DOCSLIB.ORG

I Codici in Scrittura Latina Di Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) a Caprarola E Al Palazzo Della Cancelleria Nel 1589

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
I Codici in Scrittura Latina Di Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) a Caprarola E Al Palazzo Della Cancelleria Nel 1589 This is an electronic reprint of the original article. This reprint may differ from the original in pagination and typographic detail. Author(s): Merisalo, Outi Title: I codici in scrittura latina di Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) a Caprarola e al Palazzo della Cancelleria nel 1589 Year: 2016 Version: Please cite the original version: Merisalo, O. (2016). I codici in scrittura latina di Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) a Caprarola e al Palazzo della Cancelleria nel 1589. Progressus, III(1). http://www.rivistaprogressus.it/wp-content/uploads/outi-merisalo-codici-scrittura- latina-alessandro-farnese-1520-1589-caprarola-al-palazzo-della-cancelleria-nel- 1589.pdf All material supplied via JYX is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, and duplication or sale of all or part of any of the repository collections is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for your research use or educational purposes in electronic or print form. You must obtain permission for any other use. Electronic or print copies may not be offered, whether for sale or otherwise to anyone who is not an authorised user. I codici in scrittura latina di Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) a Caprarola e al Palazzo della Cancelleria nel 1589 OUTI MERISALO Anno III, n. 1, luglio 2016 ISSN 2284-0869 ANNO III - N. 1 PROGRESSUS Abstract This article analyses the contents of the manuscripts in Latin script found at the Villa Farnese of Caprarola and the Palazzo della Cancelleria of Rome at the death of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589). They were inventoried by Claudio Tobalducci, librari - an to the Cardinal; the inventories were edited by Francois Fossier. Although the manuscript collections seem neither organic nor sys - tematically constituted by the Cardinal (the volumes were mainly borrowed from the great Farnese library in the Palazzo Farnese in Rome), the manuscripts were used by the Cardinal in the last years of his life. They shed light on at least some of the personal inter - ests of this important ecclesiastical, political and cultural figure at the end of his long career. Keywords Cardinal Alessandro Farnese; Caprarola; Palazzo della Cancelle - ria; manuscripts in Latin script; Counter-Reformation; Renaissan - ce; book history Questo articolo esaminerà il contenuto dei codici in scrittura la - tina presenti alla Villa Farnese di Caprarola e al Palazzo della Cancelleria nel 1589, registrati nell’inventario steso alla morte di Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) dal bibliotecario Claudio Tobalducci ed edito da François Fossier. Anche se le raccolte qui studiate non sembrano organiche né proprie al Cardinale (si trat - ta in linea di massima di volumi tolti alla grande biblioteca farne - siana conservata al Palazzo Farnese), consistono di codici che, per ragioni diverse, furono utilizzati dal Cardinale a un momento determinato poco prima della morte. Contribuiscono dunque a una ricostruzione almeno parziale degli interessi personali di que - sta importantissima figura ecclesiastica, politica e culturale negli ultimi anni di vita. Parole chiave Cardinal Alessandro Farnese; Caprarola; Palazzo della Cancelle - ria; codici in scrittura latina; Controriforma; Rinascimento; storia del libro 192 ANNO III - N. 1 PROGRESSUS 1. Introduzione Questo articolo esaminerà i codici in scrittura latina presenti alla Villa Farnese di Caprarola e al Palazzo della Cancelleria nel 1589, registrati nell’inventario steso alla morte di Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) dal bibliotecario Claudio Tobalducci e edito da François Fossier. La raccolta sarà studiata dal punto di vista del contenuto. Alessandro Farnese, nipote di Paolo III Farnese, cardinale e vi - cecancelliere della Chiesa dal 1535, fu tra gli ecclesiastici più in vi - sta, più ricchi e squisitamente colti del Cinquecento romano. Da Filarete a Pirro Ligorio ad Annibale Caro a Panvinio, la cerchia del cardinal Alessandro segnò la storia culturale occidentale. Tuttora non esiste comunque una biografia approfondita di una persona - lità di tale rilievo. Il quartiere generale dei Farnese a Roma era il Palazzo Farnese, costruito da Antonio da San Gallo il giovane, Michelangelo, Jaco - po Barozzi detto il Vignola e infine Giacomo della Porta per due cardinali Alessandro Farnese, il futuro Paolo III e il cardinale Ales - sandro suo nipote, dal 1517 al 1589 1. La raccolta libraria dei Farne - se, iniziata dal futuro papa alla fine del Quattrocento, fu arricchita dai nipoti Alessandro e Ranuccio e sistemata nel Palazzo Farnese di Roma. Accessibile agli studiosi così locali come quelli venuti da altrove, fornì materiali importanti per numerose edizioni di testo 2. Com’è noto, nel 1653 la biblioteca venne trasferita a Parma nel pa - lazzo Pilotta, e, nel 1736, all’estinzione della linea maschile dei Farnese e il recupero dei beni farnesiani dai Borboni, a Napoli 3. 1 La ricerca per questo articolo è stata finanziata dal progetto Transmission of Know - ledge in the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Tralmar , Accademia di Finlan - dia-Università di Jyväskylä no. 267518, 2013-2017). Una prima versione ne è stata presentata al convegno in onore di Lucia Gualdo Rosa, La paideia degli umanisti , Roma 27 febbraio 2015. Ringrazio cordialmente la Fondazione Alexander-von-Hum - boldt che mi ha permesso di lavorare anche su questo argomento alla Staatsbi - bliothek zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz e la Philologische Bibliothek della Freie Universität Berlin ai mesi di aprile-luglio del 2016. L. PARTRIDGE , The Renaissance in Rome , London 1996 (2012), pp. 73-75. 2 F. BENOÎT , Farnesiana , in “Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire”, 40, 1923, pp. 175-176. 3 F. F OSSIER , La bibliothèque Farnèse , Étude des manuscrits latins et en langue verna - culaire, Rome 1982, p. 2. 193 ANNO III - N. 1 PROGRESSUS La biblioteca principale della dinastia è contenutisticamente varie - gata e, per quanto riguarda il numero dei manoscritti, eccezionale per l’epoca 4. La libreria grande , vera biblioteca di erudizione, si trovava al se - condo piano del Palazzo Farnese, mentre la biblioteca da basso consisteva di opere frequentemente consultate 5. La residenza romana del cardinal Alessandro non fu tuttavia il Palazzo Farnese ma il Palazzo della Cancelleria dal 1540 fino alla morte. L’inventario del 1589 vi elenca 396 o 397 (v. sotto n. volu - mi manoscritti e stampati tolti al fondo principale 6. Fuori da Roma privilegiò la propria villa a Caprarola nel Viterbese, con un totale di 570 opere (60 codici, tra i quali 32 codici in scrittura latina, e li - bri stampati) 7. Il cardinale fu anche abate commendatario di Grot - taferrata; alla sua morte furono censiti una dozzina di libri stampa - ti a lui appartenuti in quel monastero 8. Le raccolte qui studiate non sembrano organiche e proprie al cardinale, ma consistono di codici che, per ragioni diverse, gli servirono a un momento deter - minato poco prima della morte. Contribuiscono dunque a una ri - costruzione almeno parziale degli interessi personali del cardinale negli ultimi anni di vita. 4 F. FOSSIER , Disparitions et lacunes dans la bibliothèque Farnèse , in “Mélanges de l’École francaise de Rome, Moyen-Age, Temps modernes”, 98.2, 1986, p. 959. Esisto - no due inventari sostanzialmente identici, quello del 1641 e quello del 1653, anno della trasferta della biblioteca a Parma. Rappresentano il primo censimento com - plessivo del patrimonio librario dei Farnese, F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., p. 4. 5 F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., p. 5. 6 Secondo F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., p. 3, 397 titoli, secondo F. F OSSIER , Bibliothè - que cit., p. 11, 396. I manoscritti sono 28, F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., pp. 39-40. Il cardinale prese possesso del Palazzo Farnese nel 1565 alla morte del cardinal Ra - nuccio, senza mai risiedervi, C. RIESEBELL , Die Sammlung des Kardinal Alessandro Farnese , Ein ”studio” für Künstler und Gelehrte, Weinheim 1989, p. 1; per il collezio - nismo del cardinale, C. RIESEBELL , Sammlung cit., pp. 6, 11. 7 F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., p. 2; per il numero totale delle opere e dei codici ma - noscritti, F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., p. 10; inventario dei codici in scrittura latina, F. FOSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., pp. 38-39. 8 F. F OSSIER , Bibliothèque cit., pp. 2-3; 11. Per l’interesse particolare dell’abate com - mendatario nei riguardi dei codici greci del monastero, v. S. LUCA , Guglielmo Sirleto e la Vaticana , in La Biblioteca Vaticana tra riforma cattolica, crescita delle collezio - ni e nuovo edificio (1535-1590) , a cura di M. Ceresa, Città del Vaticano 2012, pp. 175-176. 194 ANNO III - N. 1 PROGRESSUS 2. Cenni biografici Alessandro di Pierluigi Farnese (1520-1589) conseguì una for - mazione umanistica squisita, prima a Parma, poi, dal 1531 al 1534, al collegio Ancarano di Bologna; nel 1533 vi studiavano an - che diversi commilitoni germanici, tra i quali Hans Jakob e Georg Fugger, Christoph Madrutsch (Cristoforo Madruzzo, il futuro cardi - nale), Otto Truchsess von Waldburg e Georg Sigismund Seld. Tra gli insegnanti figurava Romolo Amaseo (1489-1552), celebre gre - cista, che l’avrebbe seguito anche più tardi a Roma 9. Dall’inizio del pontificato del nonno Paolo III Farnese ( r. 1534-1549) Ales - sandro il Giovane approfitta della politica nepotistica di quest’ul - timo: nel 1535 è elevato alla porpora e diventa vicecancelliere della SRE 10 , stabilendosi al palazzo Riario, il futuro palazzo della Cancelleria. Il giovane cardinale-vicecancelliere prosegue gli studi familiarizzandosi con il greco, la giurisprudenza e filosofia. Nel 1535 assume come segretario Marcello Cervini, squisito grecista, futuro papa Marcello II (1501-1555, r. 1555) 11 . Dal 1538 si vede af - fidare diverse cariche diplomatiche al livello europeo, specie nella preparazione del concilio di Trento (1545-1564) 12 . Dalla morte del 9 V.H. KELLENBENZ , Hans Jakob Fugger, Weisshorn 1980, p. 51; S. A NDRETTA ; Farnese, Alessandro , in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (= DBI ), 45, 1995, <http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/alessandro-farnese_(Dizionario-Biografi - co)> (consultato il 3.05.2016); cfr. anche F. DALLASTA , Eredità di carta , Biblioteche private e circolazione libraria nella Parma farnesiana (1545-1731) , Milano 2010, p.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 074-Sant'onofrio Al Gianicolo.Pages
    (074/05) Sant'Onofrio al Gianicolo Sant'Onofrio al Gianicolo is a 15th century monastic and titular church in Trastevere, on the Janiculum. The dedication is to St Onuphrius, a 4th century Egyptian hermit or Desert Father. He was popular in the Middle Ages, and an iconographic representation of him as a naked man with a long beard preserving his modesty can still be found in churches in Europe. History The monastery is not an ancient foundation. What was here before the 15th century was a holm-oak wood on the northern end of the Janiculum ridge, in which Blessed Nicholas of Forca Palena (1349-1449) founded a small hermitage in 1419. He had been born in a mountain hamlet called Forca near Chieti, and worked as a diocesan priest of Sulmona at Palena before migrating to Rome around the year 1404. There he joined an informal group of penitents who had gathered around one Rinaldo di Piedimonte at the church of San Salvatore in Thermis (now demolished). Nicholas took over as priest in charge of the church and leader of the group, and thus began a new religious congregation which became known as Heremitae Sancti Hieronimi. (The patron was St Jerome.) He founded a community in Naples in 1417, Santa Maria delle Grazie a Caponapoli, and then this hermitage in Rome with the help of Gabriele Cardinal Condulmer, who became Pope Eugene IV in (074/05) 1431. He had made friends with Blessed Peter Gambacorta, a hermit at Montebello near Urbino who (according to the legend) converted a band of robbers and so founded the Fratres Pauperes Sancti Hieronimi in 1380.
    [Show full text]
  • Collecting and Representing Saxon Identity in the Dresden Kunstkammer and Princely Monuments in Freiberg Cathedral
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE International Projects with a Local Emphasis: Collecting and Representing Saxon Identity in the Dresden Kunstkammer and Princely Monuments in Freiberg Cathedral A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History by Daniel A. Powazek June 2020 Thesis Committee: Dr. Kristoffer Neville, Chairperson Dr. Randolph Head Dr. Jeanette Kohl Copyright by Daniel A. Powazek 2020 The Thesis of Daniel A. Powazek is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS International Projects with a Local Emphasis: The Collecting and Representation of Saxon Identity in the Dresden Kunstkammer and Princely Monuments in Freiberg Cathedral by Daniel A. Powazek Master of Arts, Graduate Program in Art History University of California, Riverside, June 2020 Dr. Kristoffer Neville, Chairperson When the Albertine Dukes of Saxony gained the Electoral privilege in the second half of the sixteenth century, they ascended to a higher echelon of European princes. Elector August (r. 1553-1586) marked this new status by commissioning a monumental tomb in Freiberg Cathedral in Saxony for his deceased brother, Moritz, who had first won the Electoral privilege for the Albertine line of rulers. The tomb’s magnificence and scale, completed in 1563, immediately set it into relation to the grandest funerary memorials of Europe, the tombs of popes and monarchs, and thus establishing the new Saxon Electors as worthy peers in rank and status to the most powerful rulers of the period. By the end of his reign, Elector August sought to enshrine the succeeding rulers of his line in an even grander project, a dynastic chapel built into Freiberg Cathedral directly in front of the tomb of Moritz.
    [Show full text]
  • In Hans Jakob Fuggers's Service
    Chapter 3 In Hans Jakob Fuggers’s Service 3.1 Hans Jakob Fugger Strada’s first contacts with Hans Jakob Fugger, his chief patron for well over a decade, certainly took place before the middle of the 1540s. As suggested earlier, the possibility remains that Strada had already met this gifted scion of the most illustrious German banking dynasty, his exact contemporary, in Italy. Fugger [Fig. 3.1], born at Augsburg on 23 December 1516, was the eldest surviving son of Raymund Fugger and Catharina Thurzo von Bethlenfalva. He had already followed part of the studious curriculum which was de rigueur in his family even before arriving in Bologna: this included travel and study at foreign, rather than German universities.1 Hans Jakob, accompanied on his trip by his preceptor Christoph Hager, first studied in Bourges, where he heard the courses of Andrea Alciati, and then fol- lowed Alciati to Bologna [Fig. 1.12]. Doubtless partly because of the exceptional standing of his family—the gold of Hans Jakob’s great-uncle, Jakob ‘der Reiche’, had obtained the Empire for Charles v—but certainly also because of his per- sonal talents, Fugger met and befriended a host of people of particular political, ecclesiastical or cultural eminence—such as Viglius van Aytta van Zwichem, whom he met in Bourges and again in Bologna—or later would ascend to high civil or ecclesiastical rank. His friends included both Germans, such as the companion of his travels and studies, Georg Sigmund Seld, afterwards Reichs- vizekanzler, his compatriot Otto Truchsess von Waldburg, afterwards Cardinal and Prince-Bishop of Augsburg [Fig.
    [Show full text]
  • Lord, in the Piazza Are Works by Donatello and the Great Michelangelo, Both of Them Men That in the 17
    16. Benvenuto Cellini, Head of Medusa (sketch model for a statue of Perseus). Bronze, 13.8 cm high. Florence, c.1545–50. V&A: A.14–1964 lord, in the Piazza are works by Donatello and the great Michelangelo, both of them men that in the 17. After Donatello, Virgin and Child (frame probably painted by glory of their works have beaten the ancients; as for me I have the courage to execute this work to Paolo di Stefano). the size of five cubits, and in so doing make it ever so much better than the model.’115 Painted stucco in a wooden frame, 36.5 20.2 cm. Florence, c.1435–40. Yet for all that, it was only in the sixteenth century that the intellectual and individual qualities of V&A: A.45–1926 an artist came to be of significant concern to the patron, purchaser or owner. Prior to that, it seems that an artist’s mastery of a particularly sought-after technique or their extraordinary skill were defining criteria. Thus, to emphasize the extent to which Cistercian patrons were prepared to honour God, it became something of a topos in twelfth- and thirteenth-century accounts of monastic patronage that artists had been brought ‘from foreign parts’ to work on Church building projects because the particular skills they possessed were unavailable locally.116 Aubert Audoin, cardinal and former bishop of Paris, sent for potters from Valencia to produce lustred tiles for his Avignon palace in the late 1350s, because at that date the technique of producing such a golden glaze was known only in the Islamic world.117 The function of an object also continued to outweigh considerations of the identity of its maker.
    [Show full text]
  • The Council and the “Papal Prince”: Trent Seen by the Italian Reformers*
    The Council and the “Papal Prince”: Trent Seen by the Italian Reformers* Diego Pirillo Introduction In November 1550, having left Italy the previous year to embrace the Reformation, the former bishop of Capodistria Pier Paolo Vergerio published a pamphlet against Julius III, who, under pressure from Charles V, intended to reopen the Council in Trent.1 The pamphlet, one of several launched by Vergerio against the council, was dedicated to Edward VI. The English king had recently welcomed the two prominent Italian reformers Peter Martyr Vermigli and Bernardino Ochino, who had arrived in England at the invitation of the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, himself determined to summon a general Protestant council in opposition to the one that had just begun in Trent.2 From his Swiss exile, Vergerio attentively followed not only his fellow reformers abroad but also those still in Italy. By opting for the vernacular over Latin, he intended to reach a wide audience of Italian readers who remained undecided on whether to break off from the Roman Church and leave Italy or to stay and compromise with Catholic orthodoxy. A skillful pamphleteer, Vergerio knew very well that the purpose of “adversarial propaganda” was to create stereotypes and that, by contrasting a positive set of ideas with its negative antithesis, he could target the “uncommitted,” situated between the two extremes.3 Thus, Vergerio outlined a sharp opposition between the supporters of the Reformation on one side and the Roman Antichrist on the other, aware that any third alternative would have undermined the efficacy of his communicative strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Santissima Annunziata of Florence, Medici Portraits, and the Counter Reformation in Italy
    THE SANTISSIMA ANNUNZIATA OF FLORENCE, MEDICI PORTRAITS, AND THE COUNTER REFORMATION IN ITALY by Bernice Ida Maria Iarocci A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art University of Toronto © Copyright by Bernice Iarocci 2015 THE SANTISSIMA ANNUNZIATA OF FLORENCE, MEDICI PORTRAITS, AND THE COUNTER REFORMATION IN ITALY Bernice Ida Maria Iarocci Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art University of Toronto 2015 A defining feature of the Counter-Reformation period is the new impetus given to the material expression of devotion to sacred images and relics. There are nonetheless few scholarly studies that look deeply into the shrines of venerated images, as they were renovated or decorated anew during this period. This dissertation investigates an image cult that experienced a particularly rich elaboration during the Counter-Reformation – that of the miracle-working fresco called the Nunziata, located in the Servite church of the Santissima Annunziata in Florence. By the end of the fifteenth century, the Nunziata had become the primary sacred image in the city of Florence and one of the most venerated Marian cults in Italy. My investigation spans around 1580 to 1650, and includes texts related to the sacred fresco, copies made after it, votives, and other additions made within and around its shrine. I address various components of the cult that carry meanings of civic importance; nonetheless, one of its crucial characteristics is that it partook of general agendas belonging to the Counter- Reformation movement. That is, it would be myopic to remain within a strictly local scope when considering this period.
    [Show full text]
  • Bartolomeo Maranta's 'Discourse' on Titian's Annunciation in Naples: Introduction1
    Bartolomeo Maranta’s ‘Discourse’ on Titian’s Annunciation in Naples: introduction1 Luba Freedman Figure 1 Titian, The Annunciation, c. 1562. Oil on canvas, 280 x 193.5 cm. Naples: Museo Nazionale di Capodimonte (on temporary loan). Scala/Ministero per i Beni e le Attività culturali/Art Resource. Overview The ‘Discourse’ on Titian’s Annunciation is the first known text of considerable length whose subject is a painting by a then-living artist.2 The only manuscript of 1 The author must acknowledge with gratitude the several scholars who contributed to this project: Barbara De Marco, Christiane J. Hessler, Peter Humfrey, Francesco S. Minervini, Angela M. Nuovo, Pietro D. Omodeo, Ulrich Pfisterer, Gavriel Shapiro, Graziella Travaglini, Raymond B. Waddington, Kathleen M. Ward and Richard Woodfield. 2 Angelo Borzelli, Bartolommeo Maranta. Difensore del Tiziano, Naples: Gennaro, 1902; Giuseppe Solimene, Un umanista venosino (Bartolomeo Maranta) giudica Tiziano, Naples: Società aspetti letterari, 1952; and Paola Barocchi, ed., Scritti d’arte del Cinquecento, Milan- Naples: Einaudi, 1971, 3 vols, 1:863-900. For the translation click here. Journal of Art Historiography Number 13 December 2015 Luba Freedman Bartolomeo Maranta’s ‘Discourse’ on Titian’s Annunciation in Naples: introduction this text is held in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Naples. The translated title is: ‘A Discourse of Bartolomeo Maranta to the most ill. Sig. Ferrante Carrafa, Marquis of Santo Lucido, on the subject of painting. In which the picture, made by Titian for the chapel of Sig. Cosmo Pinelli, is defended against some opposing comments made by some persons’.3 Maranta wrote the discourse to argue against groundless opinions about Titian’s Annunciation he overheard in the Pinelli chapel.
    [Show full text]
  • (Secc. Xv-Xviii) 2012-2014
    Progetto di ricerca FRAMMENTI DELL’ARCHIVIO DEL PRINCIPATO VESCOVILE NEL FONDO MANOSCRITTI DELLA BIBLIOTECA COMUNALE DI TRENTO (SECC. XV-XVIII) 2012-2014 Coordinatori scientifici: dr.ssa Katia Occhi Istituto storico italo-germanico, Fondazione Bruno Kessler prof. Andrea Giorgi Dipartimento di Lettere e Filosofia, Università degli studi di Trento Schedatura delle carte e documenti dell'archivio vescovile di Trento nella Raccolta Mazzetti 14 dicembre 2014 1 BIBLIOTECA COMUNALE DI TRENTO Fondo Manoscritti Raccolta Mazzetti Carte e documenti dell'archivio vescovile di Trento a cura di Massimo Scandola Fondazione Bruno Kessler - Istituto storico italo-germanico 2 Premessa La schedatura è stata eseguita nel corso del progetto di ricerca "Frammenti dell'archivio del Principato vescovile nel Fondo Manoscritti della Biblioteca Comunale di Trento (secc. XV-XVIII)" promosso dall’Istituto storico italo-germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler e dal Dipartimento di Lettere e Filosofia dell’università di Trento, in collaborazione con la Biblioteca Comunale di Trento. La ricerca ha individuato e successivamente schedato la documentazione fuoriuscita dall’archivio vescovile in seguito alla secolarizzazione del Principato del 1803 e custodita oggi nella "Raccolta Mazzetti" del Fondo Manoscritti della Biblioteca Comunale di Trento. Essa comprende atti amministrativi, relazioni e memorie, documentazione diplomatica, inventari e materiali diversi acquistati dal barone Antonio Mazzetti nel mercato antiquario nei primi decenni dell'Ottocento. Alla documentazione amministrativa, contabile e giudiziaria si affianca il nucleo della "Corrispondenza", per buona parte riconducibile al carteggio personale dei vescovi e pertinente all’attività diplomatica. Essa si compone di circa 7200 lettere, destinate ai principi-vescovi, ai segretari della segreteria personale e infine ai funzionari della cancelleria in temporalibus.
    [Show full text]
  • "Belonging of Right to Our English Nation" the Oratory of Domine Quo Vadis, Reginald Pole, and the English Hospice in Rome
    RIHA Journal 0238 | 30 March 2020 "Belonging of right to our English nation" The Oratory of Domine Quo Vadis, Reginald Pole, and the English Hospice in Rome Andrea Bacciolo Abstract Located in Rome, at the Appian Way, the oratory of Domine Quo Vadis is a circular domed building that has heretofore been dated to Julius III's pontificate (1550–1555) and associated with Cardinal Reginald Pole's patronage. In addition to confirming the role of Reginald Pole, new documentary evidence proves both an earlier date of construction and the involvement in the works of the English Hospice as financial contributor. Considering the cultural and political climate, the Anglo-Roman relations, and the institutional background, this article deals with the oratory as a materialization of the emerging identity of English Catholics in Rome. Contents The Oratory of Domine Quo Vadis New lights on the building The site as a crucial stage in the route of Charles V's triumphal entry in 1536 Reginald Pole, Henry VIII, and the English in Rome A materialization of the emerging identity of English Catholics The Oratory of Domine Quo Vadis [1] Standing outside the Aurelian Walls, the oratory of Domine Quo Vadis is a small, circular domed building situated in the carefully preserved environment of the Appian Way Regional Park a few kilometres from the city centre of Rome.1 Located next to the church of Santa Maria in Palmis, it faces 1 The present essay is based on a paper entitled "Il sacello del Domine Quo Vadis. Un’architettura a pianta circolare, la comunità inglese e il culto petrino nel primo Cinquecento", delivered at the conference "Grand Tour del Terzo Millennio" at the Università di Roma Tor Vergata in 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreword to the Appendices
    FOREWORD TO THE APPENDICES The following documents have been divided into two appendices. Appendix A features a transcription of the pages written about Jacob Acontius and his Satan’s Stratagems by the Presbyterian controversial- ist Francis Cheynell, with pp. 34–39 of Chap. 4 of his work The Rise, Growth, and Danger of Socinianisme together with a plaine Discovery of a desperate Designe of Corrupting the Protestant Religion, whereby it appeares that the Religion which hath been so violently Contended for (by the Archbishop of Canterbury and his adherents) is not the true pure Protestant Religion, but an Hotchpotch of Arminianisme, Socinianisme and Popery: it is likewise made evident, that the Atheists, Anabaptists, and Sectaries so much complained of, have been raised or encouraged by the doc- trines and practises of the Arminian, Socinian and Popish Party (London, printed for Samuel Gellibrand, 1643; see British Library, E.103.14). This is followed by a transcription of pp. 439–461 of another work by Cheynell entitled The Divine Trinity of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, or, The blessed doctrine of the three coessentiall subsistents in the eter- nall Godhead without any confusion or division of the distinct subsistences or multiplication of the most single and entire Godhead acknowledged, beleeved, adored by christians, in opposition to pagans, jewes, mahumetans, blasphemous and antichristian hereticks, who say they are christians, but are not declared and published for the edifcation and satisfaction of all such as worship the only true God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, all three as one and the self same God blessed for ever (London, printed by T.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Reader in Mid-Sixteenth-Century Italy
    EMW - Workshops EWM 2009 EARLY MODERN WORKSHOP: Jewish History Resources Volume 6: Reading across Cultures: The Jewish Book and Its Readers in the Early Modern Period, 2009, The Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Studies at Harvard University, Cambridge, MA The Paratexts of Jacob Marcaria: Addressing the (Imagined) Reader in Mid-Sixteenth-Century Italy Adam Shear, University of Pittsburgh, USA ABSTRACT: For a few years in the middle of the sixteenth century (1557-1564), a Hebrew press was active in Riva del Garda (Riva di Trento) under the management of Jacob Marcaria, a physician. The business arrangements of the press seem complicated and difficult to reconstruct (having only the evidence of the printed editions): Marcaria was printer for most of the books and may be considered the publisher of some; for others, he was in partnership with Rabbi Joseph Ottolenghi of nearby Cremona. The activities of Marcaria and Ottolenghi were undertaken with the permission of the Prince-Bishop of Trent, Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo and some of the editions apparently enjoyed his patronage. Madruzzo, host of the renewed Council of Trent in the early 1560s, also patronized Marcaria by hiring him to do contract printing for the Council. Although Marcaria was only the printer for some of the works, he was the guiding force behind the press and apparently served as editor for almost all of the books, designing and drafting the title pages and writing prefaces for many of the works. The output of the press was eclectic--ranging from major halakhic texts to controversial philosophical works, and also including popular ethical works, and liturgical and other ritual works.
    [Show full text]
  • Revista Caderno Cdhis Nº28 Volume 01.Indd
    O Retrato do Cardeal Cristoforo Madruzzo, de Tiziano: o relógio e a política no Renascimento Isabel Hargrave Gonçalves da Silva1 Resumo: O Retrato do Cardeal Cristoforo Madruzzo foi pintado por Tiziano em 1552. Madruzzo foi anfitrião do Concílio de Trento, de onde era príncipe-bispo. Atuou como em- baixador e porta-voz de Carlos V, imperador do Sacro Império Romano Germânico. Como cardeal romano, serviu a mais de cinco papas ao longo de quase trinta anos. Madruzzo encontrava-se como mediador entre as forças e os interesses papais e os do imperador. Seu retrato, pintado por Tiziano, deixa transparecer aspectos desse momento da história euro- peia. O cardeal é representado no ato de abrir uma cortina vermelha e revelar um precioso relógio mecânico. Longe de ser a primeira vez em que um relógio mecânico aparece num retrato, este se insere numa tradição iconográfica que atribui ao mecanismo diversas co- notações morais, como a virtude da temperança, a vanitas, o memento mori. Além disso, o objeto passa a ser visto como um símbolo da regularidade do mundo que, com o advento da ciência, é cada vez mais racional e preciso. O relógio mecânico foi apreciado por cole- cionadores, como o próprio Carlos V, cujo interesse se devia, em parte, à proliferação de textos políticos que associavam a ação do governante às engrenagens de um mecanismo como o relógio. Enfim, o mecanismo faz-se personagem central da cena, cuja teatralidade brilhantemente construída por Tiziano nos fez percorrer toda essa trajetória. Palavras-chave: Retrato. Renascimento. Tiziano. Cardeal. Abstract: The Portrait of the Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo was painted by Titian in 1552.
    [Show full text]