and commentary at Spiegel.de

• The Middle East in Revolt collected news and commentary at Time

Other

• The Arab Spring—One Year Later: The CenSEI Report analyzes how 2011’s clamor for democratic reform met 2012’s need to sustain its momentum. The CenSEI Report, 13 February 2012 • Interface journal special issue on the Arab Spring, Interface: a journal for and about social movements, May 2012 • “The Shoe Thrower’s index (An index of unrest in the Arab world)". The Economist. 9 February 2011.

• “Interview with Tariq Ramadan: 'We Need to Get a Better Sense of the Trends within Islamism'". Qantara.de. 2 February 2011. • Sadek J. Al Azm, “The Arab Spring: Why Exactly at this Time?" Reason Papers 33 (Fall 2011)

• Tracking the wave of protests with statistics, RevolutionTrends.org • Arab uprisings: 10 key moments from BBC Middle East Editor Jeremy Bowden (10 December 2012)

• Can the „Arab Spring” present a real threat to Europe? 90 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

8.12 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

8.12.1 Text

• Civil disobedience Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil%20disobedience?oldid=635575414 Contributors: Damian Yerrick, The Epopt, WojPob, Wesley, Bryan Derksen, The Anome, 0, LA2, SimonP, Kurt Jansson, Tzartzam, Juan M. Gonzalez, Soulpatch, Quercus- robur, D, Michael Hardy, Wapcaplet, Ixfd64, Fruge, Plasticlax, Skysmith, SebastianHelm, TaranRampersad, Jebba, Kingturtle, Александър, Dpol, Sethmahoney, Quickbeam, Timwi, Gingekerr, RickK, Dysprosia, Pedant17, Furrykef, GimmeFuel, Itai, Omegatron, Topbanana, Raul654, Wetman, Bcorr, Robbot, Biggins, RedWolf, Stephen Kennedy, Altenmann, Netpilot43556, Calmypal, Postdlf, Cautious, Psb777, Factotum, Peruvianllama, Everyking, Yekrats, Kpalion, Gzornenplatz, Bobblewik, Stevietheman, Utcursch, Andycjp, Knutux, Quadell, Beland, Scott MacLean, SimonArlott, Bodnotbod, AnandKumria, Zondor, The stuart, Clarkp, SYSS Mouse, Discospinster, Rich Farm- brough, YUL89YYZ, SpookyMulder, Kenb215, Bong, Brian0918, Lauciusa, Livajo, Leif, Causa sui, JRM, Alpheus, TheProject, Hashar- Bot, Alansohn, Gary, Cdc, Evil Monkey, BlastOButter42, Harriseldon, Bastel, Jakes18, Japanese Searobin, Feezo, Bobrayner, Woohookitty, Tabletop, Thebogusman, Wayward, Marudubshinki, Jebur, Descendall, Wbeek, Lauri Kosonen, Rjwilmsi, Koavf, Msmitey, SMC, Moor- lock, Iol, SchuminWeb, Anskas, Nogburt, JdforresterBot, Who, Karel Anthonissen, Jittat, DVdm, Gwernol, YurikBot, Sceptre, Hairy Dude, Phantomsteve, RussBot, SluggoOne, Yan6494, RadioFan, Gaius Cornelius, Wimt, NawlinWiki, Wiki alf, Nirvana2013, Welsh, Kufat, Cholmes75, Aldux, Number 57, Takethemud, NorsemanII, C i d, Cynicism addict, GraemeL, Skittle, Curpsbot-unicodify, Max- amegalon2000, Farm, Samuel Blanning, Vanka5, SmackBot, Deborah909, KnowledgeOfSelf, Blue520, Bill3000, Jagged 85, Ultramandk, Chairman S., J0lt C0la, Georgef1776, Gilliam, Hraefen, Scaife, TimBentley, KiloByte, Northern, Stevage, Neo-Jay, Emurphy42, Dylan Stafne, Swat671, Famspear, Muboshgu, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, Onorem, Adropofreason, Rrburke, Edivorce, Celarnor, Mbaron.ny, Seandals, Makemi, Vprajkumar, MichaelBillington, Bluepaladin, WookMuff, DMacks, Mitchumch, Deepred6502, Byelf2007, The Un- governable Force, SashatoBot, Teabeard, John, Robofish, Clore, Makyen, RudyB, Iridescent, Joseph Solis in Australia, Bharatveer, Mr Chuckles, Courcelles, Linkspamremover, Jsorens, Patagorda, JForget, Wolfdog, M.shady, Ethnopunk, Olaf Davis, Sevendust62, Reques- tion, Karenjc, Gregbard, Cydebot, ST47, Chrislk02, Dferrantino, Tjdwowh, Prof75, Rjm656s, Malleus Fatuorum, Thijs!bot, Epbr123, Sagaciousuk, Headbomb, Id447, Marek69, Tellyaddict, Wildthing61476, Cafeirlandais, AntiVandalBot, Luna Santin, Carolmooredc, Al- phachimpbot, Res2216firestar, JAnDbot, Retinoblastoma, Arachnocapitalist, Andonic, Sitethief, TheEditrix2, SiobhanHansa, Magioladi- tis, VoABot II, AuburnPilot, Canyonwren, Jatkins, LeaHazel, Avicennasis, Cgingold, ArmadilloFromHell, Coffeepusher, Rettetast, Mar- shalN20, CommonsDelinker, Fconaway, Lilac Soul, J.delanoy, Pharaoh of the Wizards, Guticb, Tikiwont, All Is One, Jerry, Edwardw818, It Is Me Here, Katalaveno, FreedomFF, McSly, Dexter prog, JayJasper, (jarbarf), Trilobitealive, JonMcLoone, DesertMoh, FJPB, Largoplazo, KylieTastic, Juliancolton, Cometstyles, Kvdveer, VityUvieu, Scewing, Temppe, VolkovBot, Jeff G., Bovineboy2008, Philip Trueman, TXiKiBoT, Tavix, Chrbartolf, Karmos, ProfessorTom, Steve2333, Clarince63, BotKung, Andrewaskew, Lova Falk, @pple, Wolf001, Burntsauce, Grsz11, Charlie123456789, Pjoef, Rob.a.h, Sfmammamia, Rob99324, DivaNtrainin, Clamshelltvs, Hottempered, SieBot, StAnselm, Coffee, Hertz1888, VVVBot, Winchelsea, KnowledgeHegemony, Flyer22, Citizen Dror, Terrychandler, Harry, Likem- inas, ZH Evers, Cyfal, Scouten, WikiLaurent, Randy Kryn, Elassint, ClueBot, SummerWithMorons, Editor at work, Kai-Hendrik, Justin W Smith, The Thing That Should Not Be, R000t, Uncle Milty, Regibox, Blah114, RafaAzevedo, Brucehartford, Boneyard90, Jus- dafax, 12 Noon, Rhododendrites, Chananyae, Thepoopmonster, Redthoreau, Taranet, Thingg, Aitias, Egmontaz, XF641D9K, INCINER- ATE01!!!, Addbot, ERK, Guoguo12, Persilrein, CarsracBot, Bassbonerocks, Bazaan, Keepcalmandcarryon, 5 albert square, Tassedethe, Tide rolls, Lightbot, Jarble, J. Johnson, Elm, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Andreasmperu, Julia W, THEN WHO WAS PHONE?, Kirk- Cliff2, Ningauble, AnakngAraw, Nyat, Tempodivalse, Spidermedicine, AnomieBOT, Decora, Chuckiesdad, Flewis, Materialscientist, Kalamkaar, James500, Jmarchn, Neurolysis, S7evyn, Jesus4real, DrakeLuvenstein, Sionus, Jeffrey Mall, Stromball, Truthfield, Grou- choBot, Stoweboyd, Carrite, Capricorn24, Nicolealisa, Mc5810, Khoidang, Burkminipup, Luis Napoles, AshleyWCIII, Citation bot 1, Gdje je nestala duša svijeta, Vanished user indfoijwe3ty, AstaBOTh15, Snicklefritze, Pinethicket, I dream of horses, Jeff m71, Pascal- Bot, SpaceFlight89, Isofox, LilyKitty, Andymcgrath, AmyzzXX, ThunderbirdJP, Tbhotch, Soulkiller95, Mean as custard, RjwilmsiBot, DexDor, Noommos, EmausBot, Itboyd, Wlsgudchoi, GoingBatty, Tisane, Shekharzzzzz, Tommy2010, Wikipelli, Evanh2008, ALXVA, Unused000705, Vivian02578, Wayne Slam, Tolly4bolly, Rcsprinter123, IGeMiNix, Donner60, Mcc1789, Шиманський Василь, Sven Manguard, Will Beback Auto, ClueBot NG, Gareth Griffith-Jones, Aberdonian99, This lousy T-shirt, Satellizer, Adolfoganzo, Widr, Help- ful Pixie Bot, Harley Hudson, HMSSolent, Ramaksoud2000, DBigXray, Lowercase sigmabot, BigJim707, Sprintermatt, MusikAnimal, Compfreak7, Wodrow, Alekmaciaszek1994, Hehesciencegeek, Meclee, Oldum, Polytopic, Klilidiplomus, BattyBot, DemirBajraktare- vic, Khazar2, Dexbot, Leucosticte, Lugia2453, Eredner, Maplestorykreeps, Epicgenius, Minicar3, Podiaebba, GPRamirez5, Sam.gov, SantiLak, Themanwhowouldbesanta, Moonbot700, Jirge554 and Anonymous: 564 • Examples of civil disobedience Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Examples%20of%20civil%20disobedience?oldid=638294224 Con- tributors: Bearcat, Bodnotbod, Klemen Kocjancic, Arthena, Cmprince, Woohookitty, Justin Ormont, Magister Mathematicae, Bgwhite, BomBom, SmackBot, Hmains, H2ppyme, Colonies Chris, Gobonobo, StuHarris, Sameboat, Nhojjohn, Magioladitis, R'n'B, Commons- Delinker, KylieTastic, Tavix, Flyer22, Randy Kryn, XLinkBot, Stickee, Fraggle81, AnomieBOT, MerlLinkBot, Tbhotch, John of Read- ing, Set theorist, Tisane, Anirudh Emani, Thecheesykid, Mar4d, Credstone, ClueBot NG, Helpful Pixie Bot, Lo Ximiendo, Aisteco, BattyBot, Obtund, Epicgenius, Jamesdscott44, Jora8488, Reezvaan, Sz06 and Anonymous: 41 • Electronic civil disobedience Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electronic%20civil%20disobedience?oldid=638538878 Contribu- tors: Matusz, Edward, Sethmahoney, Ruinia, Jredmond, Chocolateboy, David Edgar, Stevietheman, Leif, Koavf, Mais oui!, Bluebot, Roscelese, Egsan Bacon, Robofish, Ethnopunk, Cydebot, After Midnight, I already forgot, Czj, TheEditrix2, Magioladitis, RockMFR, Sidewinder1, Holtster69, Rhododendrites, DumZiBoT, XLinkBot, Forbes72, Addbot, SasiSasi, Jarble, Yobot, AnomieBOT, Brokensun- light, Full-date unlinking bot, Trappist the monk, RjwilmsiBot, EmausBot, Tisane, AsceticRose, H3llBot, Erianna, Talgris, Helpful Pixie Bot, Andrew.baggott, CitationCleanerBot, ChrisGualtieri, Khazar2, Aellithy, Lxwriter, Evarilda, RoryEdwardSheridan and Anonymous: 21 • European Protest and Coercion Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European%20Protest%20and%20Coercion?oldid=617353920 Contributors: Bearcat, DGG, Cerebellum, Reddogsix, Krisande and Anonymous: 1 • Civil resistance Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil%20resistance?oldid=639396334 Contributors: Edward, Robbot, Discospin- ster, Bender235, Gary, Wnjr, Rjwilmsi, Bradspangler, Bgwhite, Bhny, SmackBot, Huon, Khazar, Vanisaac, Ksimons, Carolmooredc, Presearch, CommonsDelinker, Olegwiki, ACSE, Johnfos, PeteinDC, Magd0788, Quest for Truth, Martarius, NuclearWarfare, Howard Clark, WikHead, Addbot, Drpickem, Ptbotgourou, Eduen, Ulric1313, Jmarchn, FrescoBot, Chorrol07, DrilBot, Zachary Klaas, ZéroBot, Aberdonian99, Becky613, Dictabeard, Helpful Pixie Bot, Frze, A.K.Khalifeh, Jeancey, Wotwunite, Rinkle gorge, Filedelinkerbot and Anonymous: 13 8.12. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES 91

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Ulric1313, Algorithme, 2Nova2, Jmarchn, ArthurBot, LilHelpa, Dhruvhemmady, Poetaris, Eaglecap Backpack, Darumadoll, Sobisohaib, RibotBOT, Cgnk, Beansandveggies, Rajvaddhan, Mkarlberg, FrescoBot, Surv1v4l1st, Henswick, DoostdarWKP, King of the Court, M2545, Citation bot 1, Salva.aros, Shanghainese.ua, Pinethicket, RedBot, Zachary Klaas, Nguoiviet979, Vrenator, LilyKitty, JackRodwell101, Barrylgan, Mean as custard, TjBot, Twastvedt, John of Reading, Nuujinn, Advocateofveganism, Fæ, Dirtdizzy, Lam- bohead, Eric Indiana, Tsuchiya Hikaru, Judyholiday, Troctar, Tyfox, Helpsome, ClueBot NG, Aberdonian99, NonviolenceNow, Snotbot, MerlIwBot, Helpful Pixie Bot, Titodutta, BG19bot, Kelsaab, Redplaidbuddhism, LoneWolf1992, Seenandunseen, BattyBot, Cimorcus, Pratyya Ghosh, ChrisGualtieri, Hridith Sudev Nambiar, EagerToddler39, Charan Gill, Juzumaru, GranChi, KarenBentley, Secretariat- network, Activest, Dariusnmn, GPRamirez5, Njol, JD026, Robincgm, Metta Center, Mnagler, Salvebrutta, Tuihjbnb and Anonymous: 339 • Nonviolent resistance Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nonviolent%20resistance?oldid=639500516 Contributors: Szopen, DanKeshet, AdamRetchless, Dante Alighieri, Lquilter, SebastianHelm, Uriber, Zoicon5, Pedant17, Hyacinth, Topbanana, Raul654, AnonMoos, Jni, Sander123, RedWolf, Goethean, Orthogonal, Humus sapiens, DHN, Jrash, Marcika, Michael Devore, Dirtbiscuit, Lucky 6.9, Richard Myers, Telso, Quadell, Antandrus, JimWae, Bodnotbod, Neutrality, Montanean, Porges, Kingal86, Jayjg, Duja, Discospinster, FT2, Ben- der235, Ntennis, MaxPower, CanisRufus, Viriditas, Arthuredelstein, Alpheus, Palmiro, Bawolff, Sam Korn, Espoo, Danski14, Arthena, Linmhall, Cdc, TaintedMustard, Saga City, LFaraone, Wadems, Jguk, Ceyockey, Scarykitty, Angr, Woohookitty, Wnjr, LoopZilla, Lapsed Pacifist, John Hill, Blacksun, Cedrus-Libani, BD2412, ColdWind, Moorlock, Cethegus, Ian Pitchford, SchuminWeb, Nihiltres, HERMiT cRAB, Gurch, Babel41, Riki, Chobot, Bgwhite, Mercury McKinnon, YurikBot, Deeptrivia, Jlittlet, CltFn, RussBot, Splash, Gaius Cornelius, Daveswagon, Wiki alf, Nirvana2013, Spot87, Joel7687, Brian, FF2010, DieWeisseRose, DVD R W, Jbull, SmackBot, Aim Here, Deborah909, Griot, KnowledgeOfSelf, Zerida, Jagged 85, Shai-kun, Cool3, Gilliam, Ghosts&empties, Katsam, Chris the speller, Jprg1966, DHN-bot, Brinerustle, GoodDay, Famspear, DéRahier, Zaian, Fuhghettaboutit, Dyamantese, Mlomize, Shmuliko, Das Baz, GrapeSteinbeck, The Ungovernable Force, SashatoBot, Grimhim, Gobonobo, Accurizer, JHunterJ, Nuncium, Caleby, Mego'brien, DabMachine, SimonD, 293.xx.xxx.xx, Sameboat, LeyteWolfer, Eduardo Corrêa, Linkspamremover, Nkayesmith, Jpetrovato, Lahiru k, Heqs, Ashoka9, Joshuamonkey, ShelfSkewed, Ken Gallager, Gogo Dodo, Tkynerd, Phydend, Optimist on the run, Prof75, Biruitorul, Bot-maru, N5iln, OrenBochman, Futurebird, Escarbot, AntiVandalBot, Luna Santin, Widefox, Carolmooredc, Sokim1, Darklilac, Dav- ewho2, SiDNEy, SiobhanHansa, Artistica, Magioladitis, VoABot II, Salinecjr, Presearch, AVALOS714, Inhumandecency, Warchef, Mus Musculus, Juansidious, DerRichter, R'n'B, CommonsDelinker, AltiusBimm, Jerry, JayJasper, Ashley kennedy3, Olegwiki, Squids and Chips, Umar420e, Alsark, Chrbartolf, DianaGaleM, DesmondRavenstone, A qallaf, Insanity Incarnate, Jbsamudio, Esperanto41, SieBot, PeteinDC, Dawn Bard, Re5oct1988, Dziri, Likeminas, Randy Kryn, ShelleyAdams, Atif.t2, Martarius, ClueBot, Rubeta, Mild Bill Hiccup, Mikestar33, Niceguyedc, Brucehartford, Nmate, Gareth Chamberlain, 12 Noon, Redthoreau, Beleiter, Berean Hunter, DumZ- iBoT, Neolexx, XLinkBot, Jrsifontes, Addbot, Fieldday-sunday, USchick, Eranbenzvi, GalenWright, Lightbot, Totorotroll, Eco alex, Cutegeek44, Zakouma, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Granpuff, Fraggle81, Troiscoins, Iroony, Tempodivalse, AnomieBOT, EryZ, Materialsci- entist, 2Nova2, Eumolpo, Jmarchn, Neurolysis, ArthurBot, Xqbot, Trydence, Mm.srb, Pensées de Pascal, J04n, Doorvery far, Pool- sOfTruth, Luis Napoles, Alphateam7911, Teinesavaii, Pinethicket, MastiBot, Zachary Klaas, Jim Fitzgerald, ActivExpression, LilyKitty, JackRodwell101, Bluekey7, Diannaa, IRISZOOM, Sj122390, RjwilmsiBot, Salvio giuliano, EmausBot, John of Reading, Asbjornenge, Noloader, Dewritech, Puppylove453, Peaceray, TheLastWordSword, Advocateofveganism, Hous21, ZéroBot, Sethupathy3e, Shrigley, Wipsenade, Troctar, Helpsome, ClueBot NG, Aberdonian99, Catlemur, AeroPsico, Hooshmand.hasannia, Helpful Pixie Bot, Guest2625, ,Wotwunite ,إبراهيم الشعيبي ,Veritas Lev, Koertefa, BG19bot, Mohamed CJ, Lo Ximiendo, Petrarchan47, AvocatoBot, Metricopolus Rrronny, Van Gulik, Polmandc, TapacB, Khazar2, Mogism, Rschlehuber, Danny Sprinkle, Neitiznot, Tentinator, Dariusnmn, Pomindhu, Abysmally, Monkbot, SantiLak, AlexMatsi, Rationalobserver, Tymon.r, Mnagler, Whall.j and Anonymous: 279 • Arab Spring Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab%20Spring?oldid=638870468 Contributors: The Anome, Leandrod, Boud, Michael Hardy, Dante Alighieri, Dcljr, Skysmith, Paul A, SebastianHelm, KAMiKAZOW, Mxn, Ike9898, Colipon, WhisperToMe, Tpbradbury, Thue, Chrisjj, Vardion, ZeLonewolf, Chocolateboy, Postdlf, Auric, Timrollpickering, Pifactorial, Xanzzibar, DocWatson42, Sj, Tom harrison, Digital infinity, Gilgamesh, Edcolins, John Abbe, Utcursch, Geni, Piotrus, DragonflySixtyseven, Yossarian, ChaTo, Neutrality, Robin klein, Thorwald, Mike Rosoft, Sdrawkcab, O'Dea, Metron, Discospinster, Rich Farmbrough, Hydrox, FT2, GeoEvan, Florian 92 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

Blaschke, Smyth, Dbachmann, Bender235, Mashford, Neko-chan, Kwamikagami, Dralwik, Circeus, Evolauxia, Mtruch, Zarateman, Physicistjedi, Trevj, BillyTFried, Quintucket, Miranche, Sligocki, Denniss, Wtmitchell, Velella, BanyanTree, Kaiser matias, Skycycle, Cmprince, GabrielF, Drbreznjev, Tainter, Nightstallion, Czolgolz, Tariqabjotu, Stemonitis, Thryduulf, Woohookitty, LOL, Benbest, Pol098, NeoChaosX, Tabletop, Awk, Pufferfish101, Steinbach, Justin Ormont, Stefanomione, Theo F, BD2412, Reisio, Vanderdecken, Rjwilmsi, Tim!, Nightscream, Koavf, Jake Wartenberg, Gryffindor, Feydey, MZMcBride, Kalogeropoulos, Yug, Noon, Matt Deres, Ucucha, Gringer, SGCommand, SargeAbernathy, Ground Zero, McPhail, Crazycomputers, Dalta, Chobot, Gregorik, DVdm, Igorde- braga, Bgwhite, Wjfox2005, EamonnPKeane, Noclador, Eraserhead1, Wester, Ivirivi00, Bhny, Pigman, Rsrikanth05, Thane, Anomalo- caris, NawlinWiki, Welsh, Wrightchr, Rjensen, Equilibrial, Moe Epsilon, Danlaycock, Natkeeran, SameerKhan, Lockesdonkey, Jeremy Visser, Mtu, Pevos, EAderhold, Sandstein, Emijrp, Deville, Barryob, Closedmouth, Maristoddard, Arthur Rubin, Josh3580, Th1rt3en, Lynbarn, BorgQueen, Chrishmt0423, Smurfy, Katieh5584, DCEvoCE, Cmglee, Nick-D, Mix321, Justjeshb, Jesus geek, SmackBot, Classicfilms, F, Sal.farina, GregChant, Nickst, Ribbet32, Kintetsubuffalo, Took, Kudzu1, Gilliam, Skizzik, Tiddy, Gonzalo84, Jprg1966, Zachomis, Roscelese, Hibernian, Sadads, Raistuumum, Fjmustak, George Ho, Muboshgu, Alphathon, AMK152, GRuban, Greenshed, Tdl1060, GVnayR, AndySimpson, Arab Hafez, Fuhghettaboutit, TheLateDentarthurdent, Cybercobra, Escottf, KnowitallWiki, Derek R Bullamore, WereWolf, Ericl, Salamurai, Bejnar, Wikipedical, BlackTerror, Ohconfucius, Byelf2007, Cast, ArglebargleIV, Ser Amantio di Nicolao, Kuru, Khazar, John, Barabum, Shyamsunder, Green Giant, SpyMagician, Camilo Sanchez, The Man in Question, A. Par- rot, JHunterJ, -js-, Macarion, Beetstra, SQGibbon, Mr Stephen, Eric76, Ryulong, KirrVlad, Dr.K., Andrwsc, Watchreader, Dl2000, Iridescent, Kencf0618, Quantum Burrito, Joseph Solis in Australia, Bobamnertiopsis, Jztinfinity, Courcelles, Fabrice Florin, Cryp- tic C62, Ehistory, Dev920, ERAGON, CRGreathouse, Halimahbintdavid, Alexwithclass, Banedon, Stevo1000, Jesse Viviano, Ash- Lin, Juhachi, Rain74, Phatom87, Cydebot, Wikien2009, Karimobo, Yaamboo, Meno25, Gogo Dodo, Bellerophon5685, KnightMove, Sa.vakilian, Dougweller, Blackbird 4, Optimist on the run, ErrantX, Martin23230, Sabertooth, AK2, Thijs!bot, Epbr123, Wikid77, Rob- sinden, Salahx, Varavour, Rzafar, Horologium, Davidhorman, Cypher foo, Hcobb, GideonF, Nick Number, Matthew Proctor, Tocino, Heroeswithmetaphors, PaulVIF, Dawnseeker2000, Haha169, Mrodowicz, Neumannk, ArnoldPlaton, Smartse, Cjs2111, Silver seren, Yellowdesk, Golgofrinchian, Res2216firestar, Katous1978, JAnDbot, Athkalani, Sherif9282, ElComandanteChe, Epeefleche, The Tran- shumanist, Avaya1, Ericoides, Sheitan, Matthew Fennell, Arch dude, Fetchcomms, Nwe, Petepittsburgh, Grant bud, TAnthony, Rothorpe, Jarkeld, Korotayev, Magioladitis, NeilHynes, Bongwarrior, Dentren, Jetstreamer, Haku8645, DMY, JamesBWatson, Maheshkumarya- Mcnattyp, Gun ,الدبوني ,dav, Lucyin, Nyttend, Chesdovi, Avicennasis, KConWiki, Theasp, Cgingold, Alex Spade, BatteryIncluded Powder Ma, Wdd123, Pikolas, Ecofer, Tonicthebrown, Jackson Peebles, Vigyani, Wowaconia, CommonsDelinker, Lilac Soul, Dudley Miles, Fipplet, AstroHurricane001, Richiekim, Maurice Carbonaro, ElinWhitneySmith, Winampman, Marcusmax, Heresbubba53190, Kuzwa, Thatotherperson, Veriss1, Spacehusky, Mikael Häggström, Mjb1981, Adamdaley, Adamtompkins, Realman208, Tubeyes, No- vaSkola, Ohms law, Flatterworld, Unflavoured, Doomsday28, Enix150, Josh Tumath, Interlaker, Ajfweb, ACSE, Hugo999, VolkovBot, Reaper21, Jennavecia, Nilli, BoogaLouie, Sannita, Fences and windows, Philip Trueman, DoorsAjar, Rizalninoynapoleon, Jacob Lund- berg, Mathwhiz 29, Karmos, Kevin Steinhardt, Lvivske, Predavatel, Ditto21688, Abdullais4u, Shahin.shn, Antixt, SashaDuda, Ker- manshahi, Qworty, Stefan040780, Randam, Xiph1980, Munci, S.Örvarr.S, Al Ameer son, StAnselm, Pbrolley, Pengyanan, Smsar- ,Baseball Bugs ,05ترجمان ,mad, JCIV, Ouizardus, Hugh16, Melo86, Nite-Sirk, Poyani, Breawycker, Flyer22, KP-TheSpectre, Dans Drterzic, DeknMike, Jmj713, Vojvodaen, Presidentman, Vice regent, Langus-TxT, Tesi1700, Hamiltondaniel, TaerkastUA, MosMusy, Dabomb87, Dahab777, Denisarona, Ratemonth, Martarius, ShawnIsHere, SummerWithMorons, Jbening, Strongsauce, Hippo99, Un- buttered Parsnip, Woodyjames29, Saddhiyama, Der Golem, Leodmacleod, U5K0, WhiteArcticWolf, Ansh666, Harland1, P. 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Burton, Delta1989, Ass711, Solar-Wind, Brewcrewer, Kitsunegami, Ktr101, TMV943, Dcd139, John Nevard, Rhatsa26X, Holden yo, Nuclear- Warfare, Cenarium, Nableezy, JackieDan, M.O.X, Redthoreau, SchreiberBike, Thomaselstedr, C628, Found5dollar, Thingg, Sstorman, Megachad, NYMediaGuy, Indopug, Peasantwarrior, ALEXF971, A.h. king, Local hero, Eik Corell, Against the current, Jax 0677, XLinkBot, Kurdo777, Michaelpkk, Fastily, Nathan Johnson, TaalVerbeteraar, Ost316, Nepenthes, Ism schism, Martel,C, WikiDao, MystBot, Thorbins, Catgirl, Propars55, Jhendin, Addbot, TheCodeman4, Heavenlyblue, Roentgenium111, Zozo2kx, Guoguo12, Deter- mom, Ittihadawi, Nohomers48, GM25LIVE, Blethering Scot, TutterMouse, Jncraton, Fieldday-sunday, Zarcadia, CanadianLinuxUser, Fluffernutter, Mjsa, Saberwolf116, MrOllie, Download, Wildcursive, CarsracBot, Forich, Glane23, Lihaas, Ayoubang, HonorTheK- ,Abjiklam, Theklan, Jarble, Daniel Cull ,ماني ,ing, Тиверополник, Trakrecord, Equilibrium007, Tide rolls, SamB135, Anas1712 CountryBot, Ben Ben, Kurtis, Drpickem, Luckas-bot, Yobot, WikiDan61, Fraggle81, Librsh, Amirobot, EllsworthSK, Jar789, Any- podetos, Ironmonkey285, GamerPro64, Reenem, Maxí, KamikazeBot, Jean.julius, Disco1stu, Magog the Ogre, Szajci, AnomieBOT, DemocraticLuntz, Quangbao, GoldenMew, , Adeliine, Jim1138, Naikiw, Tucoxn, Scythian77, Bernerd, Rejedef, Knowledgekid87, Flinders Petrie, Kavas, UltimateDarkloid, Mahmudmasri, Materialscientist, The High Fin Sperm Whale, VindicativeLilith, Citation bot, Brightgalrs, Eumolpo, Eskandarany, Amman12, LilHelpa, Xqbot, Khajidha, VisvambaNathan, MakeBelieveMonster, Jeffwang, Tad Lin- coln, Tyrol5, Tiller54, GrouchoBot, Xashaiar, Hammer of the Gods27, Alumnum, Eudemis, Future2008, Anotherclown, Kylelovesyou, Travürsa, Ace111, SCΛRECROW, Rodrigogomesonetwo, Dynex811, GhalyBot, Moxy, GeorgeGriffiths, Rwanduz, Skashifakram, Trycatch, -Green Cardamom, Much noise, Tktru, FrescoBot, Wenader, CaptainFugu, Wael.Mogherbi, Lu ,همان ,Shadowjams, Iggymwangi, SD5 cienBOT, Gabe896, Tobby72, Lothar von Richthofen, Vidboy10, Midrashah, Yickbob, Hosszuka, Vicharam, Wikimayor, HCPUNXKID, Nima Farid, Outback the koala, Cs32en, Bo yaser, Jjupiter100, Pinas Central, Bromley86, JMilty, Alex2310, Sopher99, Pinethicket, Spe- naust, Yotna, The Egyptian Liberal, Elockid, HRoestBot, Abductive, LittleWink, Sctechlaw, Supreme Deliciousness, Yahia.barie, Hoo ,RedBot, MastiBot, Zachary Klaas, Wikitanvir, FormerIP, Wikiain, SlashinatorX, Motorizer, Beao, Shizly, TedderBot ,ليبي صح ,man Pristino, Jkaltes, Khamgatam, Praghmatic, FoxBot, Theodor44, Carolyn.runyon, MR.HJH, Trappist the monk, DixonDBot, Leftsideend, Bladyniec, Lotje, Dinamik-bot, Jaba1977, DividedFrame, MrX, Scottbp, Zodiarkmaster, Dps04, Wo.luren, Aoidh, Jeffrd10, Big Axe, Dcunited08, Travelbybus, IRISZOOM, Tbhotch, Pranav21391, Sj122390, Kanzler31, Mondotta, TL565, RjwilmsiBot, Lilly granger, Ienpw III, TjBot, Kobac, Wiki id2, Ripchip Bot, Gp1v07, CatJar, Loudcolors, Buggie111, Hsafavi, Elium2, Logwea299, Slon02, Zujine, DASHBot, Koppapa, EmausBot, John of Reading, MCPearl, Nima1024, PaliChristianGurl, WikitanvirBot, WeiszGypsy305, Nhajivandi, Rail88, AbbaIkea2010, Dewritech, JohKar, Uishaki, PAKI.TV, NotAnonymous0, 8digits, Huckamike, Sp33dyphil, Jim Michael, Xa- cobi, Penom, Abu Casey, Cornel2121, Chiton magnificus, FoxAndRavens, Koryds2008, Rafi5749, VinxeAdun, Sepguilherme, JSquish, -Sundostund, Thejoewoods, Anouarattn, Shuipzv3, Mutamarrid, Omar-Toons, Herp Derp, Al ,33البحرين ,ZéroBot, Zbase4, Cogiati pha Quadrant (alt), Leer5454, Toufik-de-Planoise, Deschain97, Marcusliou5, MAINEiac4434, RPHKUSA, Greyshark09, SporkBot, Zander2142, Smart30, Ocaasi, Bob drobbs, Wingman4l7, Sami 11111, Ouddorp, Gaandolf, Lokpest, Jadraad, ShenmueIII, L1A1 FAL, W163, Mezuu64, Tye1360, Glennconti, Kapoon129, EkoGraf, Le Enfente Orange, Wiggles007, Brandmeister, ANG99, Infernoapple, Hazlzz, VanSisean, Richard Tuckwell, Shrigley, Laika1097, Quite vivid blur, Parsa1993, Jeromemoreno, Wipsenade, Ochado, Ego White خلدون شنتوت, ,Tray, Rangoon11, Mwojh, Snubcube, Tabrisius, SyHaBi, Omar-toons, ChuispastonBot, TheBrinos, HandsomeFella 48Lugur, Albeetle, IR393DrewGolding, BabbaQ, LikeLakers2, Spa-Franks, Wikiwind, Nakata Osaka, Kinkreet, Whoop whoop pull up, Commish1219, The Celestial City, Mjbmrbot, Smith34uk, Gary Dee, TheTimesAreAChanging, Berberisb, PHGH, Petrb, David copper- son, Blackmane, ClueBot NG, Nnyc, Lockers1234, Sjaat, Michaelmas1957, Halma10, Zyrath, 23sports, Dfine2, Aberdonian99, Ypnypn, 8.12. 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Calicoosat, A2Editor, HeadlessMaster, NULL, Tonemgub2010, , Gilderien, Rathersilly, Hon-3s-T, Baseball Watcher, David O. John- son, Millermk, Quaber, SunCountryGuy01, Estrempler, Kaishou Izumi, Zenithfel, Ninedotnine 9.9, Jcgoble3, JustEase, Peterf2k11, Bakrnl, Frietjes, Delusion23, Laurence Cox, FromEast, Jinfamily, OpenInfoForAll, Braincricket, O.Koslowski, Sotuu, Khanahmad1000, Svantevitii, PukiBunz81, Omarlegend1, El Libro, VeritableTruth, DownWithHosniMubarak!, !!2011WorldProtests!!, WafaAlsayed, Quinser’s, Tunisie, Marechal Ney, Zakariyya1992, Bobbyb373, Petey Parrot, Icantwait, MarkIsh123, Aljumaily.anas, Widr, Emelerian, Rashahilal, GinoMM, Hazooma, Dms77, Booyahhayoob, Saunasolmu, 3RRORCode, MAXWELL217, WikiPuppies, Wllmevans, ButJ, HurleyWalkTheWalk278, Gunshot123, Libyanguy21, Iusethis, Metaknowledge, AlwaysUnite, Melthengylf, Thectexperience, Penyu- lap, Simpson H, Strovolos01, NickGrayLOL, North Atlanticist Usonian, SuperblySpiffingPerson, Alikash, Harsimaja, Steel Fightmaster, Mightymights, Ddornovisad, Herschelmordechai, Helpful Pixie Bot, SuprCookie, Cavewiki, Novusuna, SamIsMe31, Lil moe1997, Jor- danDemocracy, Eldrad2mustlive, RebelProductions, Mh rulz, Soldier198, Zhaoni, , Curb Chain, MuffinxMonster420, Beecher70, Calabe1992, Butterfly2011, Anas1954, Guest2625, Usedxboxstuff11, Plarem, Twelvechairs, BG19bot, Mouloud47, Mona Williams, אופיר ,Kingsauod123, Mohamed CJ, Ramesh Ramaiah, 2011 prediction is party time, Sematz, NacowY, MasashiInoue, Iselilja, Wheatsing ,Allmeanssomething, Bernardini2011, Northamerica1000, Skipbox, ChrisSalty, GuyOnMoon, Roemana, I7laseral, ComputerJA ,עוז CreepyLizard, PhnomPencil, Zambitious, Jim Sukwutput, Tjbird9675, MusikAnimal, PercyWM, Mifter Public, Frze, Explosionsnever- makeasound, Tachfin, Andrewbogott, A.K.Khalifeh, Dynima72, Randor1980, Nyamfood, Boniek1988, Zozoyoko, Kelsaab, FutureTril- lionaire, Ghuasih, Kspence92, ZhangYuu, Sinai Horus, Tigersallway, Soerfm, RazorEyeEdits, Jeancey, Toccata quarta, Myronbeg, An- ,Stanladis, Danalm000, Eternal Prince of Persia, Transglobular ,الغريب ابن الغريب ,drewp1986, Kyfhv, Lambdakneit, Ricordisamoa Philoleb, Bokajsen23, TBrandley, Anirbanchoudhury89, Klilidiplomus, Gwazuber, RGloucester, Praline97, Bonkers The Clown, Arigold- berg, Carliitaeliza, Mohammed alkhater, BattyBot, Citing, Jeuneetlibre, Pmmcc, Plijygrdwa, HueSatLum, Triggerhippie4, Pratyya Ghosh, Hghyux, Zhaofeng Li, Alhanuty, BlazeDAmaN, Sabri30, Dutch Ninja, Luke 19 Verse 27, Adnan bogi, EuroCarGT, Deeterson, Tree2q, MohammedBinAbdullah, SuperHero2111, BA201teamsix, Zizou2012, JYBot, Jabotito48, Qocheedy daiin, EagerToddler39, Ne.pas12, P3Y229, Radartoothth, Languageprof, K Shroyer, Cwobeel, Franck Holland, LightandDark2000, Gblack705, Webclient101, Charles Essie, Mogism, Moester101, Clarificationgiven, Ashrafnlkn, Kavehfar, AliceStanley11, The Vintage Feminist, Lemonsticks, Lugia2453, ,Ashrafulkhalq, Malerooster, Wolfiukas ,لؤي عمران ,Css86, Hitstitlehitstitle, Theguffawer, ComfyKem, Mpov, Anakronik, Esvobod2 069952497a, Sonntagsbraten, MondoKelbi, Cendes, Ana Ethan, Clancash, Mckaydjensen, Ksj2k9, Beige.librarian, Altered Walter, Kcap- cino123, Anna.g.stewart, Madan7326, Oemong, Aurelius139, Nightglow2006, I am One of Many, Harlem Baker Hughes, Bonkerzuma, ThomasMikael, Zacwillb, Earlgrey T, Toksoz, Soffredo, Jduden, PascalineB, Aurelien Breeden, Revolution1221, FreedomVIVA1776, A.sky245, Janus Prudentibus, Xxnekochan666xx, AcidSnow, Mr. Gonna Change My Name Forever, Mandruss, Ginsuloft, Yadsalohcin, Fitzcarmalan, Korrrektor, HighIntellectual, Helliko, AddWittyNameHere, Agrso, Jdphenix, EricEnfermeroMobile, Goldendragonmu- seum, Olsonspterom, Mooftheriver, Jimcarreyyy, Rere1104, Andylara2014, Michael Ndimba, Jahmirmapp, TAMAssignment, Gerald- krasner, Crossswords, Teaksmitty, Remsense, Poptart Booty, Sabahudin9, LibDutch, Al nashmi27, Alonzo101, Milesjolly1997, Jasmine- mithani1992, Matt Rolfs, Ghaida88, Hoseinr59, Randomdice, Juan.clark.reyes, Archaeologist03, Shevy11, Notyobuss, Juhaszpatak and Anonymous: 1283

8.12.2 Images

/jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia.2011_نيسان_29مظاهرات_بانياس_جمعة_الغضب_-__(File:(Banyas_demonstration • commons/f/fa/%28Banyas_demonstration%29_%D9%85%D8%B8%D8%A7%D9%87%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%AA_%D8%A8%D8% A7%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B3_%D8%AC%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%BA%D8%B6%D8% A8_-_29_%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%B3%D8%A7%D9%86_2011.jpg License: CC BY 2.0 Contributors: [1] Original artist: Syria- Frames-Of-Freedom (Pro-FSA information) • File:A_coloured_voting_box.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/0/01/A_coloured_voting_box.svg License: Cc-by- sa-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Abdulredha_Buhmaid_on_floor.jpeg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/09/Abdulredha_Buhmaid_on_ floor.jpeg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Screenshot of this video [1]. Original artist: shaffeem • File:Africa_satellite_orthographic.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/2/21/Africa_satellite_orthographic.jpg Li- cense: ? Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Ala_kurdên_rojava.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2e/Flag_of_Syrian_Kurdistan.svg License: Pub- lic domain Contributors: Ala_kurdên_rojava.jpg, first uploaded in November 2011 by User:Gomada Original artist: unknown (tricolour of the colours of the PYD, a party established in 2003) • File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/77/Arab_Spring_and_ Regional_Conflict_Map.svg License: PD Contributors: Edited from PD file Original artist: Ian Remsen • File:Aung_San_Suu_Kyi_greeting_supporters_from_Bago_State.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ ab/Aung_San_Suu_Kyi_greeting_supporters_from_Bago_State.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Htoo Tay Zar • File:Benjamin_D._Maxham_-_Henry_David_Thoreau_-_Restored.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/ f/f0/Benjamin_D._Maxham_-_Henry_David_Thoreau_-_Restored.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: National Portrait Gallery, Washington Original artist: Benjamin D. Maxham active 1848 - 1858 94 CHAPTER 8. ARAB SPRING

• File:Boris_Yeltsin_19_August_1991-1.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/71/Boris_Yeltsin_19_August_ 1991-1.jpg License: CC BY 3.0 Contributors: FIRST RUSSIAN PRESIDENT. In Memory of Boris Yeltsin. - ПЕРВЫЙ ПРЕЗИДЕНТ РОССИИ. Памяти Бориса Ельцина Original artist: ITAR-TASS • File:Bundesarchiv_B_145_Bild-F065187-0014,_Bonn,_Pressekonferenz_der_Grünen,_Bundestagswahl.jpg Source: http://upload. wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bc/Bundesarchiv_B_145_Bild-F065187-0014%2C_Bonn%2C_Pressekonferenz_der_Gr%C3%BCnen% 2C_Bundestagswahl.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 de Contributors: This image was provided to Wikimedia Commons by the German Federal Archive (Deutsches Bundesarchiv) as part of a cooperation project. The German Federal Archive guarantees an authentic rep- resentation only using the originals (negative and/or positive), resp. the digitalization of the originals as provided by the Digital Image Archive. Original artist: Engelbert Reineke • File:Commons-logo.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License: ? Contributors: ? Origi- nal artist: ? • File:Day_of_Anger_marchers_with_out_signs.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c1/Day_of_Anger_marchers_ with_out_signs.jpg License: CC BY 2.0 Contributors: IMG00041-20110125-1342 Original artist: Muhammad Ghafari from Giza, Egypt • File:Demonstration_in_Al_Bayda_(Libya,_2011-07-22).jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cf/Demonstration_ ليبي_صح:Original artist: User ليبي_صح:in_Al_Bayda_%28Libya%2C_2011-07-22%29.jpg License: CC0 Contributors: User • File:Edit-clear.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/f/f2/Edit-clear.svg License: Public domain Contributors: The Tango! Desktop Project. Original artist: The people from the Tango! project. 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Original artist: Open Clip Art • File:Flag_of_Iran.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ca/Flag_of_Iran.svg License: Public domain Contrib- utors: URL http://www.isiri.org/portal/files/std/1.htm and an English translation / interpretation at URL http://flagspot.net/flags/ir'.html Original artist: Various • File:Flag_of_Iraq.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f6/Flag_of_Iraq.svg License: Public domain Contrib- utors: • This image is based on the CIA Factbook, and the website of Office of the President of Iraq, vectorized by User:Militaryace Original artist: Unknown, published by Iraqi governemt, vectorized by User:Militaryace based on the work of User:Hoshie • File:Flag_of_Israel.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d4/Flag_of_Israel.svg License: Public domain Con- tributors: http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/History/Modern%20History/Israel%20at%2050/The%20Flag%20and%20the%20Emblem Orig- inal artist: • File:Flag_of_Jordan.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c0/Flag_of_Jordan.svg License: Public domain Contributors: ? 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Based on Law No. 5 for the year 2006 amending some provisions of Law No. 22 for the year 2005 on the Sanctity of the Palestinian Flag Original artist: Orionist, previous versions by Makaristos, Mysid, etc. • File:Flag_of_Saudi_Arabia.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0d/Flag_of_Saudi_Arabia.svg License: CC0 Contributors: the actual flag Original artist: Unknown • File:Flag_of_Somalia.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a0/Flag_of_Somalia.svg License: Public domain Contributors: see below Original artist: see upload history • File:Flag_of_Sudan.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/01/Flag_of_Sudan.svg License: Public domain Con- tributors: www.vexilla-mundi.com Original artist: Vzb83 8.12. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES 95

• File:Flag_of_Syria.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/53/Flag_of_Syria.svg License: Public domain Con- tributors: see below Original artist: see below • File:Flag_of_Syria_2011,_observed.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/78/Flag_of_Syria_2011%2C_observed. svg License: CC0 Contributors: This vector image includes elements that have been taken or adapted from this: Syria-flag_1932-58_1961-63.svg. Original artist: Modification by AnonMoos of PD image File:Syria-flag_1932-58_1961-63.svg (previous non-vector versions were by Coup de crayon 2011) • File:Flag_of_Tunisia.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ce/Flag_of_Tunisia.svg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.w3.org/ Original artist: entraîneur: BEN KHALIFA WISSAM • File:Flag_of_Yemen.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/89/Flag_of_Yemen.svg License: CC0 Contribu- tors: Open Clip Art website Original artist: ? • File:Flag_of_the_Islamic_State_of_Iraq_and_the_Levant2.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/ed/Flag_ of_the_Islamic_State_of_Iraq_and_the_Levant2.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Flag of Islamic State of Iraq.svg Original artist: The Islamic State • File:Flag_of_the_United_Arab_Emirates.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cb/Flag_of_the_United_Arab_ Emirates.svg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Flower_Power_demonstrator.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4e/Flower_Power_demonstrator. jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This media is available in the holdings of the National Archives and Records Administration, cataloged under the ARC Identifier (National Archives Identifier) 594360. Original artist: Department of Defense • File:Folder_Hexagonal_Icon.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/48/Folder_Hexagonal_Icon.svg License: Cc-by- sa-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Gandhi_Salt_March.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/76/Gandhi_Salt_March.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.corbisimages.com/images/Corbis-HU026583.jpg?size=67&uid=f3ee0b3c-6f4c-489f-8ab2-f16e4079f4da Original artist: Walter Bosshard • File:Gandhi_suit.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/Gandhi_suit.jpg License: Public domain Contrib- utors: gandhiserve.org Original artist: Unknown • File:Henry_David_Thoreau.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/Henry_David_Thoreau.jpg License: Pub- lic domain Contributors: http://eserver.org/thoreau/images.html Original artist: villy • File:Hundreds_of_thousands_of_Bahrainis_taking_part_in_march_of_loyalty_to_martyrs.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia. org/wikipedia/commons/3/35/Hundreds_of_thousands_of_Bahrainis_taking_part_in_march_of_loyalty_to_martyrs.jpg License: CC BY- SA 3.0 Contributors: http://bahrain.viewbook.com/album/protests?p=1&s=UA-22319045-1#1 Original artist: Lewa'a Alnasr • File:Info_box_collage_for_mena_Arabic_protests.png Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b2/Info_box_collage_ for_mena_Arabic_protests.png License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: This file has been extracted from another image: File:Infobox collage for MENA protests.PNG.

ليبي :Original artist • File:Martin_Luther_King_-_March_on_Washington.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/81/Martin_Luther_ King_-_March_on_Washington.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This media is available in the holdings of the National Archives and Records Administration, cataloged under the ARC Identiﬁer (National Archives Identiﬁer) 542069. Original artist: Unknown? • File:Mergefrom.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0f/Mergefrom.svg License: Public domain Contribu- tors: ? Original artist: ? • File:MiddleEast_blacky.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/65/MiddleEast_blacky.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work Original artist: Madhero88 • File:Non-violent_resistance_during_the_No_NATO_protests,_Chicago,_May_20,_2012.png Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/ wikipedia/en/6/6b/Non-violent_resistance_during_the_No_NATO_protests%2C_Chicago%2C_May_20%2C_2012.png License: CC- BY-2.0 Contributors: https://www.flickr.com/photos/bartosz/7245658490/ Original artist: Bartosz Brzezinski https://www.flickr.com/people/76212679@N00 • File:Nonviolence_protesters-04-16-00.JPG Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cb/Nonviolence_protesters-04-16-00. JPG License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Carolmooredc • File:Paw_(Animal_Rights_symbol).svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/71/Paw_%28Animal_Rights_symbol% 29.svg License: GFDL Contributors: Original artist: Fred the Oyster

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• File:Phil_Radford,_Executive_Director_of_Greenpeace_USA,_is_Arrested_in_front_of_White_House.jpg Source: http://upload. wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/73/Phil_Radford%2C_Executive_Director_of_Greenpeace_USA%2C_is_Arrested_in_front_of_ White_House.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Joshua Lopez • File:Police_officer_speaking_to_demonstrator_during_civil_disobedience_action.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/4/4a/Police_officer_speaking_to_demonstrator_during_civil_disobedience_action.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work, UNITE HERE Picket photo set Original artist: Ben Schumin • File:Portrait_Gandhi.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d1/Portrait_Gandhi.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://flickr.com/photos/55638925@N00/255569844/ Original artist: Unknown • File:Question_book-new.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/9/99/Question_book-new.svg License: Cc-by-sa-3.0 Contributors: Created from scratch in Adobe Illustrator. Based on Image:Question book.png created by User:Equazcion Original artist: Tkgd2007 • File:Rosaparks.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c4/Rosaparks.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: USIA / National Archives and Records Administration Records of the U.S. Information Agency Record Group 306 Original artist: Un- known • File:Salt_March.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/99/Salt_March.jpg License: Public domain Contribu- tors: http://www.calpeacepower.org/0101/images/1930-pick-salt-GS_BG.jpg Original artist: Unknown • File:Samsung_Galaxy_S5_Vector.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/15/Samsung_Galaxy_S5_Vector. svg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Rafael Fernandez • File:Secretary_Kerry_Shakes_Hands_With_Bahraini_Crown_Prince_Salman_bin_Hamad_Al-Khalifa.jpg Source: http://upload. wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/67/Secretary_Kerry_Shakes_Hands_With_Bahraini_Crown_Prince_Salman_bin_Hamad_Al-Khalifa. jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.flickr.com/photos/statephotos/8972256790/sizes/o/in/photostream/ Original artist: U.S. Department of State • File:Tahrir_Square_on_February11.png Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f3/Tahrir_Square_on_February11. png License: CC BY 2.0 Contributors: Flickr Original artist: Jonathan Rashad • File:Thefalloftheberlinwall1989.JPG Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/52/Thefalloftheberlinwall1989.JPG License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Original photo by unknown author. Reproduction from public documentation/memorial by Lear 21 Original artist: Unknown photographer, Reproduction by Lear 21 • File:Tunisia_Unrest_-_VOA_-_Tunis_14_Jan_2011_(2).jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/53/Tunisia_ Unrest_-_VOA_-_Tunis_14_Jan_2011_%282%29.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: VOA: Tunisia Unrest, slideshow Original artist: VOA Photo/L. Bryant • File:Vaclav_Havel_IMF.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a7/Vaclav_Havel_IMF.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.imf.org/external/photo/allphoto.asp?g=12 Original artist: the International Monetary Fund • File:Wikinews-logo.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/24/Wikinews-logo.svg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: This is a cropped version of Image:Wikinews-logo-en.png. Original artist: Vectorized by Simon 01:05, 2 August 2006 (UTC) Updated by Time3000 17 April 2007 to use oﬃcial Wikinews colours and appear correctly on dark backgrounds. Originally uploaded by Simon. • File:Wikiquote-logo.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fa/Wikiquote-logo.svg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Wikiversity-logo.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/91/Wikiversity-logo.svg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Snorky (optimized and cleaned up by verdy_p) Original artist: Snorky (optimized and cleaned up by verdy_p) • File:Wiktionary-logo-en.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/Wiktionary-logo-en.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Vector version of Image:Wiktionary-logo-en.png. Original artist: Vectorized by Fvasconcellos (talk · contribs), based on original logo tossed together by Brion Vibber • File:Yemeni_Protests_4-Apr-2011_P01.JPG Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/80/Yemeni_Protests_4-Apr-2011_ P01.JPG License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Email4mobile

8.12.3 Content license

• Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Civil Disobedience

First published Thu Jan 4, 2007; substantive revision Fri Dec 20, 2013

What makes a breach of law an act of civil disobedience? When is civil disobedience morally justified? How should the law respond to people who engage in civil disobedience? Discussions of civil disobedience have tended to focus on the first two of these questions. On the most widely accepted account of civil disobedience, famously defended by John Rawls (1971), civil disobedience is a public, non-violent and conscientious breach of law undertaken with the aim of bringing about a change in laws or government policies. On this account, people who engage in civil disobedience are willing to accept the legal consequences of their actions, as this shows their fidelity to the rule of law. Civil disobedience, given its place at the boundary of fidelity to law, is said to fall between legal protest, on the one hand, and conscientious refusal, revolutionary action, militant protest and organised forcible resistance, on the other hand.

This picture of civil disobedience raises many questions. Why must civil disobedience be nonviolent? Why must it be public, in the sense of forewarning authorities of the intended action, since publicity gives authorities an opportunity to interfere with the action? Why must people who engage in civil disobedience be willing to accept punishment? A general challenge to Rawls's conception of civil disobedience is that it is overly narrow, and as such it predetermines the conclusion that most acts of civil disobedience are morally justifiable. A further challenge is that Rawls applies his theory of civil disobedience only to the context of a nearly just society, leaving unclear whether a credible conception of either the nature or the justification of civil disobedience could follow the same lines in the context of less just societies. Some broader accounts of civil disobedience offered in response to Rawls's view (Raz, 1979; Greenawalt, 1987) will be examined in the first section of this entry.

This entry has four main sections. The first considers some definitional issues and contrasts civil disobedience with both ordinary offences and other types of dissent. The second analyses two sets of factors relevant to the justification of civil disobedience; one set concerns the disobedient's particular choice of action, the other concerns her motivation for so acting. The third section examines whether people have a right to engage in civil disobedience. The fourth considers what kind of legal response to civil disobedience is appropriate.

 1. Definitions o 1.1 Features of Civil Disobedience o 1.2 Ordinary Offences o 1.3 Other Types of Dissent  2. Justification o 2.1 Mode of Action o 2.2 Motivation for Acting  3. Rights  4. Punishment o 4.1 Theories of Punishment o 4.2 Punishing Civil Disobedience  5. Conclusion  Bibliography  Academic Tools  Other Internet Resources  Related Entries

1. Definitions

The term ‘civil disobedience’ was coined by Henry David Thoreau in his 1848 essay to describe his refusal to pay the state poll tax implemented by the American government to prosecute a war in Mexico and to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law. In his essay, Thoreau observes that only a very few people – heroes, martyrs, patriots, reformers in the best sense – serve their society with their consciences, and so necessarily resist society for the most part, and are commonly treated by it as enemies. Thoreau, for his part, spent time in jail for his protest. Many after him have proudly identified their protests as acts of civil disobedience and have been treated by their societies – sometimes temporarily, sometimes indefinitely – as its enemies.

Throughout history, acts of civil disobedience famously have helped to force a reassessment of society's moral parameters. The Boston Tea Party, the suffragette movement, the resistance to British rule in India led by Gandhi, the US civil rights movement led by Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks and others, the resistance to apartheid in South Africa, student sit-ins against the Vietnam War, the democracy movement in Myanmar/Burma led by Aung San Suu Kyi, to name a few, are all instances where civil disobedience proved to be an important mechanism for social change. The ultimate impact of more recent acts of civil disobedience – anti-abortion trespass demonstrations or acts of disobedience taken as part of the environmental movement and animal rights movement – remains to be seen.

Certain features of civil disobedience seem vital not only to its impact on societies and governments, but also to its status as a potentially justifiable breach of law. Civil disobedience is generally regarded as more morally defensible than both ordinary offences and other forms of protest such as militant action or coercive violence. Before contrasting civil disobedience with both ordinary offences and other types of protest, attention should be given to the features exemplified in the influential cases noted above. These features include, amongst other things, a conscientious or principled outlook and the communication of both condemnation and a desire for change in law or policy. Other features commonly cited – publicity, non-violence, fidelity to law – will also be considered here though they prove to be less central than is sometimes assumed. The second part of this section contrasts civil disobedience with ordinary offences and the third part contrasts it with legal protest, rule departures by officials, conscientious objection, radical protest (often labelled ‘terrorism’), and revolutionary action.

1.1 Features of Civil Disobedience

Conscientiousness: This feature, highlighted in almost all accounts of civil disobedience, points to the seriousness, sincerity and moral conviction with which civil disobedients breach the law. For many disobedients, their breach of law is demanded of them not only by self-respect and moral consistency but also by their perception of the interests of their society. Through their disobedience, they draw attention to laws or policies that they believe require reassessment or rejection. Whether their challenges are well-founded is another matter, which will be taken up in Section 2.

On Rawls's account of civil disobedience, in a nearly just society, civil disobedients address themselves to the majority to show that, in their considered opinion, the principles of justice governing cooperation amongst free and equal persons have not been respected by policymakers. Rawls's restriction of civil disobedience to breaches that defend the principles of justice may be criticised for its narrowness since, presumably, a wide range of legitimate values not wholly reducible to justice, such as transparency, security, stability, privacy, integrity, and autonomy, could motivate people to engage in civil disobedience. However, Rawls does allow that considerations arising from people's comprehensive moral outlooks may be offered in the public sphere provided that, in due course, people present public reasons, given by a reasonable political conception of justice, sufficient to support whatever their comprehensive doctrines were introduced to support (Rawls, 1996). Rawls's proviso grants that people often engage in the public sphere for a variety of reasons; so even when justice figures prominently in a person's decision to use civil disobedience, other considerations could legitimately contribute to her decision to act. The activism of Martin Luther King Jr. is a case in point. King was motivated by his religious convictions and his commitments to democracy, equality, and justice to undertake protests such as the Montgomery bus boycott. Rawls maintains that, while he does not know whether King thought of himself as fulfilling the purpose of the proviso, King could have fulfilled it; and had he accepted public reason he certainly would have fulfilled it. Thus, on Rawls's view, King's activism is civil disobedience.

Since people can undertake political protest for a variety of reasons, civil disobedience sometimes overlaps with other forms of dissent. A US draft-dodger during the Vietnam War might be said to combine civil disobedience and conscientious objection in the same action. And, most famously, Gandhi may be credited with combining civil disobedience with revolutionary action. That said, despite the potential for overlap, some broad distinctions may be drawn between civil disobedience and other forms of protest in terms of the scope of the action and agents' motivations (Section 1.3).

Communication: In civilly disobeying the law, a person typically has both forward-looking and backward-looking aims. She seeks not only to convey her disavowal and condemnation of a certain law or policy, but also to draw public attention to this particular issue and thereby to instigate a change in law or policy. A parallel may be drawn between the communicative aspect of civil disobedience and the communicative aspect of lawful punishment by the state (Brownlee, 2012; 2004). Like civil disobedience, lawful punishment is associated with a backward-looking aim to demonstrate condemnation of certain conduct as well as a forward-looking aim to bring about a lasting change in that conduct. The forward and backward-looking aims of punishment apply not only to the particular offence in question, but also to the kind of conduct of which this offence is an example. There is some dispute over the kinds of policies that civil disobedients may target through their breach of law. Some exclude from the class of civilly disobedient acts those breaches of law that protest the decisions of private agents such as trade unions, banks, private universities, etc. (Raz, 1979, 264). Others, by contrast, maintain that disobedience in opposition to the decisions of private agents can reflect a larger challenge to the legal system that permits those decisions to be taken, which makes it appropriate to place this disobedience under the umbrella of civil disobedience (Brownlee, 2012; 2007). There is more agreement amongst thinkers that civil disobedience can be either direct or indirect. In other words, civil disobedients can either breach the law they oppose or breach a law which, other things being equal, they do not oppose in order to demonstrate their protest against another law or policy. Trespassing on a military base to spray-paint nuclear missile silos in protest against current military policy would be an example of indirect civil disobedience. It is worth noting that the distinction often drawn between direct civil disobedience and indirect civil disobedience is less clear-cut than generally assumed. For example, refusing to pay taxes that support the military could be seen as either indirect or direct civil disobedience against military policy. Although this act typically would be classified as indirect disobedience, a part of one's taxes, in this case, would have gone directly to support the policy one opposes.

Publicity: The feature of communication may be contrasted with that of publicity. The latter is endorsed by Rawls who argues that civil disobedience is never covert or secretive; it is only ever committed in public, openly, and with fair notice to legal authorities (Rawls, 1971, 366). Hugo A. Bedau adds to this that usually it is essential to the dissenter's purpose that both the government and the public know what she intends to do (Bedau, 1961, 655). However, although sometimes advance warning may be essential to a dissenter's strategy, this is not always the case. As noted at the outset, publicity sometimes detracts from or undermines the attempt to communicate through civil disobedience. If a person publicises her intention to breach the law, then she provides both political opponents and legal authorities with the opportunity to abort her efforts to communicate (Smart, 1991, 206). For this reason, unannounced or (initially) covert disobedience is sometimes preferable to actions undertaken publicly and with fair warning. Examples include releasing animals from research laboratories or vandalising military property; to succeed in carrying out these actions, disobedients would have to avoid publicity of the kind Rawls defends. Such acts of civil disobedience nonetheless may be regarded as ‘open’ when followed soon after by an acknowledgment of the act and the reasons for acting. Openness and publicity, even at the cost of having one's protest frustrated, offer ways for disobedients to show their willingness to deal fairly with authorities.

Non-violence: A controversial issue in debates on civil disobedience is non-violence. Like publicity, non-violence is said to diminish the negative effects of breaching the law. Some theorists go further and say that civil disobedience is, by definition, non-violent. According to Rawls, violent acts likely to injure are incompatible with civil disobedience as a mode of address. ‘Indeed’, says Rawls, ‘any interference with the civil liberties of others tends to obscure the civilly disobedient quality of one's act.’(Rawls, 1971, 366).

Even though paradigmatic disobedients like Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr embody Rawls's image of non-violent direct action, opponents of Rawls's view have challenged the centrality of non-violence for civil disobedience on several fronts. First, there is the problem of specifying an appropriate notion of violence. It is unclear, for example, whether violence to self, violence to property, or minor violence against others (such as a vicious pinch) should be included in a conception of the relevant kinds of violence. If the significant criterion for a commonsense notion of a violent act is a likelihood of causing injury, however minor, then these kinds of acts count as acts of violence (See Morreall, 1991). Second, non-violent acts or legal acts sometimes cause more harm to others than do violent acts (Raz, 1979, 267). A legal strike by ambulance workers may well have much more severe consequences than minor acts of vandalism. Third, violence, depending on its form, does not necessarily obscure the communicative quality of a disobedient's action as Rawls and Peter Singer suggests it does (Singer, 1973, 86). Limited violence used to achieve a specific objective might heighten the communicative quality of the act by drawing greater attention to the dissenter's cause and by emphasising her seriousness and frustration.

These observations do not alter the fact that non-violent dissent normally is preferable to violent dissent. As Raz observes, non-violence avoids the direct harm caused by violence, and nonviolence does not encourage violence in other situations where violence would be wrong, something which an otherwise warranted use of violence may do. Moreover, as a matter of prudence, non-violence does not carry the same risk of antagonising potential allies or confirming the antipathy of opponents (Raz, 1979, 267). Furthermore, non-violence does not distract the attention of the public, and it probably denies authorities an excuse to use violent countermeasures against disobedients.

Non-violence, publicity and a willingness to accept punishment are often regarded as marks of disobedients' fidelity to the legal system in which they carry out their protest. Those who deny that these features are definitive of civil disobedience endorse a more inclusive conception according to which civil disobedience involves a conscientious and communicative breach of law designed to demonstrate condemnation of a law or policy and to contribute to a change in that law or policy. Such a conception allows that civil disobedience can be violent, partially covert, and revolutionary. This conception also accommodates vagaries in the practice and justifiability of civil disobedience for different political contexts: it grants that the appropriate model of how civil disobedience works in a context such as apartheid South Africa may differ from the model that applies to a well-ordered, liberal, just democracy. An even broader conception of civil disobedience would draw no clear boundaries between civil disobedience and other forms of protest such as conscientious objection, forcible resistance, and revolutionary action. A disadvantage of this last conception is that it blurs the lines between these different types of protest and so might both weaken claims about the defensibility of civil disobedience and invite authorities and opponents of civil disobedience to lump all illegal protest under one umbrella.

1.2 Ordinary Offences

In democratic societies, civil disobedience as such is not a crime. If a disobedient is punished by the law, it is not for civil disobedience, but for the recognised offences she commits, such as blocking a road or disturbing the peace, or trespassing, or damaging property, etc. Therefore, if judges are persuaded, as they sometimes are, either not to punish a disobedient or to punish her differently from other people who breach the same laws, it must be on the basis of some feature or features of her action which distinguish it from the acts of ordinary offenders. Typically a person who commits an offence has no wish to communicate with her government or society. This is evinced by the fact that usually an offender does not intend to make it known that she has breached the law. Since, in most cases, she wishes to benefit or, at least, not to suffer from her unlawful action, it is in her interests to preserve the secrecy of her conduct. An exception might be where a person's breach is sufficiently minor, such as jaywalking, that concealment is unnecessary since sanction is unlikely to follow. Another exception might be where a person wishes to thumb her nose at authorities by advertising that she has committed a crime. By making an exception of herself and by distancing herself from a legal rule, this ordinary offender communicates a certain disregard for the law. This communication, however, does not normally reflect an aim either to demonstrate conscientiously held objections to that law or to lead society to reform the law. Civil disobedients, by contrast, seek to make their disobedience known to specific members of the community either before or after the fact to demonstrate both the seriousness of their condemnation of that law or policy and their sincere desire for policy change. The difference in communication between the civil disobedient and the ordinary offender reflects a deeper difference in motivation for breaching the law (Brownlee, 2012).

A further difference between civil disobedience and common crimes pertains to the willingness of the offender to accept the legal consequences. The willingness of disobedients to accept punishment is taken not only as a mark of (general) fidelity to the law, but also as an assertion that they differ from ordinary offenders. Accepting punishment also can have great strategic value, as Martin Luther King Jr observes: ‘If you confront a man who has been cruelly misusing you, and say “Punish me, if you will; I do not deserve it, but I will accept it, so that the world will know I am right and you are wrong,” then you wield a powerful and just weapon.’ (Washington, 1991, 348). Moreover, like non-violence, a willingness to accept the legal consequences normally is preferable, and often has a positive impact on the disobedient's cause. This willingness may make the majority realise that what is for them a matter of indifference is for disobedients a matter of great importance (Singer, 1973, 84). Similarly, it may demonstrate the purity or selflessness of the disobedient's motives or serve as a means to mobilise more broad-based support (Raz, 1979, 265). And yet, punishment can also be detrimental to dissenters' efforts by compromising future attempts to assist others through protest (Greenawalt, 1987, 239). Furthermore, the link between a willingness to accept punishment and respect for law can be pulled apart. A revolutionary like Gandhi was happy to go to jail for his offences, but felt no fidelity toward the particular legal system in which he acted.

1.3 Other Types of Dissent

Although civil disobedience often overlaps broadly with other types of dissent, nevertheless some rough distinctions may be drawn between the key features of civil disobedience and the key features of these other practices.

Legal Protest: The obvious difference between legal protest and civil disobedience is that the former lies within the bounds of the law, but the latter does not. Most of the other features exemplified in civil disobedience can be found in legal protest including a conscientious and communicative demonstration of protest, a desire to bring about through moral dialogue some lasting change in policy or principle, an attempt to educate and to raise awareness, and so on. The difference in legality translates into a more significant, moral difference when placed against the backdrop of a general moral obligation to follow the law. If it is morally wrong to breach the law, then special justification is required for civil disobedience which is not required for legal protest. However, the political regime in which obedience is demanded may be relevant here. David Lyons maintains that the Jim Crow laws (racial segregation laws in force in the southern US until 1964), British colonial rule in India, and chattel slavery in antebellum America offer three refutations of the view that civil disobedience requires moral justification in morally objectionable regimes. According to Lyons, there can be no moral presumption in favour of obedience to the law in such regimes, and therefore no moral justification is required for civil disobedience. ‘Insofar as civil disobedience theory assumes that political resistance requires moral justification even in settings that are morally comparable to Jim Crow,’ says Lyons, ‘it is premised on serious moral error.’ (Lyons, 1998, 39). If one takes the view that there is no general moral obligation to follow the law (irrespective of regime), then both adherence to the law and breach of law must be judged not on their legality, but on their character and consequences. And this would mean that, even in morally reprehensible regimes, justification may be demanded for civil disobedience that either has significant negative consequences or falls below certain moral standards.

Although questions of justification will be addressed more fully in the next section, it is worth noting here one point in favour of civil disobedience over legal protest. As Bertrand Russell observes, typically it is difficult to make the most salient facts in a dispute known through conventional channels of participation. The controllers of mainstream media tend to give defenders of unpopular views limited space to make their case. Given the sensational news value of illegal methods, however, engaging in civil disobedience often leads to wide dissemination of a position (Russell, 1998, 635). John Stuart Mill observes, with regard to dissent in general, that sometimes the only way to make a view heard is to allow, or even to invite, society to ridicule and sensationalise it as intemperate and irrational (Mill, 1999). Admittedly, the success of this strategy depends partly on the character of the society in which it is employed; but it should not be ruled out as a strategy for communication.

Rule Departures: A practice distinct from, but related to, civil disobedience is rule departure on the part of authorities. Rule departure is essentially the deliberate decision by an official, for conscientious reasons, not to discharge the duties of her office (Feinberg, 1979). It may involve a decision by police not to arrest offenders (cf. Smith, 2012) or a decision by prosecutors not to proceed to trial, or a decision by a jury or by a judge to acquit an obviously guilty person. Whether these conscientious acts actually contravene the general duties of the office is debatable. If an official's breach of a specific duty is more in keeping with the spirit and overall aims of the office than a painstaking respect for its particular duties is, then the former might be said to adhere better than the latter does to the demands of the office (Greenawalt, 1987, 281)

Rule departures resemble civil disobedience in that both involve dissociation from and condemnation of certain policies and practices. Moreover, both are communicative, though their audiences may differ. The official who departs from the rules of her office addresses her action principally to the individuals or groups whom she intends to assist through her breach of a specific duty. Her action demonstrates to these parties both that she disagrees with a policy that would treat them in a certain way and that her actions align with her commitments. Where civil disobedience and rule departure differ is, first, in the identity of their practitioners. Whereas rule departure typically is an action taken by an agent of the state (including juries), civil disobedience typically is an action taken by citizens (including officials acting as ordinary citizens and not in the capacity of their official role). Second these practices differ in their legality. Whether rule departure actually involves a breach of law is unclear. Civil disobedience, by contrast, involves the breach of a law currently on the books. A third difference between rule departure and civil disobedience is that, unlike civil disobedience, rule departure does not usually expose those who employ it to the risks of sanction or punishment (Feinberg, 1979)

Conscientious Objection: This kind of protest may be understood as a violation of the law motivated by the dissenter's belief that she is morally prohibited to follow the law because the law is either bad or wrong, totally or in part. The conscientious objector may believe, for example, that the general character of the law in question is morally wrong (as an absolute pacifist would believe of conscription), or that the law extends to certain cases which it should not cover (an orthodox Christian would regard euthanasia as murder) (Raz, 1979, 263). While commonly taken to refer to pacifist objections to military service, conscientious objection, says Raz, may apply to any law, negative or positive, that a person believes for moral reasons she is compelled to disobey. A narrower conception of conscientious objection, described as conscientious refusal, characterises this kind of disobedience as non-compliance with a more or less direct legal injunction or administrative order (Rawls, 1971, 368). Examples would be the refusal of Jehovah's Witnesses to salute the flag or Thoreau's refusal to pay his taxes (it is interesting that the action of the man who coined the term ‘civil disobedience’ is regarded by many as lying at the periphery of what counts as civil disobedience). Whereas conscientious refusal is undertaken with the assumption that authorities are aware of the breach of law, conscientious evasion is undertaken with the assumption that the breach of law is wholly covert. The devout person who continues to practice her religion in secret after it has been banned does not protest against the law, but breaches it covertly for moral reasons. The personal nature of this disobedience commands respect, as it suggests modesty and reflection, which more vocal and confident displays of conviction may lack.

The differences between civil disobedience and conscientious evasion are easier to identify than those between civil disobedience and conscientious refusal or conscientious objection. Although conscientious objection typically is not characterised by the aim to communicate to government and society either that a law has been breached or the reasons behind the breach, nevertheless many acts commonly classified as conscientious objection – tax avoidance and resistance to conscription – have a public or communicative component. Moreover, when such actions are taken by many people their collective impact can approximate the kind of communicative protest exemplified in civil disobedience.

A more obvious difference between civil disobedience and conscientious objection is that, whereas the former is invariably illegal, sometimes the latter is legal. In the context of military conscription, some legal systems regard conscientious objection as a legitimate ground for avoiding frontline military service.

Radical Protest: Some forms of dissent such as coercive violence, organised forcible resistance, militant action, intimidation, and terrorisation lie further outside the realm of tolerated (or tolerable) political action than civil disobedience does. There are reasons to avoid labelling such disobedience (or anything else) as ‘terrorism’. Not only is the term ‘terrorism’ inflammatory, but also it is bandied about by governments to capture an overly broad range of actions. Whereas ‘civil disobedience’ has developed as a positive term which many people apply to their own protests, ‘terrorism’ is an epithet applied only to the actions of others. Given the highly negative connotations of this term, its (philosophical) usefulness is questionable. Less loaded notions of intimidation, terrorisation, forcible resistance, and severe violence offer greater space for a proper analysis of the justifiability of using such measures in political protest.

While a civil disobedient does not necessarily oppose the regime in which she acts, the militant or radical protester is deeply opposed to that regime (or a core aspect of that regime). This protester uses modes of communication unlikely to persuade others of the merits of her position. Her aims are more urgent and extreme than those of the civil disobedient; she seeks rapid change through brutal strategies of coercion and intimidation, not through strategies of persuasion and moral appeal. And often her action includes force or extreme violence as a key component. Given the nature of her conduct and objectives, she is likely to try to evade the legal consequences of her action. This is less often the case for civil disobedients.

Revolutionary Action: The difference between radical protest and revolutionary action may be as difficult to specify as that between revolutionary action and civil disobedience. One point of difference amongst the three concerns the nature of the objectives. Acts of civil disobedience often have focused and limited objectives. Acts of terrorisation or large-scale coercive violence are typically associated with a general aim of generating fear and insecurity while keeping any specific aims or demands oblique. Revolutionary action is typified by a comprehensive objective to bring about a regime change. Both acts of radical protest and acts of civil disobedience can of course fall within a revolutionary project, and may even coincide with each other (as they perhaps did in the sabotage strategies used by Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress).

As a general practice, revolution, like radical protest, does not seek to persuade the government to change established policies. But, unlike much radical protest, revolutionary action may seek to persuade the society under that government that a change in regime is required. If revolutionaries seek to persuade the government of anything, it is that it should cease to be the government. In India, Gandhi had some success in this project. Once the movement became irresistible, the British left India fairly peacefully. But Gandhi's revolutionary project may be contrasted with other revolutions such as the French revolution, or even the South African revolution, where there were endorsements of revolutionary terror. Large-scale resistance that incorporates terrorisation is quite a different enterprise from the non-violent resistance that distinguished Gandhi's protest. Since, as noted above, people may engage in dissent for numerous reasons, acts of civil disobedience like Gandhi's that are guided by conscientious commitments can also be driven by revolutionary aims.

The various points of contact and overlap amongst different types of political protest suggest that there is no one-dimensional continuum from weak to strong dissent. There is more plausibility in the idea of a multi-dimensional continuum of protest, which recognises the complexities in such critical points of contrast as legality, violence, harm, communication, motivation, and persuasiveness. 2. Justification

On many views, an analysis of the justifiability of civil disobedience must consider not only the dissenter's particular action and its likely consequences, but also her motivation for engaging in this act of civil disobedience. Factors relevant to a disobedient's choice of action include: its illegality, its use as a last resort or first resort, any coordination with other dissenters, the likelihood of success, the directness or indirectness of the action, and the expected harm. Factors relevant to motivation include: the merit or lack thereof in the dissenter's cause, her reasons for defending that cause, and her reasons for engaging in this form of protest. Although they are examined separately below, these two sets of factors inevitably overlap.

2.1 Mode of Action

The task of defending civil disobedience is commonly undertaken with the assumption that in reasonably just, liberal societies people have a general moral obligation to follow the law. In the history of philosophy, many arguments have been given for legal obligation (often called ‘political obligation’). Plato's Socrates, in the Crito, offers at least two lines of argument for legal obligation in order to defend his decision not to escape from prison. First, Socrates emphasises the importance of moral consistency; he would prefer to give up his life than to compromise his principles. A basic principle for Socrates is that a person must never do wrong or injury in return for wrong. To escape without persuading the state would be to try to destroy it and its laws. Second, Socrates maintains that he has an obligation to follow the laws of Athens since he has tacitly agreed to do so and since he enjoys the rights and benefits of citizenship. This voluntarist line of argument is also espoused later by John Locke, who argues that we have a duty to follow the law only when we have consented to its rule. This view contrasts with the non-voluntarist position of David Hume, according to which the obligation to follow the law is rooted in the value of government under law. From these two traditions rise the principal contemporary arguments for legal obligation, which concern respectively consent, gratitude, promise-keeping, fairness, necessary institutions, and public good. Many of the contemporary voluntarist and non- voluntarist arguments have been criticised in recent debates, giving rise to the view that, while there are both ordinary reasons to follow the law and strong moral obligations to follow particular laws, there is no general moral obligation to follow the law. One reason to think there is no such obligation is that the legality of an action does not significantly affect its moral status (Smith, 1973). The claim is that jaywalking across an empty street, for example, is hardly reprehensible and its illegality does not make it more reprehensible. Similarly, spitting at someone's feet or refusing without cause to acknowledge that person is reprehensible and its legality does not diminish that.

On the assumption that people have a pro tanto obligation to follow the law (or at least those laws that are not excessively unjust), it follows that people then have a pro tanto obligation to use the proper legal channels of political participation before resorting to illegal methods. On this view, civil disobedience can be justified only when employed as a last resort. But since causes defended by a minority are often those most opposed by persons in power, legal channels may be less than wholly effective. Moreover, it is unclear when a person could claim to have reached the situation of last resort; she could continue to use the same tired legal methods without end. To ward off such challenges, Rawls suggests that, if past actions have shown the majority to be immovable or apathetic, then further attempts may reasonably be thought fruitless and one may be confident one's civil disobedience is a last resort.

Another condition for civil disobedience to be justified, according to Rawls, is that disobedients coordinate with other minorities. Since minority groups are equally justified in resorting to civil disobedience when they have sufficiently weighty objections, these groups should avoid undermining each others' efforts through simultaneous appeals to the attention of society and government. Some coordination of activities is required, says Rawls, to regulate the overall level of dissent (Rawls, 1971, 374–5). While there is some merit to this condition, civil disobedience that does not meet it might still be justifiable. In some cases, there will be no time or opportunity to coordinate with other minorities. And in other cases, other minority groups may be unable or unwilling to coordinate. It is an open question then whether the refusal or inability of other groups to cooperate should affect the ultimate defensibility of a person's decision to engage in civil disobedience.

A reason for Rawls to defend this coordination requirement is that, in most cases, it serves a more important concern, namely, the achievement of good consequences. It is often argued that civil disobedience can only be justified if there is a high probability of producing positive change through that disobedience. Only this can justify exposing one's society to the risk of harm. The harms usually identified with civil disobedience are as follows. First, civil disobedience can be a divisive force in society. Second, since civil disobedience is normally designed to attract public attention, it can lead people, as a result, to think of resorting to disobedience to achieve whatever changes in law or policy they find justified (Raz, 1979, 262). Third, civil disobedience can encourage more than just other civil disobedience; it can encourage a general disrespect for the law, particularly where the law is perceived as being lenient toward certain kinds of offences.

In response to these challenges, one might question the empirical claims that civil disobedience is divisive and that it has the consequence of leading others to use disobedience to achieve changes in policy. One might also question whether it necessarily would be a bad thing if civil disobedience had these consequences. Concerning likelihood of success, civil disobedience actually can seem most justifiable when the situation appears hopeless and when the government refuses to listen to conventional forms of communication. Additionally, even when general success seems unlikely, civil disobedience might be defended for any reprieve from harm that it brings to victims of a bad law or policy. Tree-hugging, for example, can delay or curtail a clear- cut logging scheme and thereby prolong the protection of an eco-system.

Two final factors concerning a disobedient's choice of action are non-violence and directness. Many theorists regard non-violence as necessary to the justifiability of civil disobedience. But, as noted earlier, there can be good reasons to prefer strategic use of violence in civil disobedience to the harm and injustice of the law. Sometimes the wrong that a dissenter perceives may be so iniquitous that it is right to use violence to root it out. Such violence may be necessary to preserve or to re-establish the rights and civil liberties that coercive practices seek to suspend (Raz, 1979). Concerning directness, some argue that civil disobedience is more justifiable the more direct it is since direct disobedience targets the specific legal wrong that prompted it (Greenawalt, 1987, 235). While directness may ensure that the objective of the dissent is understood, it has disadvantages; and in some contexts direct action cannot be justified. When direct disobedience would fail to treat others with respect or would cause far greater harm than either adherence to the law or indirect disobedience would cause, then indirect disobedience has a greater claim to justification. But, when indirect civil disobedience would be either misconstrued or viewed in isolation from the law opposed, then direct disobedience, assuming it meets certain moral requirements (which are determined by the content of the law opposed), may have greater justification. People who use indirect disobedience have, other things being equal, no objective reasons to breach the law that they breach. This means that the justification for their disobedience must turn solely on the value of that action as the appropriate vehicle through which to communicate their objection.

As a vehicle for communication, civil disobedience has much to be said for it. It was noted in Section 1.3 that civil disobedience can often better contribute to a dialogue with society and the state than legal protest can since controllers of mainstream media tend not to give unpopular views a hearing unless they are advocated through sensational means such as illegal protest. But, as the above points have indicated, the justifiability of an act of civil disobedience depends greatly on its specific features. Civil disobedience sometimes serves primarily to inform and to educate the public about an issue. But other times, it acts by confronting the majority with the higher costs of retaining a given law or policy in the face of continued, concerted opposition. The nature of these strategies and, as discussed below, the motivations for selecting one over another inform an analysis of justifiability.

2.2 Motivation for Acting

On many views, for an act of civil disobedience to be justified, it is insufficient that the dissenter's act meet criteria such as those noted above. It is equally important that she choose that action for the right reasons. The first requirement she must satisfy is that her cause be well- founded. A dissenter may believe that her cause is just and that her disobedience is morally permissible, but she might be mistaken either about the facts or about her principles. Assuming her challenge is well-founded, there are two further issues. The first pertains to her reasons for supporting this cause. The second pertains to her reasons for taking this particular act of disobedience.

Concerning the former, if a person advocates a legitimate cause such as equal rights for black Americans simply for the reason that she seeks re-election or promotion or the admiration of friends while having no real sympathy for this cause, then she acts not for decisive reasons. To be fully justified in her defence of this cause, she must act on the basis of good reasons to support equality amongst peoples; such reasons could include her sense of injustice for the ill- treatment of black Americans or her respect for the dignity of persons or her appreciation that real equality of rights best serves the interests of all American people. It would be appropriate to judge negatively the character of a person who was improperly motivated to take praiseworthy action in defence of others' rights. Concerning the latter, sometimes reasons apply to a situation but do not favour the particular action that a person takes. When deciding how best to defend a legitimate cause, a person must give thought to the appropriate strategy to adopt. A person may have reasons for engaging in one form of disobedience, but choose to engage in another form that is not supported by these reasons. For example, she may have an undefeated reason to participate in a road block because this action is well suited to her political concerns and is one that her government understands and responds well to or because this action has a public impact that does not greatly harm the interests of others; but, she has no undefeated reason, say, to trespass on government property or to engage in vandalism. In taking the latter actions, she is guilty of a certain error of judgment about which actions are supported by reasons that admittedly apply (See Gardner and Macklem 2002). Given her error, the best she could claim is that her conduct is excused, as she had reason to believe that she had reason to undertake that particular form of civil disobedience. When, by contrast, a person's civilly disobedient action is supported by undefeated reasons that apply to her situation then her choice of action is justified. The justification for her action stems from its appropriateness as the action to take. Its appropriateness is structured in part by the political regime, the tone of the social environment, the actions taken by other political participants, and so on. All of these factors bear on the appropriateness of a given action and the manner in which it is performed, and thus determine to what extent the reasons that support it provide a justification.

The various constraints and requirements discussed above do not amount to a complete defence for civil disobedience. A fuller defence would appeal to the social value of civil disobedience. Justified civil disobedience, says Rawls, can serve to inhibit departures from justice and to correct departures when they occur; thus it can act as a stabilising force in society (Rawls, 1971, 383). Justice aside, civil disobedience and dissent more generally contribute to the democratic exchange of ideas by forcing the champions of dominant opinion to defend their views. Mill maintains in On Liberty that if there are any persons who contest a received opinion, we should thank them for it, open our minds to listen to them, and rejoice that there is someone to do for us what we otherwise ought to do ourselves (Mill, 1999, 90). In fact, one could argue that those who breach the law in justified civil disobedience demonstrate responsible citizenship or civic virtue. Richard Dagger argues that

To be virtuous…is to perform well a socially necessary or important role. This does not mean that the virtuous person must always go along with the prevailing views or attitudes. On the contrary, Socrates and John Stuart Mill have persuaded many people to believe that questioning and challenging the prevailing views are among the highest forms of virtue (Dagger, 1997, 14).

This view of dissent and justified civil disobedience aligns with an increasingly common perception that our responsibilities as citizens go well beyond any obligation to follow the law. Indeed, under certain conditions, our obligations are to resist unjust and unfair schemes, and this can include a duty to disobey the law (Delmas, forthcoming). 3. Rights

An issue associated with, but distinct from, that of justification is whether people have a right to engage in civil disobedience. Most thinkers who have considered civil disobedience defend a limited right to such protest. Rawls, for example, maintains that, even in a nearly just society, a person may be supposed to have a right to engage in civil disobedience when three conditions are met. These are the conditions he sets for justified civil disobedience: it is undertaken 1) in response to an instance of substantial and clear injustice, 2) as a last resort and 3) in coordination with other minority groups. Rawls's approach has been criticised for not clearly distinguishing his account of justified civil disobedience from an account of the disobedience which people have a right to take. There is much disagreement over the kinds of actions that can be captured by rights. Some theorists, such as John Mackie, argue that there can be no right to perform a morally wrong action since wrong actions are acts we are morally required not to perform (Mackie, 1978). Others, such as Raz, argue that to restrict rights to morally right actions is to misunderstand the nature of rights. Rights of conduct protect a certain sphere of autonomy and liberty for the agent with which interference by others is restricted, that is to say, rights of conduct imply that interference with that conduct is unjustified even when the conduct is itself unjustified. One does not require a right, Raz observes, to do the right thing. But one often does require a right to do what one should not do (Cf. Waldron, 1981). On this view, the limits of the right to political participation, for example, are set not by the nature of people's political objectives, but by the form of the actions they employ to realise those objectives.

According to Raz, when one considers the idea of a moral right to civil disobedience, one must appreciate that this right extends to cases in which people should not exercise it. To say that there is a right to civil disobedience is to allow the legitimacy of resorting to this form of political action to one's political opponents. It is to allow that the legitimacy of civil disobedience does not depend on the rightness of one's cause (Raz, 1979, 268).

In his account of a right to civil disobedience, Raz places great emphasis on the kind of regime in which a disobedient acts. Raz argues that only in an illiberal regime do certain individuals have a right to civil disobedience.

Given that the illiberal state violates its members' right to political participation, individuals whose rights are violated are entitled, other things being equal, to disregard the offending laws and exercise their moral right as if it were recognised by law… [M]embers of the illiberal state do have a right to civil disobedience which is roughly that part of their moral right to political participation which is not recognised in law (Raz, 1979, 272–273).

By contrast, in a liberal state, Raz argues, a person's right to political activity is, by hypothesis, adequately protected by law. Therefore, in such a regime, the right to political participation cannot ground a right to civil disobedience.

Against Raz, one could argue, as David Lefkowitz does, that when a person appeals to political participation rights to defend her disobedience she does not necessarily criticise the law for outlawing her action. Lefkowitz maintains that members of minorities can appreciate that democratic discussions often must be cut short so that decisions may be taken. As such, persons who engage in political disobedience may view current policy as the best compromise between the need to act and the need to accommodate continued debate. Nonetheless, they also can observe that, with greater resources or further time for debate, their view might have held sway. Given this possibility, the right to political participation must include a right to continue to contest the result after the votes are counted or the decisions taken. And this right should include suitably constrained civil disobedience because the best conception of political participation rights is one that reduces as much as possible the impact that luck has on the popularity of a view (Lefkowitz, 2007; see also Ceva, forthcoming).

An alternative response to Raz questions whether the right to civil disobedience must be derived from rights to political participation. Briefly, the right to civil disobedience could be grounded on something other than participation rights such as a right to object on the basis of conscience. Whether such a right to conscience would fall under participation rights depends on the expansiveness of the latter rights. When the right to participate is understood to accommodate only legal protest, then the right conscientiously to object, which commonsensically includes civil disobedience, must be viewed as distinct from political participation rights.

A further challenge to Raz might be that real societies do not align with this dichotomy between liberal and illiberal regimes; rather they fall along a spectrum of liberality and illiberality, being both more or less liberal relative to each other and being more or less liberal in some domains than in others. Given the stringency of Raz's notion of a liberal regime, it is unlikely that any society could be wholly liberal. So, although Raz may have grounds to hold that in the truly liberal society a right to civil disobedience would not exist and that, to the extent that our society approximates such a regime, the case for such a right diminishes, nevertheless in the majority of real societies, if not all real societies, a right to civil disobedience does exist. Note that to make legally protected participation fully adequate, the liberal society would have to address Russell's charge that controllers of the media give defenders of unpopular views few opportunities to make their case unless they resort to sensational methods such as disobedience.

Ronald Dworkin rests the right to civil disobedience not just on a person's right to political participation, but on all of the rights that she has against her government. People may be supposed to have a fundamental right against the government, such as freedom of expression, when that right is important to their dignity, to their standing as persons equally entitled to concern and respect, or to some other personal value of consequence. A person has a right to disobey a law, says Dworkin, whenever that law wrongly invades her rights against the government (Dworkin, 1977, 192). Thus, the moral right to breach the law is not a separate right, like a right of conscience, additional to other rights against the government. It is that part of people's rights against the government which the government fails to honour.

Together the three above positions bring out some key points of disagreement amongst philosophers on the issue of a right to civil disobedience. First, philosophers disagree over the grounds of this right. Is it derivative of a right to participate in the political decision-making process? Is it derivative of other rights? Is it founded on a person's equal status as a being worthy of concern and respect? Second, philosophers disagree over the parameters of the right. Does it extend to all acts of civil disobedience or only to those acts that meet certain conditions of justifiability? Third, philosophers differ over the kinds of regimes in which the right arises. Does it exist only in illiberal regimes or does it hold in all regimes including just regimes? A final issue, not brought out in any of the above views, is whether the right to civil disobedience extends to indirect civil disobedience. Presumably, it should, but none of the above positions offer arguments on which one could base such a claim. 4. Punishment

The final issue to consider is how authorities should respond to civil disobedience. The question of appropriate legal response applies, first, to the actions of law-enforcers when deciding whether and how to intervene in a civilly disobedient action, whether to arrest, whether to charge, and so on. It applies, second, to the actions of prosecutors when deciding whether to proceed to trial. Finally, it applies to the actions of judges (and juries) when deciding whether to convict and (for judges) how much to punish. The focus here will be the issue of appropriate punishment.

4.1 Theories of Punishment

To determine when, if ever, punishment of civil disobedience is appropriate, it is necessary first to say a few things about the nature, purposes, and justification of lawful punishment by the state. The three basic issues of punishment are: Why punish?, Whom to punish?, and How much to punish? The justifications for punishment can be forward-looking, backward-looking or some combination of the two. Jeremy Bentham, for one, takes a forward-looking, consequentialist view of punishment. He holds that punishment is an evil that is only ever justified if its employment prevents some greater evil that would arise from not punishing (Bentham, 1789, 158).

A key variant of the consequentialist approach focuses on deterrence. Punishment is justified on deterrence grounds if it prevents and/or discourages both the offender and others from breaching the law. Deterrence theories are criticised for treating people as brutes not rational agents capable of responding to moral reasons because the deterrent element of punishment gives people a prudential reason (relating to the prospect of punishment), not a moral reason, to refrain from breaching the law. Deterrence theories also are criticised for allowing persons who are not proper objects of punishment to be punished when this succeeds in deterring other people from breaching the law. Finally, deterrence theories are criticised for making the parameters for appropriate punishment excessively broad in allowing that whatever punishment is needed to deter people is the justified punishment.

Desert theory, by contrast, takes a backward-looking view of the purpose and justification of punishment, focusing on what the offender deserves for her action. Desert theory is much more concerned than is deterrence theory with punishing only persons who are the proper objects of punishment and with punishing those persons only as much as they deserve. Desert theory aims at a response to the offence that is proportionate to its seriousness as an offence. Seriousness is determined by two factors: an offender's culpability and the harm caused by her action. Desert theories are criticised for insufficiently defending the view that the guilty always should be punished. Although the intuition that the guilty deserve to suffer is widely shared, it is not obvious why they deserve this. Desert theories are also criticised for assuming both that fact- finders can determine what offenders deserve and that the deserved punishment is necessarily the justified punishment: should people always be punished as they deserve?

A variant of desert theory is the communicative theory of punishment, which takes both a forward-looking and a backward-looking view of the purposes of punishment. The purposes of punishment on a communicative account are both to convey the state's condemnation of the action and to lead the offender to repent her action and to reform her conduct. On a communicative conception of punishment, the state aims to engage with the offender in a moral dialogue so that she appreciates the moral reasons she has to follow the law. According to some communicative theories, condemnation itself sufficiently justifies punishment. Punishment may be seen as a secular form of penance that vividly confronts the offender with the effects of her crime (Duff, 1998, 162). According to other, less monistic communicative theories, communication of censure alone is insufficient to justify punishment; added to it must be the aim of deterrence (von Hirsch, 1998, 171). Still other communicative theories add different considerations to the grounds for justification. On one pluralistic view, a distinction is drawn between the punishment that is deserved according to justice and the punishment that is actually justified. When, for example, an offender demonstrates repentance for her offence prior to punishment, the law has reason to be merciful toward her and to impose a less severe punishment than that which she deserves (Tasioulas, 2006). Mercy involves a charitable concern for the well- being of the offender as a potential recipient of deserved punishment. Given this offender's repentance, the justified punishment in this case is less than it would be were there no grounds for mercy.

4.2 Punishing Civil Disobedience

Deterrence systems of punishment recommend a simple approach to civil disobedience. Since the purpose and justification of punishment is to deter people from breaching the law, a deterrence system would impose on civil disobedients whatever punishment was necessary and sufficient to achieve that end. Whether that punishment would be less or more severe than, or equal to, that imposed on ordinary offenders depends on empirical considerations. Sometimes greater punishment than that required for ordinary offenders would be in order since disobedients who are serious in their moral conviction may not be deterred by standard punishments. Other times, however, less punishment than that for ordinary offenders would be in order since disobedients usually are not ‘hardened’ criminals and thus may need less severe treatment to deter them from offending.

In contrast to deterrence systems, monistic desert systems and communicative systems of punishment would only punish civil disobedients if, and to the extent that, they deserve to be punished. A pluralistic communicative system, which gives weight to considerations of mercy as well as retribution or desert, would only punish to the extent that the punishment was justified (not to the extent that it was deserved) since mercy toward the offender might recommend punishing her less than she deserves according to justice. The pluralistic approach raises the question whether being motivated by civil disobedience might give the law a reason to show mercy towards an offender. One might argue that a disobedient's conviction and commitments, which make it very difficult for her both to adhere to norms that violate those commitments and to desist from using effective means of protest, are facts about her circumstances that give the law reason to show mercy toward her. This would lessen the severity of any justified response from the law.

For desert and communicative theories concerned solely with justice-based desert, the key question is whether disobedients deserve censure, and if so, how much? There are at least three possible replies. One is that disobedients deserve the same punishment as the ordinary offenders who breach the same laws. There are several reasons to take this view. First, as Greenawalt puts it, the demands of proportionality would seem to recommend a uniform application of legal prohibitions. Since trespass is prohibited, persons who breach trespass laws in protest of either those laws or other laws are equally liable to persons who breach trespass laws for private purposes. Second, also from Greenawalt comes the suggestion that any principle that officials may excuse justified illegal acts will result in some failures to punish unjustified acts, for which the purposes of punishment would be more fully served. Even when officials make correct judgments about which acts to excuse, citizens may draw mistaken inferences, and restraints of deterrence and norm acceptance may be weakened for unjustified acts that resemble justified ones (Greenawalt, 1987, 273). Therefore all such violations, justified and unjustified, should be treated the same.

But much of this turns on the assumption that civilly disobedient breaches of law are in fact comparable to ordinary offences and deserve a comparable response from the law. The discussion in Section 1 of the key features of civil disobedience showed that it differs greatly from ordinary offences both in motivation and in mode of action, let alone moral justification. This would suggest that civil disobedience should be regarded in the eyes of the law as a different kind of disobedience from common crimes. This leaves two options: civil disobedience deserves greater censure or it deserves less censure than ordinary crimes do.

There are reasons to believe that civil disobedients should be dealt with more severely than ordinary offenders are. First, there is the fact that disobedients seem to have put themselves above the law in preferring their own moral judgment about a certain issue to that of the democratic decision-making process and the rule of law. (Although some judges have endorsed this caricature, it is worth noting that it clashes with how both dissenters and many theorists characterise their activities (Cf. Rawls, 1971; Greenawalt, 1987; Markovits, 2006).) Second, the communicative aspect of civil disobedience could be said to aggravate such offences since it usually is attended by much greater publicity than most covert violations are. This forces legal authorities to concern themselves with the possibility that law-abiding citizens will feel distressed, insecure and perhaps imposed on if no action is taken. So, notes Greenawalt, while authorities may quietly let minor breaches pass, failure to respond to violations performed, in some respect, in the presence of authority, may undercut claims that the rules and the persons who administered them deserve respect (Greenawalt, 1987, 351–2). Third, any use of violence would seem to aggravate civil disobedience particularly when it increases the harm of the offence or when it directly incites further and unjustified instances of violence. And although violence may eloquently communicate a dissenter's seriousness and frustration, it changes the nature of the dialogue. It pushes authorities to respond in ways consonant with their stance on violence – responses which may be harsher than those they would otherwise wish to make toward acts of civil disobedience that defend values they can appreciate.

The final possible view is that civil disobedients should be dealt with more leniently than ordinary offenders are, at least when their disobedience is morally justified. These offenders are conscientiously motivated and often their protests serve the interests of society by forcing a desirable re-examination of moral boundaries. That said, moral justifications do not usually translate into legal justifications and disobedients have been notoriously unsuccessful at advancing a defence of necessity (a defence that their action was legally justified being the lesser of two evils). Whether the law should be more accommodating of their conscientious motivation and efforts to engage in moral dialogue with government and society is a topic for further debate. 5. Conclusion

Some theorists maintain that civil disobedience is an outdated, overanalysed notion that little reflects current forms of political activism, which tend toward more extreme modes of engagement. Herbert Storing has suggested that ‘The most striking characteristic of civil disobedience is its irrelevance to the problems of today.’ (Storing, 1991, 85). He said, shortly after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr, that the fashion of civil disobedience is as likely to die out as it was to burst forth under the words of King. There is of course much evidence to show that Storing was mistaken in his predictions for the popularity of civil disobedience as a mode of dissent. Certainly though there have been shifts in the paradigm forms of civil disobedience in recent years; yet these shifts have occurred largely within the framework of conscientious communication discussed at the outset. The historical paradigms of Gandhi, King, the suffragettes, and Mandela are representative of that kind of civil disobedience which aims to guarantee legal protection for the basic rights of a specific constituency. Such disobedience contrasts with much contemporary civil disobedience, which focuses not on individuals' basic rights, but on broader issues or special interests such as the environment, animal rights, nuclear disarmament, globalisation, foreign policy, and so on.

Civil disobedience taken in support of concerns such as the environment or animal rights may be seen in part as a response to some breakdown in the mechanisms for citizen engagement in the decision-making process. This breakdown might be termed a democratic deficit (Markovits, 2005). Such deficits in that dialogue may be an inevitable part of real democracies, and disobedience undertaken to correct those deficits may be said to reflect, to varying degrees, dissenters' sensitivity to democratic ideals. Civil disobedience remains today very much a vibrant part of liberal democracies and there are significant issues concerning civil disobedience for philosophers to address, particularly in how this practice may be distinguished from more radical forms of protest and how this practice should be treated by the law. Bibliography

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 Comprehensive website on Mahatma Gandhi, maintained by the 3 institutes: Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal, Gandhi Book Centre, and Gujarat Vidyapith Ahmedabad  The Martin Luther King Jr Research and Education Institute Related Entries civil rights | legal obligation and authority | legal philosophy | punishment | Socrates | terrorism | Thoreau, Henry David

Acknowledgments

I thank Adrian Blau, Adam Cureton, Alan Hamlin, Jonathan Quong, Ben Saunders, Hillel Steiner, Zofia Stemplowska, and John Tasioulas for their useful suggestions. I thank Joseph Raz and John Tasioulas for valuable discussions on this topic.