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Diapositive 1
Médiamètre politique RTBF-Auxipress Février 2013 Ministres, secrétaires d’Etat et Présidents de parti Médiamètre politique RTBF-Auxipress Février 2013 Commentaires Bart De Wever revient petit à petit mais sûrement aux devants des médias. Au mois de janvier, il était 2ème loin derrière Di Rupo, le médiamètre du mois de février révèle-t-il plus? Le taux d’occupation des médias d’Elio Di Rupo chute de façon spectaculaire puisqu’en janvier, il dépassait en effet les 12% et qu’au mois de février, il atteint 7,9%. Bart De Wever se maintient en 2ème place, perd beaucoup moins en visibilité que Di Rupo aussi mais dépasse le Premier Ministre dans la presse écrite. Didier Reynders monte sur la 3ème place du podium alors que Kris Peeters est relégué en 8ème place, ce que l’on peut considérer comme un très mauvais score si on analyse sa présence médiatique sur les 3 dernières années. Quelles sont les surprises de ce mois de février? Paul Magnette est toujours dans le top 10 malgré sa sortie du gouvernement fédéral. Il faut dire qu’il a repris la Présidence du PS et que, dans ce registre, il est sans aucun doute plus présent médiatiquement que son prédécesseur Thierry Giet. Il faut également souligné son implication médiatique dans l’annonce des licenciements chez Caterpillar. Hendrik Bogaert, secrétaire d’Etat à la fonction publique, pointe en 9ème place en raison de la fronde des syndicats fâchés de sa politique qui prône la réduction des effectifs et des moyens dans les services publics. Jean-Marc Nollet, Vice-Président et Ministre du développement durable du gouvernement wallon, pointe en 14ème place, secoué par la cacophonie en matière de politique énergétique wallonne. -
Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1328-7478 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship Sarah Miskin Politics and Public Administration Group 24 March 2003 Acknowledgments I would like to thank Martin Lumb and Janet Wilson for their help with the research into party defections in Australia and Cathy Madden, Scott Bennett, David Farrell and Ben Miskin for reading and commenting on early drafts. -
Social Cleavages, Political Institutions and Party Systems: Putting Preferences Back Into the Fundamental Equation of Politics A
SOCIAL CLEAVAGES, POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND PARTY SYSTEMS: PUTTING PREFERENCES BACK INTO THE FUNDAMENTAL EQUATION OF POLITICS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Heather M. Stoll December 2004 c Copyright by Heather M. Stoll 2005 All Rights Reserved ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. David D. Laitin, Principal Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Beatriz Magaloni-Kerpel I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Morris P. Fiorina Approved for the University Committee on Graduate Studies. iii iv Abstract Do the fundamental conflicts in democracies vary? If so, how does this variance affect the party system? And what determines which conflicts are salient where and when? This dis- sertation explores these questions in an attempt to revitalize debate about the neglected (if not denigrated) part of the fundamental equation of politics: preferences. While the com- parative politics literature on political institutions such as electoral systems has exploded in the last two decades, the same cannot be said for the variable that has been called social cleavages, political cleavages, ideological dimensions, and—most generally—preferences. -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
From an Institutionalized Manifest Catholic to a Latent Christian Pillar
Karel Dobbelaere1 Оригинални научни рад Catholic University of Leuven and University of Antwerp, Belgium UDK 322(493) RELIGION AND POLITICS IN BELGIUM: FROM AN INSTITUTIONALIZED MANIFEST CATHOLIC TO A LATENT CHRISTIAN PILLAR Abstract After having described the historical basis of the process of pillarization in Belgium, the author explains the emergence of the Catholic pillar as a defence mechanism of the Catholic Church and the Catholic leadership to protect the Catholic flock from sec- ularization. He describes the different services the Catholic pillar was offering for its members and the development of Belgium as a state based on three pillars: the catho- lic, the socialist and the liberal one that were all three institutionalized. This structure meant that Belgium was rather a segregated country that was vertically integrated. In the sixties of last century, the pillar was confronted with a growing secularization of the population, which forced the leadership of the pillar to adapt the collective con- sciousness: the Catholic credo, values and norms were replaced by so-called typical values of the Gospel integrated in what is called a Socio-Cultural Christianity. Under the impact of the changing economic situation, the politicization of the Flemish ques- tion and the emergence of Ecologist parties, the Christian pillar had to adapt its serv- ices and is now based on clienteles rather than members. Only in the Flemish part of Belgium is it still an institutionalized pillar. Key words: Collective Consciousness, Pillarization; Pillar; Institutionalized Pillar, Solidarity: Mechanical and Organic Solidarity,Vertical pluralism, Secularization. The concept of ‘pillar’ and the process of ‘pillarization’ are translations of the Dutch terms zuil and zuilvorming to describe the special structure of vertical pluralism typical of Dutch society. -
Belgian Identity Politics: at a Crossroad Between Nationalism and Regionalism
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2014 Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism Jose Manuel Izquierdo University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Human Geography Commons Recommended Citation Izquierdo, Jose Manuel, "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2014. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/2871 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Jose Manuel Izquierdo entitled "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Science, with a major in Geography. Micheline van Riemsdijk, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Derek H. Alderman, Monica Black Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism A Thesis Presented for the Master of Science Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Jose Manuel Izquierdo August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Jose Manuel Izquierdo All rights reserved. -
De Vlaams-Nationalistische Partijen En Organisaties Bruno De Wever En Koen De Scheemaeker
808 Bronnen van privé-instellingen 5.5. Bronnenpublicaties Documents sur la fondation du pcb, in Cahiers marxistes, 1971, speciaal nummer. In de nrs. 2 (p. 43-47), 9 (p. 44-54) en 10 (p. 71-88) van hetzelfde tijdschrift worden eveneens documenten gepubliceerd die betrekking hebben op de ontstaans periode van de kpb. “ Le Drapeau Rouge ” clandestin. Brussel, 1971. De klandestiene “ Roode Vaan ”. Brussel, 1971. Alphonse Bonenfast. Rapport sur la dissidence grippiste (1968), in Cahiers marxistes, 2002, nr. 222. 6. De Vlaams-nationalistische partijen en organisaties Bruno De Wever en Koen De Scheemaeker 6.1. Bibliografie Courrier hebdomadaire du CRISP wijdde talrijke artikels aan Vlaams-nationalis- tische partijen en organisaties na de Tweede Wereldoorlog : 1962, nrs. 148 & 169 ; 1964, nr. 230 ; 1966, nrs. 336 & 345 ; 1973, nrs. 604 & 606 ; 1992, nr. 1356 ; 1993, nrs. 1416-1417, 2002, nr. 1748. De Wever (Br.). Greep naar de macht. Vlaams-nationalisme en Nieuwe Orde. Het VNV 1933-1945. Tielt-Gent, 1994. De Wever (Br.), Vrints (A.). Vlaams-nationalisme. Natievorming, ideologie en politieke stroming, in Sanders (L.), Devos (C.), eds. Politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen. Antwerpen, 2008. De Wever (Ba.). Het Vlaams-nationalisme na de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Verrij- zenis of herrijzenis ?, in Bijdragen tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis, 1997, nr. 3, p. 277-290. De Winter (L.). The Volksunie and the dilemma between policy succes and elec- toral survival in Flanders, in Regionalist Parties in Western Europe. London, 1998, p. 28-50. Nieuwe Encyclopedie van de Vlaamse Beweging. Tielt, 1998 bevat ingangen op alle Vlaams-nationalistische partijen en organisaties, een overzichtsartikel over Vlaams-nationalistische partijen (B. -
War Occ Pation Liberation
WAR OCC PATION LIBERATION Belgium WAR 1940—1945 OCC PATION LIBERATION Wannes Devos Kevin Gony (eds.) www.lannoo.com Register on our website to regularly receive a newsletter with information about new books and interesting exclusive offers. Final editing Wannes Devos Kevin Gony Photo editing Luc Vandeweghe Translations Altair Vertalingen bvba Cover design Studio Lannoo (Mieke Verloigne) Cover photos Belgian refugees, ca. 1940 (War Heritage Institute) Layout Keppie & Keppie © Lannoo Publishers nv, Tielt, 2019 and the authors D/2019/45/343 – ISBN 978 94 014 5909 9 – NUR 689 All rights reserved. Nothing of this publication may be reproduced, stored in an automated database and/or made public in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. CONTENTS PREFACE 9 Michel Jaupart CONTEXT 13 THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN PERSPECTIVE Luc De Vos INTRODUCTION 19 THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN PARTS Wannes Devos 1 FROM ONE WAR TO THE OTHER 27 • TWENTY YEARS OF PEACE? BELGIAN INTERWAR POLICY 29 Catherine Lanneau • THE IMPLICATIONS OF CONTROLLING THE RHINE 38 Anne Godfroid • MULTILATERALISM OR ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY? THE BELGIAN MISSION(S) IN ETHIOPIA 40 Manuel Duran • WIFE AND MOTHER: WOMEN IN THE NEW ORDER 43 Christine Van Everbroeck • A PRINCE AND HIS ARMY: THE KING, THE BELGIAN ARMY AND THE GOVERNMENT 51 Jean-Michel Sterkendries • THE BELGIAN BUNKER LINES: MANY FEET IN THE SOIL 57 Erik Janssen • THE 1939 MOBILISATION: WERE THEY PREPARED? 60 Pierre Lierneux 5 2 WAR AND COMBAT 63 • MAY 1940: THE -
Plenumvergadering Séance Plénière
PLENUMVERGADERING SÉANCE PLÉNIÈRE van du DONDERDAG 26 JUNI 2008 JEUDI 26 JUIN 2008 Avond Soir ______ ______ De vergadering wordt geopend om 18.22 uur. In de regeringsbanken hebben plaatsgenomen de heren Yves Leterme, eerste minister, Didier Reynders, vice-eerste minister en minister van Financiën en Institutionele Hervormingen, Patrick Dewael, vice-eerste minister en minister van Binnenlandse Zaken, Joëlle Milquet, vice-eerste minister en minister van Werk en Gelijke Kansen, Karel De Gucht, minister van Buitenlanse Zaken, Marie Arena, minister van Maatschappelijke Integratie, Pensioenen en Grote Steden, Pieter De Crem, minister van Landsverdediging, Vincent Van Quickenborne, minister van Ondernemen en Vereenvoudigen en Melchior Wathelet, staatssecretaris voor Begroting, toegevoegd aan de eerste minister, en staatssecretaris voor Gezinsbeleid, toegevoegd aan de minister van Werk, en wat de aspecten inzake personen- en familierecht betreft, toegevoegd aan minister van Justitie. La séance est ouverte à 18.22 heures. Ont pris place au banc du gouvernement MM. Yves Leterme, premier ministre, Didier Reynders, vice-premier ministre et ministre des Finances et des Réformes institutionnelles, Patrick Dewael, vice-premier ministre et ministre de l'Intérieur, Joëlle Milquet, vice- première ministre et ministre de l'Emploi et de l'Égalité des chances, Karel De Gucht, ministre des Affaires étrangères, Marie Arena, ministre de l'Intégration sociale, des Pensions et des Grandes villes, Pieter De Crem, ministre de la Défense, Vincent Van Quickenborne, ministre pour l'Entreprise et la Simplification et Melchior Wathelet, secrétaire d'État au Budget, adjoint au premier ministre, et secrétaire d'État à la Politique des familles, adjoint à la ministre de l'Emploi, et en ce qui concerne les aspects du droit des personnes et de la famille, adjoint au ministre de la Justice. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
2015 Belgium Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Sustainable Governance Indicators SGI 2015 Belgium Report Micael Castanheira, Benoît Rihoux, Nils C. Bandelow (Coordinator) SGI 2015 | 2 Belgium Report Executive Summary Belgium, located in the heart of Europe, is a small country with 11.1 million inhabitants. In 2013, its gross domestic product (GDP) was €395 billion at market prices (i.e. 14.5% above the 2007 pre-crisis level of €345 billion; data from the Belgian National Bank). Belgium has shown itself to be one of the good performers in the euro area in recent years. According to Eurostat data, Belgium’s purchasing power per capita is about 10.2% above the euro area average, and 19% above the EU28 average. Belgium also boasts an extremely open economy, with the sum of imports and exports amounting to 170% of GDP; the country’s trade balance is slightly positive. The unemployment rate was 8.5% in September 2014, which is below the euro area average (11.5%). Belgium is thus economically rather healthy, although not among the best performing economies of the EU. It boasts a highly educated population, attracts substantial foreign direct investment, maintains high-quality hospitals, has a healthy housing market (i.e. it did not crash during the financial crisis, but recent estimates still suggest some overvaluation of the market) and overall manages a well-performing economy. With its comprehensive road, rail, water and information technology networks, in addition to its world-class harbors, Belgium provides direct access to and from the rest of the world into Europe. Its openness in terms of trade and high reliance on exports implies that Belgian companies must remain competitive or face losing their market position.