Psychology of Popular Media Culture © 2015 American Psychological Association 2015, Vol. 5, No. 1, 000 2160-4134/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000103 Exploring Viewers’ Responses to Nine Reality TV Subgenres

Mina Tsay-Vogel K. Maja Krakowiak Boston University University of Colorado, Colorado Springs

Reality TV is a genre that places nonactors in dramatic situations with unpredictable outcomes. The influx of reality TV dominating network and cable programming has been highly reflective in its expansion of formats, evident from the variety of narrative themes embedded in reality-based shows. Findings from this exploratory study (N ϭ 274) reveal significant differences in the way college students affectively, cognitively, and behaviorally engage with reality TV. Specifically, identification, interactivity, enjoyment, perceived realism, and perceived competition across 9 reality TV sub- genres: dating/romance, makeover/lifestyle, hidden camera, talent, game show, docu- soap, sitcom, law enforcement, and court significantly differed. Data provide strong support that programs commonly defined as reality-based offer qualitatively distinct affective, cognitive, and behavioral experiences and gratifications for viewers.

Keywords: reality TV, reality programs, subgenres, TV formats, gratifications

The unscripted and inexpensive nature of re- (Cavendar & Fishman, 1998). Shows such as ality TV programs continues to make them pop- The Bachelor, Survivor, The Voice, Duck Dy- ular commodities in the entertainment industry nasty, Love and Hip Hop, and The Real House- (Essany, 2013; Ramdhany, 2012). Evidence wives have generally been regarded as a single supporting reality TV’s appeal has been docu- and collective genre, assumed to convey homo- mented as a function of motives for self- geneous messages and themes (Kavka, 2012). importance (Reiss & Wiltz, 2004), mechanisms However, with the consistent flood of reality- for escape (Javors, 2004), perceived realism based programs on network and cable TV rep- (Potter, 1986), surveillance (Andrejevic, 2002), resenting 56% of the top 10 TV shows in the curiosity about the lives of others (Nabi, Biely, 2010–2011 season (Nielsen Company, 2011), it Morgan, & Stitt, 2003), audience interactivity is likely that the largely distinct narrative prem- (Griffen-Foley, 2004), romance and competi- ises of such shows may elicit varying degrees of tion (Nabi, 2007), and habitual entertainment audience responses. Indeed, its increasing ex- (Papacharissi & Mendelson, 2007), to name a pansion of formats or subgenres makes this TV few. Although scholars have provided ample genre both complex and worthy of further in- support for reality TV’s widespread interest, vestigation (Murray & Ouellette, 2009; Ouel- programs characterized as reality-based have lette & Hay, 2008). commonly been defined as those showcasing In their work, Murray and Ouellette (2009) nonactors in unscripted scenarios (Hill, 2005; classified reality shows across the following Nabi et al., 2003) and claiming to portray reality subgenres: dating, makeover/lifestyle, docuso- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. aps, court, gamedocs, and reality sitcoms, This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. whereas Nabi, Stitt, Halford, and Finnerty (2006) categorized them in the context of ro- mance, competition and game, crime, talent, Mina Tsay-Vogel, Department of Mass Communication, Advertising & Public Relations, Boston University; K. Maja informational, and reality drama. Taking into Krakowiak, Communication Department, University of account the extensive range of reality-based Colorado, Colorado Springs. programming in the current entertainment cli- Correspondence concerning this article should be ad- mate, the present research offers an exploratory dressed to Mina Tsay-Vogel, Department of Mass Commu- nication, Advertising & Public Relations, Boston Univer- look at whether these reality TV subgenres elicit sity, 640 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston, MA 02215. a host of affective, cognitive, and behavioral E-mail: [email protected] experiences for viewers. Five primary audience

1 2 TSAY-VOGEL AND KRAKOWIAK

responses—identification, interactivity, enjoy- 1) people portraying themselves (e.g., not actors or ment, perceived realism, and perceived compe- public figures performing roles), 2) filmed at least in part in their living or working environment rather than tition—are examined across nine subgenres of on a set, 3) without a script, 4) with events placed in a reality-based programming: dating/romance, narrative context, and 5) for the primary purpose of makeover/lifestyle, hidden camera, talent, game viewer entertainment. (p. 304) show, docusoap, sitcom, law enforcement, and Findings indicated that the distribution of court. These subcategories of reality TV have programs was largely explained by the degree been readily documented on the basis of their of realism and suitability for prime time. Inter- contextual and narrative themes (Deery, 2004; estingly, the program classifications suggest Hill, 2005; Murray & Ouellette, 2009; Nabi et that although a genre of reality-based TV exists al., 2006; Ouellette & Hay, 2008). By taking in the mind-set of viewers, it may be compli- into consideration the diverse nature of reality- cated by its variety of subgenres. based programs, we gain a theoretically richer understanding of how reality TV provides qual- itatively unique entertainment experiences and Nine Subgenres of Reality TV gratifications on the basis of exposure to distin- guished formats. Furthermore, this study raises To date, reality TV’s prevalence and popu- the importance of acknowledging that reality larity are reflected in its dramatic increase in TV programs should not be examined under a specialized formats. Their salience in the enter- unidimensional lens and that future scholars tainment market has sparked the interest of should consider its multidimensional nature scholars attempting to construct a typology of across affective, cognitive, and behavioral do- these shows. Although reality TV provides au- mains of audience involvement. diences with access to the private lives of real people, these formats clearly have their own Reality TV as a Genre functionalities and potentially provide distinct media experiences for viewers. On the basis of One of the paramount issues raised by the extant literature from both interpretive and em- emergence, development, and proliferation of pirical research traditions (Deery, 2004; Hill, reality-based programs is rooted in the concep- 2005; Murray & Ouellette, 2009; Nabi et al., tualization of the genre. On the basis of textual 2006; Ouellette & Hay, 2008), the following components (e.g., narrative, language, and pro- reality TV subgenres have been documented as duction), reality-based programs have com- having unique contextual and narrative themes: monly been described as having certain funda- dating/romance, makeover/lifestyle, hidden mental characteristics—“non-professional camera, talent, game show, docusoap, sitcom, actors, unscripted dialogue, surveillance foot- law enforcement, and court. age, hand-held cameras, seeing events unfold as Dating and romance shows (e.g., The Bach- they are happening in front of the camera” (Hill, elor) center on themes of love, often placing 2005, p. 41). Earlier conceptualizations of real- contestants in positions of vying for the heart of ity TV stemmed from its affordance of realistic a single man or woman. Makeover and lifestyle representations in which programs are discrim- programs (e.g., Extreme Makeover) showcase inated by their claim to portray reality (Caven- dramatic transformations of ordinary people as dar & Fishman, 1998). they undergo either simple procedures, such as This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Whereas the depiction of reality helps to es- fashion makeovers, or major life-altering plastic This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. tablish a generic boundary for the genre, other surgeries. Hidden camera shows (e.g., Candid program features may be discounted. One of the Camera) feature staged situations in which hid- challenges faced by researchers attempting to den cameras capture random or chosen pass- conceptualize reality TV is to determine the ersby who are unaware that they are being ob- distinguishing features that permit membership served. Talent shows (e.g., Dancing with the into this genre. Conducting a multidimensional Stars) are based on the search for talent and space analysis using reported categorizations of unique skills, often premised on finding the next 48 TV programs, Nabi et al. (2003) defined superstar, singer, model, inventor, or designer. shows in the reality-based programming cate- Game shows (e.g., Survivor) place characters in gory as those with often enclosed environments and situations in REALITY TV SUBGENRES 3

which their primary objective is to win a prize, celebrity on TV. Docusoaps showcase individ- either in the form of prestige or money. Docu- uals who are simply reacting to their natural soaps (e.g., The Real World) document the lives environment, capturing real-life events that are of real people and actual events and are some- edited similarly to soap operas (Brenton & Co- what comparable to daytime serials. Reality sit- hen, 2004). Through such conventions, viewers coms (e.g., My Life as a Sitcom) are reality- are able to identify with characters as they are based situation comedies. Law enforcement generally relatable to the average person. On the programs (e.g., Cops) highlight the conse- other hand, viewers who desire to be recognized quences of criminal injustice by following po- or crave a sense of status may also be likely to lice officers as they stake out criminals, use watch reality TV. Smith and Wood (2003) sug- their authority to demand order, or request the gested ways in which reality TV–induced con- public’s help in searching for wanted perpetra- sumerism is a form of identification such that tors. Last, court shows (e.g., Judge Judy) fea- people craft identities by purchasing merchan- ture actual courtroom cases in which a judge dise and participating in fan communities. Fur- resolves a situation between two opposing par- thermore, viewers may likely take on the social ties. and political causes of those with whom they identify (e.g., Steve Irwin followers may engage Affective, Cognitive, and Behavioral in wildlife conservation; Bae, Brown, & Kang, Responses to Reality TV 2010; Brown, 2010). Therefore, it can be argued that such forms of identification may vary de- In light of the diversity of narrative formats pending on the narrative and characters that within the reality TV genre, it is reasonable to each subgenre features. suggest that viewers’ experiences with and per- ceptions of these subgenres may differ. Taking Interactivity into account the affective, cognitive, and behav- ioral dimensions underlying media gratifica- Holmes (2004) argued that the influx of real- tions (Nabi & Krcmar, 2004), this section de- ity-based TV bridges the roles of audience and tails specific viewer responses that are most producer. These shows let viewers cast votes prominent and relevant to reality TV based on and influence program outcomes, allowing a extant literature. Five audience responses are new participatory relationship to develop be- investigated: identification, interactivity, enjoy- tween viewers and reality TV contestants. In ment, perceived realism, and perceived compe- such a case, this behavioral aspect underlying tition. one’s media experience could largely contribute to the enjoyment of reality TV. Currently, this Identification evolving participatory facet of reality-based programming, which provides audiences with a Media characters play an integral role in the sense of agency in changing and discussing public’s experience with entertainment (Cohen, program content (Hall, 2009; Jenkins, 2006; 2006; Klimmt, Hartmann, & Schramm, 2006; McClain, 2011), is increasingly evident across a Zillmann, 2006). Identification is a psychologi- host of shows (e.g., The Voice and Dancing with cal process through which viewers can emotion- the Stars). When people relate to what they ally and cognitively place themselves in the conceptualize as real, they may be more in- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. position of a character and vicariously partici- clined to invest themselves in the outcome of This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. pate in the character’s experience (Cohen, 2014; the show and feel that their votes matter. Reality Cole & Leets, 1999). The construct has also TV indeed offers an avenue through which ac- been examined in its wishful form, the extent to cess to the real becomes a type of interactive which a viewer desires to be like a character or affair (Smith & Wood, 2003). behaves similarly to a character (Eyal & Rubin, In delineating the experience of viewing 2003; Hoffner, 1996; Moyer-Gusé, Chung, & reality TV, interactivity not only applies to Jain, 2011). the TV medium. Avid reality TV enthusiasts Reiss and Wiltz (2004) suggested that view- use several means to achieve more-enhanced ers often identify with characters who are like program participation, such as turning to the themselves and also fantasize about becoming a Internet to read, discuss, and post messages to 4 TSAY-VOGEL AND KRAKOWIAK

other avid fans (Andrejevic, 2002; Jenkins, particularly as it relates to TV viewing. Various 2006). Today, it is common for people to seek theories have explained how individuals shape audition information via online sources, tweet and develop perceptions of realism during ex- their votes, and enter sweepstakes to win posure to TV programming (Busselle, 2003). seats for live tapings. Reality TV fans can For example, magic window theory posits that even seek out consumer products that visibly what is seen on TV is real in and of itself, display their enthusiasm for and devotion to whereas social realism theories suggest that these shows. Dedicated viewers may also sub- viewers believe that mediated content resem- mit applications to be featured on these pro- bles the real world. The self-disclosing nature of grams; such actions are clearly “interactive” reality-based programs encourages audiences to in nature. feel that they are witnessing reality and that the characters are themselves “being watched” (An- Enjoyment drejevic, 2004). Reality-based formats that present characters looking directly at the camera Whereas identification and interactivity are through the use of confessionals (Aslama & common responses to reality TV, this genre of Pantti, 2006; Dovey, 2000) further enhance the entertainment is also expected to facilitate perceived realism of dramatic events. Lundy, viewer enjoyment (Hall, 2009; Nabi et al., Ruth, and Park (2008) suggested that reality TV 2006; Tsay-Vogel & Nabi, in press). Given that serves as a vehicle to allow viewers the chance reality-based programs often place individuals to experience the realities of others. In a sense, in convoluted situations to capture spontaneous the perceived “other’s reality” is an opportunity reactions, deriving enjoyment from exposure to for audiences to take part in something that is these scenarios can be explained by a variety of not entirely real or familiar in their everyday mechanisms. A common response to media fare lives. Interestingly, research on social reality is the pleasure we gain from watching those construction has suggested that perceived real- whom we dislike suffer. In other words, wit- ism leads to a greater tendency to be influenced nessing unaffiliated characters or those whom by program content (Busselle & Greenberg, we do not care for experience agony is naturally 2000). entertaining for human beings (Wolff, Smith, & Murray, 1934). Disposition theory further sug- gests that enjoyment is a function of viewers’ Perceived Competition affective dispositions toward characters and the Another thematic element of reality-based outcomes that these characters experience in the programs is their emphasis on competition and narrative (Raney & Bryant, 2002; Zillmann & interpersonal conflict (Nabi, 2007; Reiss & Bryant, 1975, 1986). Thus, due to the variability Wiltz, 2004). Many of these programs, particu- in reality TV subgenres, the multiple personal- larly game and talent shows, are centered on ities cast by producers, and the placement of strategic skills to win a reward or reach a goal at characters in dramatic and often convoluted sit- the end. These positive reinforcements can be uations, it is possible that viewers will elicit monetary resources (e.g., a million dollars on different levels of enjoyment. The degree to Survivor), romance (e.g., winning a person’s which individuals perceive programs of a par- heart on the Bachelor), and prestige (e.g., the ticular subgenre as exciting or pleasurable is title of The Biggest Loser), among others. Reiss This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. perhaps a function of their favorability toward and Wiltz (2004) found that those with higher This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individualthe user and is not to be people disseminated broadly. presented on these shows, as well as motivations for vengeance were more likely to the expected fate of such characters. watch reality-based programs such as Survivor, Perceived Realism Big Brother, Temptation Island, The Mole, and The Real World. Applying the sensitivity theory Another pertinent concept, in addition to ex- to their research, they suggested that the joy of ploring differences in enjoyment across the re- vindication is a gratification that reality TV ality TV formats, is perceived realism. The viewers experience due to its emphasis on strug- name of the genre itself claims the portrayal of gle and conflict. The desire for vengeance is some form of authenticity or “reality.” Per- also closely associated with the enjoyment of ceived realism has been extensively studied, competition in general (Reiss, 2000). Taking REALITY TV SUBGENRES 5

into account that certain reality TV formats may the study in exchange for extra credit in a be more goal- and conflict-oriented than others, course. Among the respondents in the conve- it is possible that viewers will vary in their nience sample, 136 were males (50.4%) and perceptions of competition across reality TV 134 were females (49.6%), with a mean age subgenres. of 20.5 years (SD ϭ 1.73). In order to deter- mine differences in the evaluations of the nine Research Questions subgenres of reality TV—dating/romance, makeover/lifestyle, hidden camera, talent, In light of the importance of studying the five game show, docusoap, sitcom, law enforce- facets of media responses—identification, inter- ment, and court—we administered an online activity, enjoyment, perceived realism, and per- questionnaire. Participants were randomly as- ceived competition—to the nine reality-based signed to one of six counterbalanced versions subgenres, this study considers this primary re- of the questionnaire. They reported their eval- search question: uations of each reality TV category on the basis of their degree of identification, inter- Research Question 1: Do (a) identification, activity, enjoyment, perceived realism, and (b) interactivity, (c) enjoyment, (d) per- perceived competition; their level of appeal ceived realism, and (e) perceived competi- with respect to love, reward, fame, watching tion differ across the nine subgenres of others exposed, and being observed; and their reality TV: dating/romance, makeover/ TV viewing habits. lifestyle, hidden camera, talent, game show, docusoap, sitcom, law enforcement, Measures and court? TV viewing. Participants reported the aver- Additionally, extant literature documents a age number of hours of general TV and reality variety of positive reinforcements featured on TV viewing per week. In addition, for each of reality TV that are associated with love, reward, the reality TV subgenres, respondents indicated fame, the notion of watching others exposed, the number of shows they watch in that specific and the idea of being observed by others (see category in an average week. For each sub- Andrejevic, 2002, 2004; Nabi, 2007; Nabi et al., genre, examples of shows were provided: dat- 2003, 2006; Papacharissi & Mendelson, 2007; ing/romance (e.g., The Bachelor and Tempta- Reiss & Wiltz, 2004). Grounded on the sensi- tion Island), makeover/lifestyle (e.g., Extreme tivity theory (Reiss & Wiltz, 2004), the degree Makeover and What Not to Wear), hidden cam- to which viewers are interested, sensitive, or era (e.g., Punk’d and Scared Tactics), talent (e.g., attracted to these elements may influence the American Idol and Pop Stars), game show (e.g., extent to which they derive enjoyment from Survivor and Fear Factor), docusoap (e.g., The these subgenres. Therefore, a second research Real World and High School Reunion), sitcom question is addressed: (e.g., My Life as a Sitcom and Newlyweds), law Research Question 2: Which of the follow- enforcement (e.g., Cops and America’s Most ing appeals—(a) love, (b) reward, (c) Wanted), and court (e.g., Judge Judy and Peo- fame, (d) watching others exposed, and (e) ple’s Court). being observed—predict enjoyment of the Responses to nine subgenres. Participants This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. nine subgenres of reality TV: dating/ responded to a series of Likert-type scales This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. romance, makeover/lifestyle, hidden cam- ranging from 1 (strongly disagree)to5 era, talent, game show, docusoap, sitcom, (strongly agree) that assessed identification, law enforcement, and court? interactivity, enjoyment, perceived realism, and perceived competition for each of the Method respective subgenres on the basis of the sam- ple programs listed above. Means and inter- Participants and Procedure correlations of the responses to the subgenres appear in Table 1. A total of 274 undergraduate students from Identification. To assess the degree to a large northeastern university participated in which participants identify with people in these 6 TSAY-VOGEL AND KRAKOWIAK

Table 1 by previous research documenting the gratifica- Correlations Between the Five Primary Audience tions derived from viewing reality TV (see An- Responses (N ϭ 274) drejevic, 2002, 2004; Nabi, 2007; Nabi et al., Response 1 2 3 4 5 2003; Nabi, Stitt, Halford, & Finnerty, 2006; Papacharissi & Mendelson, 2007; Reiss & ءءء40. ء15. ءءء52. ءءءIdentification — .41 .1 .(Wiltz, 2004 ءء20. 04. ءءءInteractivity — .25 .2 ءءء55. ءءEnjoyment — .21 .3 4. Perceived realism — .02 5. Perceived competition — Results .p Ͻ .001 ءءء .p Ͻ .01 ءء .p Ͻ .05 ء Sample Characteristics

Participants watched an average of 13.36 programs, items informed by Godlewski and hours (SD ϭ 10.15) of general TV per week and Perse (2010) and Cohen (2006) were included: 3.52 hours (SD ϭ 3.72) of reality TV per week. “I am similar to people on these shows” and “I Data on the reality TV programs watched re- could put myself in the place of the people in vealed the following on the basis of percentage these shows” (r ϭ .72). of participants viewing at least one show within Interactivity. To measure the extent to the subgenre: docusoap (35.2%), sitcom which participants behaviorally interact with (22.7%), game show (18.0%), talent (17.9%), these programs, items informed by Holmes hidden camera (12.6%), makeover/lifestyle (2004) were included: “I have control over the (11.2%), law enforcement (9.9%), dating/ content of these shows” and “I have auditioned romance (5.2%), and court (2.7%). With regard ϭ for a role on these shows” (r .43). to factors that appeal to them, participants rated Enjoyment. To assess the degree to which love as the most appealing (M ϭ 8.35, SD ϭ participants derived pleasure from these pro- 2.34), followed by reward (M ϭ 7.20, SD ϭ grams, the following items were adapted from 2.14), fame (M ϭ 5.72, SD ϭ 2.50), watching Krcmar and Renfro (2005) and Raney and Bry- others on camera (M ϭ 4.91, SD ϭ 2.38), and ant (2002): “I find these shows exciting” and “I being observed (M ϭ 4.04, SD ϭ 2.36). am curious to see what happens on these shows” (r ϭ .87). Perceived realism. To measure the extent Responses to Reality TV Subgenres to which participants viewed the programs as To address Research Question 1, we con- representing the real world, items informed by ducted a series of repeated-measures analyses of Potter (1986) and Shapiro and Chock (2003) variance employing a multivariate approach to were included: “People in these shows appear to examine differences in (a) identification, (b) be acting” and “These shows do not present life as it really is” (r ϭ .45). interactivity, (c) enjoyment, (d) perceived real- Perceived competition. To assess the de- ism, and (e) perceived competition across the gree to which participants evaluated the pro- nine reality TV subgenres. It is important to grams as emphasizing competition and strategy, note that there were no differences on the basis items informed by Nabi (2007) and Reiss and of participants’ TV viewing and the demo- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Wiltz (2004) were included: “Strategy is in- graphic variables reported. Furthermore, there This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. volved in these shows” and “People on these were no differences across the counterbalanced shows have conflict” (r ϭ .43). formats. Appeal. Items measuring appeal were as- Identification. The first analysis revealed sessed on Likert-type scales ranging from 1 (not significant differences in identification as a at all)to10(very much). Participants reported function of reality TV subgenres, Wilks’ ⌳ϭ the degree to which the following five factors— .47, F(8, 263) ϭ 36.84, p Ͻ .001, partial ␩2 ϭ fame, reward, love, being observed, and watch- .53. In order from highest to lowest in identifi- ing others on camera—appealed to them. Each cation scores were docusoap, game show, hid- of the factors constituted a single item. The den camera, talent, sitcom, dating/romance, selection of these appeal factors was informed makeover/lifestyle, court, and law enforce- REALITY TV SUBGENRES 7

ment.1 Docusoaps were significantly higher in were perceived as least competitive (see Table 6 reported identification than all other subgenres, for means). followed by game and hidden camera shows. Participants identified least with characters on Appeals Predicting Enjoyment of Reality law enforcement and court shows (see Table 2 TV Subgenres for means). Interactivity. The second analysis indi- To address Research Question 2, we em- cated significant differences in interactivity ployed multiple regression to determine which among the subgenres, Wilks’ ⌳ϭ.64, F(8, appeals—love, reward, fame, watching others 246) ϭ 16.98, p Ͻ .001, partial ␩2 ϭ .36. In exposed, and being observed—predicted enjoy- order from highest to lowest in interactivity ment of each reality TV subgenre. The appeals scores were talent, docusoap, dating/romance, of love and watching others on camera signifi- game show, hidden camera, makeover/lifestyle, cantly predicted enjoyment of dating/romance, ϭ 2 ϭ Ͻ sitcom, law enforcement, and court. Talent F(5, 264) 5.18, R .07, p .001; make- ϭ 2 ϭ Ͻ shows were reported as being significantly more over/lifestyle, F(5, 264) 7.17, R .10, p ϭ 2 ϭ interactive than all other subgenres (see Table 3 .001; docusoap, F(5, 264) 14.35, R .20, Ͻ ϭ for means). p .001; and sitcom shows, F(5, 264) 7.66, 2 ϭ Ͻ Enjoyment. The third analysis revealed R .11, p .001. The appeal of watching significant differences in enjoyment of the sub- others on camera was the only predictor of the ϭ genres, Wilks’ ⌳ϭ.40, F(8, 264) ϭ 50.52, p Ͻ enjoyment of hidden camera, F(5, 264) 8.90, 2 ϭ Ͻ ϭ .001, partial ␩2 ϭ .61. In order from highest to R .13, p .001; talent, F(5, 264) 5.30, 2 ϭ Ͻ lowest in enjoyment scores were hidden cam- R .09, p .001; and game shows, F(5, ϭ 2 ϭ Ͻ era, docusoap, game show, talent, sitcom, law 264) 5.05, R .07, p .001. Finally, the enforcement, makeover/lifestyle, dating/ro- appeal of love negatively predicted enjoyment ϭ mance, and court. Hidden camera, docusoap, of law enforcement shows, F(5, 264) 5.88, 2 ϭ Ͻ and game shows were rated as significantly R .08, p .001, and court shows, F(5, ϭ 2 ϭ Ͻ most enjoyable, whereas court shows were re- 264) 2.49, R .03, p .05; see Table 7 for ␤ ported as least enjoyable (see Table 4 for coefficients). means). Perceived realism. The fourth analysis re- Discussion vealed significant differences in perceived real- ism of the subgenres, Wilks’ ⌳ϭ.44, F(8, The present research uniquely supports dif- 264) ϭ 42.82, p Ͻ .001, partial ␩2 ϭ .57. In ferences in identification, interactivity, enjoy- order from highest to lowest in perceived real- ment, perceived realism, and perceived compe- ism scores were law enforcement, makeover/ tition across nine reality TV subgenres. lifestyle, hidden camera, court, talent, game Furthermore, these audience responses were as- show, docusoap, sitcom, and dating/romance. sociated with each other regardless of subgenre. Law enforcement shows were perceived as sig- Last, the appeal of love and that of watching nificantly more realistic than all other sub- others on camera were positively associated genres, whereas dating/romance shows were with the enjoyment of particular reality formats. perceived as least realistic (see Table 5 for The findings indicated that viewers most means). identified with characters in docusoaps. Given This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Perceived competition. The final analysis that identification is associated with an audience This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. indicated significant differences in perceived member’s perceived similarity to a character competition of the nine subgenres, Wilks’ ⌳ϭ (see Cohen, 2001), this finding may be a result .40, F(8, 261) ϭ 50.01, p Ͻ .001, partial ␩2 ϭ of the strong tendency of docusoaps, such as .61. In order from highest to lowest in perceived The Real World, to feature characters in their competition scores were game show, docusoap, late teens and early twenties, an age range that talent, law enforcement, dating/romance, court, resembles that of our sample. It is also likely hidden camera, makeover/lifestyle, and sitcom. Game shows were perceived as significantly 1 Type III sum of squares were used in the repeated- more competitive than all other subgenres, measures analyses of variance, and thus the standard errors whereas makeover/lifestyle shows and sitcoms were reported instead of standard deviations. 8 TSAY-VOGEL AND KRAKOWIAK

Table 2 Identification with Characters in Reality TV Subgenres

Hidden Dating/ Makeover/ Law Docusoap Game show camera Talent Sitcom romance lifestyle Court enforcement

M 2.58a 2.37b 2.34b 2.06cd 1.94ce 1.93de 1.87e 1.55f 1.52f SE 0.07 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.05 0.05 Note. Means with no subscripts in common differ at p Ͻ .05 using Bonferroni post hoc comparisons.

that characters are somewhat idealized on do- tion. In light of the evolving media climate, the cusoaps on the basis of attractiveness and social Internet further enriches reality TV viewers’ prowess, often becoming pseudocelebrities in experiences by giving them opportunities to the process. As a result, viewers may engage in visit TV websites and join and develop fan wishful identification, and this immersion pro- communities (Jenkins, 2006; McClain, 2011). cess could satiate their motivation for status, as On the other hand, viewers are not asked to was supported by Reiss and Wiltz (2004). In determine the fate of characters on makeover/ contrast, participants reported the lowest level lifestyle, sitcom, law enforcement, and court of identification with those featured on law en- shows. It is also unlikely that people would forcement and court shows. These patterns of audition for several of these shows, particularly results are perhaps explained by the notion that those within the law enforcement and court people featured on these programs are often subgenres, because they generally focus on im- vilified, ridiculed, or mocked, making them un- moral behaviors. Therefore, it is reasonable that likely targets for identification (Oliver, 1994). our data show that court shows are deemed the In terms of behavioral involvement, our data least interactive. revealed that interactivity was reported highest Although differences in identification and in- for talent shows and lowest for court shows, teractivity were found across subgenres, view- suggesting that viewers feel the greatest control ers also indicated varying levels of enjoyment. over programs that are fundamentally premised Participants most enjoyed watching programs on the search for extraordinary skills. This find- within the hidden camera, game, and docusoap ing seems logical because audience interactivity subgenres, whereas they least enjoyed court is a central component of current reality-based shows. This suggests that being able to observe talent programs. Viewers are often encouraged the private lives of real people and situations in to vote for their favorite contestants, and the which individuals are not aware of being votes cast determine the final program outcome watched excites viewers (Andrejevic, 2002, (Holmes, 2004). In addition, the premise of 2004; Nabi et al., 2003, 2006). This anonymous these programs and the reinforcement of re- glimpse into the “reality” of others may be wards (e.g., a recording contract in the case of perceived as pleasurable because viewers are The Voice and American Idol) promote interac- able to engage in a voyeuristic experience. El- tivity because these shows encourage viewers to ements of the average court show, on the other audition for a chance at fame. Although audi- hand, can often be seen in other venues (e.g., ence participation existed before the emergence news broadcasts) and thus may not elicit a nov-

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. of reality TV (see Griffen-Foley, 2004), these elty appeal. Moreover, court shows were rated

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individualshows user and is not to be disseminated broadly. inspire a unique form of mass participa- as having low levels of identification and inter-

Table 3 Interactivity with Reality TV Subgenres

Dating/ Makeover/ Law Talent Docusoap romance Game show Hidden camera lifestyle Sitcom enforcement Court

M 1.91a 1.55bc 1.51cd 1.51bde 1.50cdf 1.47dfg 1.45efgh 1.44gh 1.41h SE 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.03 Note. Means with no subscripts in common differ at p Ͻ .05 using Bonferroni post hoc comparisons. REALITY TV SUBGENRES 9

Table 4 Enjoyment of Reality TV Subgenres

Law Makeover/ Dating/ Hidden camera Docusoap Game show Talent Sitcom enforcement lifestyle romance Court

M 3.37a 3.35a 3.23a 3.03b 2.91b 2.63c 2.62c 2.55c 1.88d SE 0.07 0.08 0.07 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.06 Note. Means with no subscripts in common differ at p Ͻ .05 using Bonferroni post hoc comparisons.

activity, both of which were associated with Additionally, game shows were perceived as enjoyment. These explanations provide justifi- the most competitive among all other subgenres cation for why viewers reported greater enjoy- examined in the study. This finding is particu- ment of docusoaps and hidden camera and game larly interesting because game shows, such as shows over court programs. Survivor and The Amazing Race, which are When assessing perceptions of realism, our principally oriented around winning money, research shows that law enforcement shows were evaluated as more competitive than were were perceived as most realistic and dating/ programs with objectives of winning less- romance shows were perceived as least realistic tangible or financial outcomes (e.g., romance). among the subgenres. A logical explanation is Although a specific goal is consistently rein- that the use of real footage provided by police forced in game shows, other programs such as and law enforcement surveillance cameras docusoaps and sitcoms do not place characters plays a substantial role in enhancing the authen- in positions of achieving a specific goal. Fur- ticity of these programs. However, even though thermore, contestants who are showcased in these depictions are perceived to be realistic, makeover/lifestyle programs are already prese- they differ substantially from reality by over- lected to undergo extreme fashion or surgical representing violent crimes and misrepresenting transformations, where the act of being selected the racial profiles of suspects and police officers to appear on the show occurs in the preproduc- (see Oliver, 1994). From a cultivation perspec- tion phase. Although the goal of being success- tive (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, ful in the transformation process exists, strategy 1994), it is possible that over time, our percep- and conflict are not as applicable to makeover/ tions of the police force and criminals will con- lifestyle shows, because the accomplishment is sequently converge with their portrayals on TV. largely in the hands of professional makeup In contrast, although unscripted dating/romance artists, stylists, and plastic surgeons. These find- shows are heavily staged, contestants are placed ings are generally consistent with previous re- in contrived situations where they, along with a search examining the competitiveness of spe- host of other suitors, are vying for the heart of a cific reality programs (e.g., Nabi, 2007). single man or woman, a situation that is not When synthesizing all the findings across common in real life. Thus, the plausibility of subgenres, the most striking results show that events and the nature of these relatively manu- although law enforcement, court, and make- factured environmental conditions explain why over/lifestyle programs were reported as highly dating/romance programs are perceived as least realistic, viewers exhibited low levels of iden- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. authentic. tification and interactivity and experienced min- This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Table 5 Perceived Realism of Reality TV Subgenres

Law Makeover/ Dating/ enforcement lifestyle Hidden camera Court Talent Game show Docusoap Sitcom romance

M 3.56a 2.98b 2.88bc 2.86bd 2.79cde 2.71ef 2.63f 2.42g 2.21h SE 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 Note. Means with no subscripts in common differ at p Ͻ .05 using Bonferroni post hoc comparisons. 10 TSAY-VOGEL AND KRAKOWIAK

Table 6 Perceived Competition of Reality TV Subgenres

Law Dating/ Makeover/ Game show Docusoap Talent enforcement romance Court Hidden camera lifestyle Sitcom

M 3.78a 3.33b 3.29bcd 3.21bc 3.20c 3.19cd 3.01e 2.68f 2.59f SE 0.05 0.05 0.05 0.05 0.06 0.06 0.05 0.07 0.05 Note. Means with no subscripts in common differ at p Ͻ .05 using Bonferroni post hoc comparisons.

imal enjoyment from these shows. Thus, it is itive than other subgenres, were also reported as questionable whether perceived realism is driv- the least enjoyable. ing viewers to enjoy reality-based programs. Enjoyment of the subgenres was also pre- Rather, viewers may enjoy programs that are dicted by some of the appeal factors examined more unrealistic and dramatic as long as the in this study. Specifically, the appeal of love and story that is being conveyed is coherent (see watching others increased enjoyment of dating/ Busselle & Bilandzic, 2008). However, whereas romance, makeover/lifestyle, docusoap, and sit- hidden camera shows were rated as highly re- com subgenres. Because these subgenres invite alistic, viewers also enjoyed these programs. audiences to peek into the intimate lives of Although these shows capture raw footage de- others, it is not surprising that viewers who picting people who are not aware that they are generally like to observe other people enjoy being watched (hence the realism explanation), watching these programs, supporting previous the shows may engender greater enjoyment be- research on the role of voyeurism in reality TV cause character outcomes are less predictable. viewing (see Nabi et al., 2006). Furthermore, Viewers also indicated that game shows were these subgenres tend to focus on relationship the most competitive among the subgenres and issues that resonate with viewers who find love reported that these programs were some of the strongly appealing. On the other hand, hidden most enjoyable as well. Applying sensitivity camera, talent, and game shows are less likely theory, individuals may derive pleasure from to portray characters’ intimate relationships and feeling vindicated after witnessing conflict in instead focus on particular challenges or tasks reality programs (Reiss & Wiltz, 2004). The (e.g., dealing with a prank or winning a prize). notion of rewards may attract viewers to watch Therefore, it is not surprising that the appeal of reality TV; however, enjoyment could be a watching others affects enjoyment of these pro- function of the type of reward. It appears that grams, but the appeal of love does not. Some- programs oriented around monetary rewards are what more interesting is the finding that the much more appealing and exciting to watch. appeal of love diminished enjoyment of law This is evident in the findings that dating/ enforcement and court shows. Because these romance shows, though rated as more compet- shows depict characters committing acts of vi-

Table 7 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Appeal Factors Predicting Enjoyment of Reality TV Subgenres This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Dating/ Makeover/ Hidden Law Appeal romance lifestyle camera Talent Game show Docusoap Sitcom enforcement Court ءϪ.15 ءءءϪ.27 ء14. ءءءϪ.004 .11 .03 .26 ءءء22. ءءءLove .23 Watching others Ϫ.06 .09 ءءء36. ءءء41. ءءء26. ءء18. ءءء32. ءءء24. ءءexposed .18 Reward Ϫ.04 Ϫ.07 .04 .03 .06 Ϫ.03 Ϫ.11 .07 .04 Being observed .03 Ϫ.01 Ϫ.06 .01 .01 Ϫ.04 Ϫ.04 .10 .06 Fame .02 .10 .13 .12 .02 Ϫ.02 Ϫ.03 .13 .04 Note. Values are standardized betas. .p Ͻ .001 ءءء .p Ͻ .01 ءء .p Ͻ .05 ء REALITY TV SUBGENRES 11

olence, getting arrested, or being sued, these Conclusion portrayals are potentially distressful to watch for those who find love appealing. Therefore, The present research offers a clearer under- the impact of the appeals of love and watching standing of the variability in affective, cogni- others on viewers’ enjoyment varies across sub- tive, and behavioral responses to the nine reality genres. TV subgenres under scrutiny—dating/romance, Some limitations and directions for future makeover/lifestyle, hidden camera, talent, game research should be acknowledged. First, it is show, docusoap, sitcom, law enforcement, and possible that our convenience sample of stu- court. It is evident that reality TV is not merely dents is not generalizable to the true population a genre defined by homogeneous narrative char- of reality TV viewers. Future research may con- acteristics but rather one with an increasing number of formats and themes that offer unique sider expanding the sample to include older affective, cognitive, and behavioral experi- adults to improve the external validity of the ences. Given the evolving media climate, this findings. Second, although our research sup- exploratory study takes an initial step to reveal ports variations in identification across the real- distinctions in the evaluations and gratifications ity TV subgenres, it is possible that emotionally underlying contemporary reality TV formats. and cognitively taking on the perspectives of characters has implications for changes in view- ers’ attitudes, beliefs, and values. Because real- References ity TV is edited to tell a story, producers have the capability to impact viewers’ likelihood for Andrejevic, M. (2002). The kinder, gentler gaze of identification, particularly by emphasizing and Big Brother: Reality TV in the era of digital cap- excluding specific narrative elements. Future italism. New Media & Society, 4, 251–270. http:// research should consider how identification dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614440222226361 Andrejevic, M. (2004). Reality TV: The work of being fosters changes in the audience, perhaps en- watched. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. couraging viewers to emulate the characters Aslama, M., & Pantti, M. (2006). Talking alone: in these programs and alter their morals and Reality TV, emotions and authenticity. European opinions. Third, the items we used to assess Journal of Cultural Studies, 9, 167–184. http://dx interactivity are limited in that we did not .doi.org/10.1177/1367549406063162 consider other avenues of behavioral involve- Bae, H. S., Brown, W. J., & Kang, S. (2010). Social ment. Future studies should investigate influence of a religious hero: The late Cardinal whether other components of interactivity, Stephen Kim Sou-hwan’s effect on cornea dona- tion and volunteerism. Journal of Health Commu- such as online message board participation, nication, 16, 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ engagement in reality TV fantasy leagues, 10810730.2010.529489 and voting through social media (e.g., Twit- Brenton, S., & Cohen, R. (2004). Shooting people: ter) contribute to a viewers’ sense of control Adventures in reality TV. London, England: Verso. over program content. Finally, enjoyment can Brown, W. J. (2010). Steve Irwin’s influence on be further deconstructed by examining a host wildlife conservation. Journal of Communication, of distinct positive responses. Whereas plea- 60, 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466 .2009.01458.x sure and diversion have been extensively Busselle, R. (2003). Television realism measures: This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. studied as indicators of enjoyment (Zillmann The influence of program salience on global This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual& user and is not toBryant, be disseminated broadly. 1994), more recent efforts have judgments. Communication Research Reports, been made to consider gratifications such as 20, 367–375. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/088240 deriving meaning from entertainment (Oliver 90309388836 & Bartsch, 2010). Therefore, future studies Busselle, R., & Bilandzic, H. (2008). Fictionality and could examine other forms of positive re- perceived realism in experiencing stories: A model sponses to reality TV subgenres as scholars of narrative comprehension and engagement. Communication Theory, 18, 255–280. http://dx.doi have found that lifestyle-transforming reality .org/10.1111/j.1468-2885.2008.00322.x TV facilitates feelings of elevation more so Busselle, R., & Greenberg, B. S. (2000). The nature than does game-based reality TV (Tsay-Vogel of television realism: A reevaluation of their con- & Krakowiak, 2013). ceptualization and measurement. Mass Communi- 12 TSAY-VOGEL AND KRAKOWIAK

cation & Society, 3, 249–268. http://dx.doi.org/10 53, 515–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ .1207/S15327825MCS0323_05 08838150903310468 Cavendar, G., & Fishman, M. (1998). Television Hill, A. (2005). Reality TV: Audiences and popular reality crime programs: Context and history. In M. factual television. New York, NY: Routledge. Fishman & G. Cavendar (Eds.), Entertaining http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203337158 crime: Television reality programs (pp. 3–15). Hoffner, C. (1996). Children’s wishful identification New York, NY: de Gruyter. and parasocial interaction with favorite television Cohen, J. (2001). Defining identification: A theo- characters. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic retical look at the identification of audiences Media, 40, 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ with media characters. Mass Communication & 08838159609364360 Society, 4, 245–264. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/ Holmes, S. (2004). “But this time you choose!”: S15327825MCS0403_01 Approaching the “interactive” audience in real- Cohen, J. (2006). Audience identification with media ity TV. International Journal of Cultural Stud- characters. In J. Bryant & P. Vorderer (Eds.), Psy- ies, 7, 213–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ chology of entertainment (pp. 183–197). Mahwah, 1367877904043238 NJ: Erlbaum. Javors, I. R. (2004). Reality TV: Escape from reality? Cohen, J. (2014). Mediated relationships and social Annals of the American Psychotherapy Associa- life: Current research on fandom, parasocial rela- tion, 7, 35. tionships, and identification. In M. B. Oliver & Jenkins, H. (2006). Convergence culture: Where old A. A. Raney (Eds.), Media and social life (pp. and new media collide. New York, NY: New York 142–155). New York, NY: Routledge. University Press. Cole, T., & Leets, L. (1999). Attachments styles and Kavka, M. (2012). Reality TV. Edinburgh, Scotland: intimate television viewing: Insecurely forming re- Edinburgh University Press. lationships in a parasocial way. Journal of Social Klimmt, C., Hartmann, T., & Schramm, H. (2006). and Personal Relationships, 16, 495–511. http:// Parasocial interactions and relationships. In J. Bry- dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265407599164005 ant & P. Vorderer (Eds.), Psychology of entertain- Deery, J. (2004). Reality TV as advertainment. Pop- ment (pp. 246–257). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. ular Communication, 2, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10 Krcmar, M., & Renfro, S. (2005, May). Developing a .1207/s15405710pc0201_1 scale to assess media enjoyment. Paper presented Dovey, J. (2000). Freakshow: First person media at the annual conference of the International Com- and factual television. London, England: Pluto munication Association, New York, NY. Press. Essany, M. (2013). Reality check: The business and Lundy, L. K., Ruth, A. M., & Park, T. D. (2008). art of producing reality TV. Burlington, MA: Focal Simply irresistible: Reality TV consumption pat- Press. terns. Communication Quarterly, 56, 208–225. Eyal, K., & Rubin, A. M. (2003). Viewer aggression McClain, A. S. (2011). American ideal: How Amer- and homophily, identification, and parasocial rela- ican Idol constructs celebrity, collective identity, tionships with television characters. Journal of and American discourses. Lanham, MD: Lexing- Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 47, 77–98. ton Books. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15506878jobem4701_5 Moyer-Gusé, E., Chung, A., & Jain, P. (2011). Iden- Gerbner, G., Gross, L., Morgan, M., & Signorielli, N. tification with characters and discussion of taboo (1994). Growing up with television: The cultiva- topics after exposure to an entertainment narrative tion perspective. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann about sexual health. Journal of Communication, (Eds.), Media effects: Advances in theory and re- 61, 387–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460- search (pp. 17–41). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. 2466.2011.01551.x Godlewski, L. R., & Perse, E. M. (2010). Audience Murray, S., & Ouellette, L. (2009). Reality TV: Re- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. activity and reality television: Identification, on- making television culture. New York, NY: New This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is notline to be disseminated broadly. activity, and satisfaction. Communication York University Press. Quarterly, 58, 148–169. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ Nabi, R. L. (2007). Determining dimensions of real- 01463371003773358 ity: A concept mapping of the reality TV land- Griffen-Foley, B. (2004). From tit-bits to Big Broth- scape. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Me- er: A century of audience participation in the me- dia, 51, 371–390. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ dia. Media Culture & Society, 26, 533–548. http:// 08838150701307111 dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443704044216 Nabi, R. L., Biely, E. N., Morgan, S. J., & Stitt, Hall, A. E. (2009). Perceptions of the authenticity of C. R. (2003). Reality-based television program- reality programs and their relationships to audi- ming and the psychology of its appeal. Media ence involvement, enjoyment, and perceived learn- Psychology, 5, 303–330. http://dx.doi.org/10 ing. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, .1207/S1532785XMEP0504_01 REALITY TV SUBGENRES 13

Nabi, R. L., & Krcmar, M. (2004). Conceptualizing Reiss, S., & Wiltz, J. (2004). Why people watch media enjoyment as attitude: Implications for mass reality TV. Media Psychology, 6, 363–378. http:// media effects research. Communication Theory, dx.doi.org/10.1207/s1532785xmep0604_3 14, 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468- Shapiro, M. A., & Chock, T. M. (2003). Psycholog- 2885.2004.tb00316.x ical processes in perceiving reality. Media Psy- Nabi, R. L., Stitt, C., Halford, J., & Finnerty, K. (2006). chology, 5, 163–198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/ Emotional and cognitive predictors of the enjoyment S1532785XMEP0502_3 of reality-based and fictional television program- Smith, M. J., & Wood, A. F. (2003). Survivor les- ming: An elaboration of the uses and gratifications sons: Essays on communication and reality televi- Media Psychology, 8, perspective. 421–447. http:// sion. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. dx.doi.org/10.1207/s1532785xmep0804_5 Tsay-Vogel, M., & Krakowiak, K. M. (2013, June). Nielsen Company. (2011). 10 years of primetime: Responses to lifestyle transforming reality-based The rise of reality and sports programming. Re- trieved from http://www.nielsen.com/us/en/insights/ television: Appreciating human kindness, dignity, news/2011/10-years-of-primetime-the-rise-of- and compassion. Paper presented at the annual reality-and-sports-programming.html conference of the International Communication Oliver, M. B. (1994). Portrayals of crime, race, and Association, London, England. aggression in “reality-based” police shows: A con- Tsay-Vogel, M., & Nabi, R. L. (in press). The power tent analysis. Journal of Broadcasting & Elec- of positive action: Exploring the role of participa- tronic Media, 38, 179–192. http://dx.doi.org/10 tory behaviors through the lens of the tripartite .1080/08838159409364255 model of media enjoyment. Journal of Broadcast- Oliver, M. B., & Bartsch, A. (2010). Appreciation as ing & Electronic Media. audience response: Exploring entertainment grati- Wolff, H. A., Smith, C. E., & Murray, H. A. (1934). fications beyond hedonism. Human Communica- The psychology of humor. Journal of Abnormal tion Research, 36, 53–81. http://dx.doi.org/10 and Social Psychology, 28, 341–365. http://dx.doi .1111/j.1468-2958.2009.01368.x .org/10.1037/h0075400 Ouellette, L., & Hay, J. (2008). Better living through Zillmann, D. (2006). Empathy: Affective reactivity reality TV. Malden, MA: Blackwell. to others’ emotional experiences. In J. Bryant & P. Papacharissi, Z., & Mendelson, A. L. (2007). An Vorderer (Eds.), Psychology of entertainment (pp. exploratory study of reality appeal: Uses and grat- 151–181). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. ifications of reality TV shows. Journal of Broad- Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1975). Viewer’s moral casting & Electronic Media, 51, 355–370. http:// sanction of retribution in the appreciation of dra- dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838150701307152 Journal of Experimental So- Potter, W. J. (1986). Perceived reality and the culti- matic presentations. vation hypothesis. Journal of Broadcasting & cial Psychology, 11, 572–582. http://dx.doi.org/10 Electronic Media, 30, 159–174. http://dx.doi.org/ .1016/0022-1031(75)90008-6 10.1080/08838158609386617 Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1986). Exploring the Ramdhany, E. L. (2012). Why is reality television so entertainment experience. In J. Bryant & D. Zill- appealing? An examination of factors affecting mann (Eds.), Perspectives on media effects (pp. adolescent television viewing. Retrieved from the 303–324). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Social Science Research Network Web site: http:// Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1994). Entertainment as dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2387336 media effect. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Eds.), Raney, A. A., & Bryant, J. (2002). Moral judgment and Media effects: Advances in theory and research crime drama: An integrated theory of enjoyment. (pp. 437–461). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Journal of Communication, 52, 402–415. http://dx .doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2002.tb02552.x This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Reiss, S. (2000). Who am I? The 16 basic desires that Received November 15, 2014 This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is notmotivate to be disseminated broadly. our actions and define our personalities. Revision received September 1, 2015 New York, NY: Tarcher/Putnam. Accepted September 10, 2015 Ⅲ