DOCSLIB.ORG

Social Cleavages, Political Institutions and Party Systems: Putting Preferences Back Into the Fundamental Equation of Politics A

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Social Cleavages, Political Institutions and Party Systems: Putting Preferences Back Into the Fundamental Equation of Politics A SOCIAL CLEAVAGES, POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND PARTY SYSTEMS: PUTTING PREFERENCES BACK INTO THE FUNDAMENTAL EQUATION OF POLITICS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Heather M. Stoll December 2004 c Copyright by Heather M. Stoll 2005 All Rights Reserved ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. David D. Laitin, Principal Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Beatriz Magaloni-Kerpel I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Morris P. Fiorina Approved for the University Committee on Graduate Studies. iii iv Abstract Do the fundamental conflicts in democracies vary? If so, how does this variance affect the party system? And what determines which conflicts are salient where and when? This dis- sertation explores these questions in an attempt to revitalize debate about the neglected (if not denigrated) part of the fundamental equation of politics: preferences. While the com- parative politics literature on political institutions such as electoral systems has exploded in the last two decades, the same cannot be said for the variable that has been called social cleavages, political cleavages, ideological dimensions, and—most generally—preferences. The dissertation revisits the ways in which preferences, the societal inputs into the po- litical process, interact with political institutions to shape party systems. It lays conceptual groundwork by drawing upon the constructivist literature; evaluates the literature that at- tempts to account for variance in the number of parties competing in elections; develops new measures of the conflicts both dividing political elites and latent within society-at-large; constructs and empirically tests new hypotheses about the link between these conflicts and the number of parties; and endogenizes elite-level conflicts. The empirical analysis, which employs an original time series cross-sectional data set, is primarily quantitative and cross- national although based around advanced industrial (and specifically Western European) democracies. Measurement and model specification issues that most empirical studies ignore are explored. Striking variation in the fundamental conflicts within societies is identified, which sug- gests that common assumptions of one-dimensional political competition are untenable. While the dissertation concludes that the nature and number of these conflicts matter, it disagrees with existing studies about the ways in which they matter. It argues against the traditional approach of relating what are usually called social cleavages to the number of political parties. Instead, it suggests linking latent conflicts within society-at-large to the political agenda itself, the elite-level conflicts that divide political parties. Features of soci- ety such as ethnic heterogeneity are only weakly and non-linearly related to the number of competitors but strongly related to the types of issues that dominate the political agenda, which we might view as a more normative attribute of party systems. v Preface Since business comes before pleasure, I will initially note that the contents of some chapters of this thesis were originally prepared for presentation elsewhere as detailed below. • Chapter 3: Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, September 2–4 2004. Earlier version presented at the Graduate Student Retreat of the Society for Comparative Research, University of California–San Diego, La Jolla, CA, May 15–16 2004. • Chapter 5: Portions of this chapter presented at the poster session of the Annual Sum- mer Meeting of the Society for Political Methodology, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, July 29–31 2004. But now on to pleasure. It is always difficult to decide who merits acknowledgment at times like these: so many people have contributed to this dissertation in so many ways that it would be an impossible task to recognize them all. Consequently, I open with an apology to those who are not mentioned here. An easy place to begin the acknowledgments is with my committee, all of whom have my gratitude for putting up with numerous scheduling difficulties related to the defense. Administrative issues aside, an off-hand comment that Mo Fiorina made on my original prospectus was the genesis of the project: it launched the dissertation in a new direction that ultimately became its focus. This kind of profound and creative insight will surprise no one who knows Mo. I can only aspire to both his clarity of thinking and writing. To Beatriz Magaloni-Kerpel, what needs to be said about her unparalleled command of the literature and knack for seeing to the heart of the matter? For serving on the committee, several classes, directed readings, and frank conversations about careers in academia over the years, I owe her much. Continuing on the academic front, thanks also go to Jonathan Wand for serving on the examination committee. He has prompted me to think carefully about fundamental issues of research design: to confront more honestly the truths about what regression analysis can and cannot do for us. truths that we in comparative politics have ignored for too long. Jonathan Bendor’s gracious agreement to serve as the oral examination committee chair at the last minute and at some personal hardship made the whole thing possible, which I will not forget. His class on bounded rationality was one of the most important learning experiences I had at Stanford. It is reassuring to know that there are people like him working in political science, who impart rigor and clarity to all that they touch. Last but not least is David Laitin. He has been a fabulous mentor over the years, steering me judiciously at critical moments but always doing so with a light hand. Where vi vii his hand has been heaviest has been in always forcing me to think about the big picture: the “why should we care?” question that every graduate student (and every graduated academic) dreads. The benefits of the mindset that he has encouraged are innumerable. I don’t think that I will ever sit down to write without asking myself the question and my work is certainly the richer for it. On a personal note, I have the deepest admiration for his breadth of knowledge. He is truly a renaissance academic and individual: there is very little in which he is not conversant, both within comparative politics and without. It has been a pleasure to be surrounded by his intellectual energy, and if even a smidgen of it has rubbed off on me, I will be content. Stanford University has been a wonderful place to pursue a doctorate. The collegial atmosphere that pervades relationships among students and between students and faculty has diffused much of the tension from the doctoral enterprise save that which is inherent in it. Funding in the form of a Stanford University doctoral fellowship is gratefully acknowledged. Of my colleagues, special thanks go to Nahomi Ichino, Kenneth McElwain, David Patel, Jeremy Pope, Shawn Treier, Ebru Erdem, Eve Piscina (now d’Onfrio), and Jennifer Lawless (in no particular order) for both fun and helpful discussions about political science and, more generally, life. Nahomi, Jeremy, and Shawn created a productive office environment for two years. The department staff, particularly Jeanette Lee-Oderman and Eliana Vasquez, have been stalwart in always coming through for me when something needed to be done. Simon Jackman, Terry Moe, Anne Wren, Alberto Diaz-Cayeros, Jim Fearon, David Abernethy, and Isabela Mares have all at various points contributed to my development as a scholar. Closing the book on academic acknowledgments, recognition must be given to Gary King and the Center for Basic Research in the Social Sciences at Harvard University, where I was a visiting research assistant during the year when the bulk of the dissertation was written, for their generous support. CBRSS is a place of remarkable intellectual vitality and I learned much during that year, particularly from Gary. He is another for whom I have deep admiration. He manages to juggle real concern for his students with an administrative and academic work load that would quail most of us, and he does it with a smile. I gained a broader perspective on what it means to do social science from him, as well as presentation skills that will be of use in perpetuity. Finally, my family and friends have patiently put up with many excuses for the past few years. Hopefully the phrase that I “don’t have the time” will if not disappear (too many horror stories of life as an assistant professor have been flung my way) then at least ameliorate in frequency. My husband has suffered the most. He has been deluged with numerous LATEX questions, foregone treasured social activities to allow me time to work, and shouldered an unfair share of the household cooking. Without his love and support, this thesis would not now be filed (and I would be very hungry). Contents iv Abstract v Preface vi 1 Introduction 1 1.1 PreferencesMatter,Too . 4 1.2 RelationshiptoOtherLiteratures . ...... 8 1.2.1 SpatialTheory .............................. 8 1.2.2 PoliticalBehavior ............................ 10 1.3 OrganizationoftheThesis. 12 I Reviewing Existing Scholarship 14 2 Conceptual and Measurement Issues 15 2.1 DefiningPreferences .............................. 16 2.1.1 DefinitionalIssues ............................ 16 2.1.2 AndtheDefinitionIs...? ........................ 21 2.2 ExistentOperationalizations. ...... 27 2.2.1 LatentCleavages ............................. 27 2.2.2 PoliticizedCleavages . 30 2.2.3 ParticizedCleavages .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sample Chapter
    Copyright material – 9781137029607 © Kris Deschouwer 2009, 2012 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First edition 2009 This edition published 2012 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries ISBN: 978-1-137-03024-5 hardback ISBN: 978-1-137-02960-7 paperback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin.
    [Show full text]
  • From an Institutionalized Manifest Catholic to a Latent Christian Pillar
    Karel Dobbelaere1 Оригинални научни рад Catholic University of Leuven and University of Antwerp, Belgium UDK 322(493) RELIGION AND POLITICS IN BELGIUM: FROM AN INSTITUTIONALIZED MANIFEST CATHOLIC TO A LATENT CHRISTIAN PILLAR Abstract After having described the historical basis of the process of pillarization in Belgium, the author explains the emergence of the Catholic pillar as a defence mechanism of the Catholic Church and the Catholic leadership to protect the Catholic flock from sec- ularization. He describes the different services the Catholic pillar was offering for its members and the development of Belgium as a state based on three pillars: the catho- lic, the socialist and the liberal one that were all three institutionalized. This structure meant that Belgium was rather a segregated country that was vertically integrated. In the sixties of last century, the pillar was confronted with a growing secularization of the population, which forced the leadership of the pillar to adapt the collective con- sciousness: the Catholic credo, values and norms were replaced by so-called typical values of the Gospel integrated in what is called a Socio-Cultural Christianity. Under the impact of the changing economic situation, the politicization of the Flemish ques- tion and the emergence of Ecologist parties, the Christian pillar had to adapt its serv- ices and is now based on clienteles rather than members. Only in the Flemish part of Belgium is it still an institutionalized pillar. Key words: Collective Consciousness, Pillarization; Pillar; Institutionalized Pillar, Solidarity: Mechanical and Organic Solidarity,Vertical pluralism, Secularization. The concept of ‘pillar’ and the process of ‘pillarization’ are translations of the Dutch terms zuil and zuilvorming to describe the special structure of vertical pluralism typical of Dutch society.
    [Show full text]
  • Belgian Identity Politics: at a Crossroad Between Nationalism and Regionalism
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2014 Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism Jose Manuel Izquierdo University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Human Geography Commons Recommended Citation Izquierdo, Jose Manuel, "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2014. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/2871 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Jose Manuel Izquierdo entitled "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Science, with a major in Geography. Micheline van Riemsdijk, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Derek H. Alderman, Monica Black Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism A Thesis Presented for the Master of Science Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Jose Manuel Izquierdo August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Jose Manuel Izquierdo All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Parties Ideas Transfer and Ideological Positioning: Australia and Britain Compared B.M
    Labour parties ideas transfer and ideological positioning: Australia and Britain compared B.M. Edwards & Matt Beech School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The University of New South Wales, Canberra School of Politics, Philosophy and International Studies, University of Hull, UK As part of this special issue examining policy transfer between the Labour Parties in Australia and Britain, this paper seeks to explore the relationship between the two on ideological positioning. In the 1990s there was substantial ideas transfer from the Australian Hawke‐ Keating government to Blair ‘New Labour’ in Britain, as both parties made a lunge towards the economic centre. This paper analyses how the inheritors of that shift, the Rudd/Gillard government in Australia and the Milliband and Corbyn leaderships in Britain, are seeking to define the role and purpose of labour parties in its wake. It examines the extent to which they are learning and borrowing from one another, and finds that a combination of divergent economic and political contexts have led to strikingly limited contemporary policy transfer. Keywords: Australian Labor Party; British Labour Party; Kevin Rudd; Julia Gillard; Ed Miliband; crisis In the 1990s there was substantial policy transfer between the Australian Labor Party and the Labour Party in Britain as they confronted the rise of neoliberalism. The ALP was in power from 1983‐1996 and introduced far reaching market liberalisation reforms complemented by a strengthened safety net. Due to the economic reforms of Thatcherism, Labour in Britain also remade itself to be more pro‐market, drawing considerably on policies of the ALP (Pierson and Castles, 2002).
    [Show full text]
  • War Occ Pation Liberation
    WAR OCC PATION LIBERATION Belgium WAR 1940—1945 OCC PATION LIBERATION Wannes Devos Kevin Gony (eds.) www.lannoo.com Register on our website to regularly receive a newsletter with information about new books and interesting exclusive offers. Final editing Wannes Devos Kevin Gony Photo editing Luc Vandeweghe Translations Altair Vertalingen bvba Cover design Studio Lannoo (Mieke Verloigne) Cover photos Belgian refugees, ca. 1940 (War Heritage Institute) Layout Keppie & Keppie © Lannoo Publishers nv, Tielt, 2019 and the authors D/2019/45/343 – ISBN 978 94 014 5909 9 – NUR 689 All rights reserved. Nothing of this publication may be reproduced, stored in an automated database and/or made public in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. CONTENTS PREFACE 9 Michel Jaupart CONTEXT 13 THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN PERSPECTIVE Luc De Vos INTRODUCTION 19 THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN PARTS Wannes Devos 1 FROM ONE WAR TO THE OTHER 27 • TWENTY YEARS OF PEACE? BELGIAN INTERWAR POLICY 29 Catherine Lanneau • THE IMPLICATIONS OF CONTROLLING THE RHINE 38 Anne Godfroid • MULTILATERALISM OR ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY? THE BELGIAN MISSION(S) IN ETHIOPIA 40 Manuel Duran • WIFE AND MOTHER: WOMEN IN THE NEW ORDER 43 Christine Van Everbroeck • A PRINCE AND HIS ARMY: THE KING, THE BELGIAN ARMY AND THE GOVERNMENT 51 Jean-Michel Sterkendries • THE BELGIAN BUNKER LINES: MANY FEET IN THE SOIL 57 Erik Janssen • THE 1939 MOBILISATION: WERE THEY PREPARED? 60 Pierre Lierneux 5 2 WAR AND COMBAT 63 • MAY 1940: THE
    [Show full text]
  • William Riker
    NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES WILLIAM HARRISON RIKER 1920–1993 A Biographical Memoir by BRUCE BUENO DE MESQUITA AND KENNETH SHEPSLE Any opinions expressed in this memoir are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Academy of Sciences. Biographical Memoirs, VOLUME 79 PUBLISHED 2001 BY THE NATIONAL ACADEMY PRESS WASHINGTON, D.C. Photography Unit, University of Rochester WILLIAM HARRISON RIKER September 22, 1920–June 26, 1993 BY BRUCE BUENO DE MESQUITA AND KENNETH SHEPSLE ILLIAM RIKER WAS A VISIONARY scholar, institution builder, Wand intellect who developed methods for applying mathematical reasoning to the study of politics. By intro- ducing the precepts of game theory and social choice theory to political science he constructed a theoretical base for political analysis. This theoretical foundation, which he called “positive political theory,” proved crucial in the develop- ment of political theories based on axiomatic logic and amenable to predictive tests and experimental, historical, and statistical verification. Through his research, writing, and teaching he transformed important parts of political studies from civics and wisdom to science. Positive political theory now is a mainstream approach to political science. In no small measure this is because of Riker’s research. It is also a consequence of his superb teaching—he trained and influenced many students and colleagues who, in turn, helped spread the approach to universities beyond his intellectual home at the University of Rochester. THE EARLY YEARS Bill, as he was known to his friends, was born in Des Moines, Iowa, on September 22, 1920. He was the much- 3 4 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS cherished only son of Ben and Alice Riker.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2019 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period of 1960 to 2019. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time-series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source.
    [Show full text]
  • Bargaining Theory and the Analysis of Belgian Multy-Party-Government Formation During the Interwar Period Buyst, Erik; Lauwers, Luc; Uytterhoeven, Patrick
    www.ssoar.info Bargaining theory and the analysis of Belgian multy-party-government formation during the interwar period Buyst, Erik; Lauwers, Luc; Uytterhoeven, Patrick Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GESIS - Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Buyst, E., Lauwers, L., & Uytterhoeven, P. (1991). Bargaining theory and the analysis of Belgian multy-party- government formation during the interwar period. Historical Social Research, 16(4), 4-20. https://doi.org/10.12759/ hsr.16.1991.4.4-20 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-33130 Historical Social Research, Vol. 16 — 1991 — No. 4, 4-20 Bargaining Theory and the Analysis of Belgian Multy-Party Government Formation during the Interwar Period Erik Buyst, Luc Lauwers, Patrick Uytterhoeven* Abstract: The distribution of minister portfolios in go• vernment coalitions is the result of a complex process of bargaining. In that way power relations among political parties are reflected in the distribution of cabinet posts. In this paper the predictions of game theoretical con• cepts (bargaining set, e*-core) and the Gam son hypo• thesis are compared with the actual portfolio distribu• tion. In most Belgian interwar governments the relati• vely small liberal party was able to obtain a share of ministeries substantially larger than their share of par• liamentary seats in coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • Economics 5403: Public Choice: an Introduction to the Political
    ECON 5403 F – Topics in the Theory of Public Economics (Political Economy) August 6, 2014. Stanley L. Winer Canada Research Chair Professor in Public Policy. Email: stanley.winer@carleton .ca Tel: 520-2600 x2630. Office Hours: TBA, River Bldg. 5140 Course Objectives: This term ECON 5403 will offer an introduction to the study of political economy, with emphasis on the political economy of public finance. In this course, microeconomics, public economics and analytical political theory are combined in the search for a more comprehensive vision of the economic and political forces underlying the structure and evolution of the public sector and the consequences of political institutions for the allocation and distribution of resources. Topics covered include selected aspects of public goods and externalities, the free-rider problem and collective action, the operation of collective choice mechanisms such as pure majority rule, the relationship between the institutions of representative democracy and economic welfare, the modelling of political competition, special interest politics, time consistency, electoral competitiveness, the efficiency of democracy, and other issues. Some attention is paid to the historical evolution of ideas. In addition to foundational issues and the methods used to study them, we will also look carefully at some recent research papers. Course Requirements: There will be take-home questions to answer at two points over the term (worth 50% of your mark in total), and a project (worth 50%). Due date for the project will be one week after the last class. Sets of questions will be handed out periodically that (in part) review material considered in class.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO.
    [Show full text]
  • RHETORIC and HERESTHETIC in the MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM PARTY CONTROVERSY at the 1964 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION a Thesis by ADRIA BATTA
    RHETORIC AND HERESTHETIC IN THE MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM PARTY CONTROVERSY AT THE 1964 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION A Thesis by ADRIA BATTAGLIA Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS August 2005 Major Subject: Speech Communication RHETORIC AND HERESTHETIC IN THE MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM PARTY CONTROVERSY AT THE 1964 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION A Thesis by ADRIA BATTAGLIA Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Approved by: Chair of Committee, James Arnt Aune Committee Members, Kurt Ritter Jennifer R. Mercieca Sarah Gatson August 2005 Major Subject: Speech Communication iii ABSTRACT Rhetoric and Heresthetic in the Mississippi Freedom Party Controversy at the 1964 Democratic Convention. (August 2005) Adria Battaglia, B.A., Texas A&M University; M.A., Texas A&M University Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. James Arnt Aune This thesis shows the development and shifts in rhetorical form as strategies evolve to meet heresthetic demands. This thesis explores the rhetorical crisis that emerged between the Democratic Party and the Mississippi Freedom Party at the 1964 Democratic Convention. Specifically, the focus is on the rhetorical discourse presented by the members of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, Fannie Lou Hamer in particular, at the Credentials Committee two days before the onset of the actual Convention. It is the rhetorical interplay in the specific context of the Committee, the subsequent political bargaining behind the scenes during the next four days of the Convention, and the emerging and evolving constraints as a result of this bargaining that illuminate the symbolic power and limitations behind a rhetoric aimed at redefining race in the nation’s social and political consciousness.
    [Show full text]
  • Change in Social Attitudes
    Social Attitudes and Value Change Stephen Fisher [email protected] http://users.ox.ac.uk/~nuff0084/polsoc I Post-Materialism I Environmental attitudes I Liberalism I Left-Right I Partisan Dealignment I Conclusions Post-materialism Post-materialists are more concerned about quality of life, the environment, democracy, and human rights. Materialists care mainly about economic growth and security. Post-materialism is measured by asking survey respondents to rank the following possible goals in order of priority for their country. 1. Maintaining order in the nation 2. Giving the people more say in important government decisions 3. Fighting rising prices 4. Protecting freedom of speech If you prefer items 2 and 4 to items 1 and 3 then you are post-materialist. Inglehart's theory of the Rise of Post-materialism Inglehart argues that there has been a rise in post-materialism in the post-war period in the following way. I People have a hierarchy of needs|survival, security, belonging and then self-actualization (Maslow) I So what's important depends on economic conditions. I Good times produce post-materialist attitudes. I Childhood experience is particularly important because of socialization. I Hence post-materialism increases by a process of generational replacement. Inglehart, 2008: Post-materialism higher in richer countries Inglehart, West Eur. Pol. 2008 Youngest cohorts the most liberal but not the most postmaterialist in recent surveys from Europe and Canada: Shorrocks (Pol & Soc, 2018) Figure 4. Lowess Curves for the Average Position for Abortion, Divorce, Homosexuality, Housewife, and Postmaterialism for Cohorts Born 1925–85. Note: N=47,435.
    [Show full text]