Perestroika in History : the First Stage
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Why the European Union Promotes Democracy Through Membership Conditionality Ryan Phillips
Why the European Union Promotes Democracy through Membership Conditionality Ryan Phillips Government & International Relations Department, Connecticut College, 270 Mohegan Avenue, New London, CT 06320, USA, E-mail: [email protected] Prepared for 2017 EUSA Conference – Miami, FL DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE Abstract Explanations of why the European Union promotes democracy through membership conditionality provide different accounts of its normative rationale. Constructivists argue that the EU’s membership policy reflects a norm-driven commitment to democracy as fundamental to political legitimacy. Alternatively, rationalists argue that membership conditionality is a way for member states to advance their economic and security interests in the near abroad. The existing research, however, has only a weak empirical basis. A systematic consideration of evidence leads to a novel understanding of EU membership conditionality. The main empirical finding is that whereas the constructivist argument holds true when de facto membership criteria were first established in the 1960s, the rationalist argument more closely aligns with the evidence at the end of the Cold War when accession requirements were formally codified as part of the Copenhagen Criteria (1993). Keywords: democracy promotion, political conditionality, enlargement, European Union, membership Word Count: 7177 1 Introduction On October 12, 2012 in the Norwegian capital of Oslo, Thorbjørn Jagland declared, ‘The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided that the Nobel Peace Prize for 2012 is to be awarded to the European Union. The Union and its forerunners have for over six decades contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe’ (Jagland 2012). In awarding the EU the Nobel Peace Prize, the former prime minister voiced a common view of the organization as well as its predecessors, namely that it has been a major force for the advancement of democracy throughout Europe. -
Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75
A Personal Affair : Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 Michael V. Paulauskas A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Donald J. Raleigh Reader: David Griffiths Reader: Chad Bryant ABSTRACT MICHAEL V. PAULAUSKAS: A Personal Affair: Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 (Under the direction of Donald J. Raleigh) This thesis explores how diplomatic relations between the US and the USSR changed during détente , specifically concentrating on the period between the 1972 Moscow Summit and the enactment of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the 1974 Trade Bill . I employ transcripts of diplomatic negotiations to investigate the ways that Soviet and American leaders used new personal relationships with their adversaries to achieve thei r foreign policy goals. In order to gain further understanding of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes toward détente, I also examine how the Soviet government, through Pravda, communicated this new, increasingly complex diplomatic relationship to the Soviet public in a nuanced fashion, with multilayered presentations of American foreign policy that included portrayals of individual actors and not simply impersonal groups . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction………………………………………..…………………………………………. 1 A Cautious Beginning: Soviet -American Relations before the Moscow Summit ..…………...9 The Lifting of the Veil: The 1972 Moscow Summit …………………………..…………….16 The High -Water Mark of Détente: The 1973 US Summit …..………………………….……30 “Nixon’s Last Friend”: The Watergate Scandal …………………………………………..…37 Détente in Crisis: The Jackson-Vanik Amendment ……………..…………………………..45 Conclusion…………………………………………………..……………………………….53 Appendices ……………………………………………..……………………………………57 Bibliography …………………………………………..……………………………………..65 iii Introduction Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin greeted the news of Richard M. -
Reform and Human Rights the Gorbachev Record
100TH-CONGRESS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES [ 1023 REFORM AND HUMAN RIGHTS THE GORBACHEV RECORD REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES BY THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE MAY 1988 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1988 84-979 = For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE STENY H. HOYER, Maryland, Chairman DENNIS DeCONCINI, Arizona, Cochairman DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida FRANK LAUTENBERG, New Jersey EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts TIMOTHY WIRTH, Colorado BILL RICHARDSON, New Mexico WYCHE FOWLER, Georgia EDWARD FEIGHAN, Ohio HARRY REED, Nevada DON RITTER, Pennslyvania ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JACK F. KEMP, New York JAMES McCLURE, Idaho JOHN EDWARD PORTER, Illinois MALCOLM WALLOP, Wyoming EXECUTIvR BRANCH HON. RICHARD SCHIFIER, Department of State Vacancy, Department of Defense Vacancy, Department of Commerce Samuel G. Wise, Staff Director Mary Sue Hafner, Deputy Staff Director and General Counsel Jane S. Fisher, Senior Staff Consultant Michael Amitay, Staff Assistant Catherine Cosman, Staff Assistant Orest Deychakiwsky, Staff Assistant Josh Dorosin, Staff Assistant John Finerty, Staff Assistant Robert Hand, Staff Assistant Gina M. Harner, Administrative Assistant Judy Ingram, Staff Assistant Jesse L. Jacobs, Staff Assistant Judi Kerns, Ofrice Manager Ronald McNamara, Staff Assistant Michael Ochs, Staff Assistant Spencer Oliver, Consultant Erika B. Schlager, Staff Assistant Thomas Warner, Pinting Clerk (11) CONTENTS Page Summary Letter of Transmittal .................... V........................................V Reform and Human Rights: The Gorbachev Record ................................................ -
THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS Perestroika and Soviet Military
THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS No.5 OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel By Robert B. Davis A National Security Affairs Paper Published on Occasion by THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY Arlington, Virginia PERESTROIKA AND SOVIET MILITARY PERSONNEL by Robert B. Davis THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY AN AUSA INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE PAPER In 1988 the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) established within its existing organization a new entity known as the Institute of Land Warfare. Its purpose is to extend the educational work of AUSA by sponsoring scholarly publications, to include books, monographs and essays on key defense issues, as well as workshops and symposia. A work selected for publication as a Land Warfare Paper represents research by the author which, in the opinion of the editorial board, will contribute to a better understanding of a particular defense or national security issue. Publication as an AUSA Institute of Land Warfare Paper does not indicate that the Association of the United States Army agrees with everything in the paper, but does suggest that AUSA believes the paper will stimulate the thinking of AUSA members and others concerned about important defense issues. LAND WARFARE PAPER NO. S, OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel by Robert B. Davis Mr. Robert B. Davis is a research psychologist with the U.S. Army Foreign Science and Technology Center in Charlottesville, Virginia. Mr. Davis received his undergraduate degree from Arkansas College and his advanced degree from Troy State University, Alabama. -
Annual Report 2014
Annual Report 2014 Annual Report 2014 National Bank of Ukraine National Bank of Ukraine 1 Annual Report 2014 Dear ladies and gentlemen, The year 2014, which was full of dramatic events in all areas of the country’s social and economic life, is now history. Old, unresolved economic problems, such as persistent budget and balance of payments deficits, weak fiscal policy, an ailing energy sector that has gone unreformed for years and a steep decline in the health of banks in the wake of significant deposit outflows - all were evident at the very start of the year. That, together with external aggression, posed great challenges for the National Bank in all of the priority lines of its activity - monetary policy, banking regulation and supervision, providing support for banks, cash circulation and financial infrastructure. This created the need for radical and multidimensional action. Monetary policy required fundamental changes on a top priority basis. In this light, the National Bank made a painful but an absolutely necessary decision to adopt a flexible exchange rate regime as early as the start of the year. A market-based exchange rate prevents economic shocks and is beneficial for the balance of payments current account. In spite of that, in the reporting year, the country was hit by two waves of devaluation resulting from the unwillingness to take the unpopular step to stop maintaining a stable hryvnia exchange rate by artificial means in previous more favorable years, delayed reforms in other economy sectors, as well as an ongoing military conflict. The National Bank had to impose certain restrictions, raise the refinancing rate, and use other monetary policy tools in order to ease high inflation and devaluation pressure. -
The Crime of Genocide Committed Against the Poles by the USSR Before and During World War II: an International Legal Study, 45 Case W
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 45 | Issue 3 2012 The rC ime of Genocide Committed against the Poles by the USSR before and during World War II: An International Legal Study Karol Karski Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Karol Karski, The Crime of Genocide Committed against the Poles by the USSR before and during World War II: An International Legal Study, 45 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 703 (2013) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol45/iss3/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 45 Spring 2013 Issue 3 The Crime of Genocide Committed Against the Poles by the USSR Before and During WWII: An International Legal Study Karol Karski Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law·Vol. 45·2013 The Crime of Genocide Committed Against the Poles The Crime of Genocide Committed Against the Poles by the USSR Before and During World War II: An International Legal Study Karol Karski* The USSR’s genocidal activity against the Polish nation started before World War II. For instance, during the NKVD’s “Polish operation” of 1937 and 1938, the Communist regime exterminated about 85,000 Poles living at that time on the pre- war territory of the USSR. -
Intellectual Culture: the End of Russian Intelligentsia
Russian Culture Center for Democratic Culture 2012 Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri N. Shalin University of Nevada, Las Vegas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture Part of the Asian History Commons, Cultural History Commons, European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, Political History Commons, Slavic Languages and Societies Commons, and the Social History Commons Repository Citation Shalin, D. N. (2012). Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia. In Dmitri N. Shalin, 1-68. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture/6 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Article in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Russian Culture by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri Shalin No group cheered louder for Soviet reform, had a bigger stake in perestroika, and suffered more in its aftermath than did the Russian intelligentsia. Today, nearly a decade after Mikhail Gorbachev unveiled his plan to reform Soviet society, the mood among Russian intellectuals is decidedly gloomy. -
Soviet History in the Gorbachev Revolution: the First Phase*
SOVIET HISTORY IN THE GORBACHEV REVOLUTION: THE FIRST PHASE* R.W. Davies I. THE BACKGROUND The Khrushchev thaw among historians began early in 1956 and continued with retreats and starts for ten years. In the spring of 1956 Burdzhalov, the deputy editor of the principal Soviet historical journal, published a bold article re-examining the role of the Bolshevik party in the spring of 1917, demonstrating that Stalin was an ally of Kamenev's in compromising with the Provisional Government, and presenting Zinoviev as a close associate of en in.' The article was strongly criticised. Burdzhalov was moved to an uninfluential post, though he did manage eventually to publish an important history of the February revolution. The struggle continued; and after Khrushchev's further public denunciation of Stalin at the XXII Party Congress in 1961 there was a great flowering of publica- tions about Soviet history. The most remarkable achievement of these years was the publication of a substantial series of articles and books about the collectivisation of agriculture and 'de-kulakisation' in 1929-30, largely based on party archives. The authors-Danilov, Vyltsan, Zelenin, Moshkov and others- were strongly critical of Politburo policy in that period. Their writings were informed by a rather naive critical conception: they held that the decisions of the XVI Party Conference in April 1929, incorporating the optimum variant of the five-year plan and a relatively moderate pace of collectivisation, were entirely correct, but the November 1929 Central Committee Plenum, which speeded up collectivisation, and the decision to de-kulakise which followed, were imposed on the party by Stalin, who already exercised personal power, supported by his henchmen Molotov and Kaganovich. -
The Command-Administrative System in Russia
The Command -Administrative System in Russia The Historical Legacy Nikolai V. Zlobin During my stay in the United States, as a scholar at the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies at the Woodrow Wilson Center, 1 often carne across (during conferences and discussions) people who commented that Russia was attempting to "re-invent the wheel," so to speak. They referred to the political and democratic reforms going on in the country. Many Americans, including several scientists and journalists, asked me why the Russians were attempting to "break down an open door"--constantly experimenting while they could simply tap into a huge pool of Western experience and know-how. An example sometimes given by them was the model of American democratic society. The Russians would only need to take it and adopt it, as much as it is possible, to their concrete conditions--to Russian soil. If this were to he done, things would immediately improve. This is a small exaggeration, of course, but this idea was often heard. When it was not expressed directly and outright, it showed itself through the use of many reference point:s and comparisons for Russian democratization baked on Western examples and models. On one hand, this opinion is just and fair in many ways. On the other, Russia's historical course (its history, traditions, culture, the mentality of its people, their value system, etc.) is very different from that of America and Europe. As is well known, one of the main results of the events of August 1991 in Russia was the demolition of the previous administrative, social, political and economic system. -
Perestroika the Demise of the Communist World?
Introduction Perestroika The Demise of the Communist World? Francesco Di Palma With the rise to power of Mikhail Gorbachev as general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in March 1985, a range of exten- sive reforms were initiated under the headings of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). Among other objectives, they sought to make the regime less bureaucratic, to tackle increasing financial woes and to reduce foreign trade imbalances. Given the leading role that Soviet Russia played in bi- and multilateral relations between communist par- ties on both sides of the Iron Curtain, however, these reforms had impor- tant effects not only in the USSR. This book examines both the encounter with Gorbachev’s policies by select European communist parties and the historical actors who helped to guide those policies’ reception and implementation—topics that the historical literature has hitherto failed to analyze systematically.1 It is concerned with the parties’ responses in two respects: firstly, with regard to their mutual political, cultural, and not least financial connections; and secondly, within the context of their bilateral relationships to the hegemonic CPSU. While the “export”2 of Perestroika has been widely acknowledged and extensively described, historians have rarely broached the topic of the independent reformist policies among communist parties that emerged in the 1970s, nor whether and to what extent Gorbachev and his aides may have drawn upon already existing doctrines to buttress their restruc- turing.3 Moving beyond the impact of Perestroika on the Soviet Union and its foreign policy (e.g., the abandonment of the Brezhnev Doctrine), Notes for this chapter begin on page 17. -
Rehabilitation of the 'Small' Aral Sea
Rehabilitation of the 'Small' Aral Sea Jennifer Crandall Introduction The Aral Sea, formerly the fourth largest inland sea in the world and home to a thriving fishing industry, has been shrinking for the last 40 years (Figure 1). The two great rivers that once fed the sea, the Amu Darya in the south and the Syr Darya in the north were moved from their beds in the late 1950’s. To meet the Soviet goal of self-sufficiency, the waters were diverted into canals to irrigate agricultural crops. The water from both rivers that reaches the sea has been reduced by 78%, causing the surface area of the sea to decline by half, the volume to decline by nearly 2/3, and the salinity to more than double (Saiko, 1998). Many local people and scientists of the region suggest that it is possible, and desirable to bring the sea level back to its pre-1960 levels. There are many difficulties in attaining that goal, the largest of which is that it may cost a major part of the regions’ agricultural economy. Therefore, despite great will and intention, little has been done, or reported to have been done, to reduce the amount of water diverted from the rivers for irrigation of agriculture. Figure 1. A view of the Aral Sea, from north to south. 1 History of the Region The Aral watershed basin region is comprised of five republics of the former Soviet Union: Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan (Figure 2). It is an arid region and the traditional peoples (Figure 3) were nomads that cultivated the fertile deltas of the great rivers which historically were called the Oxus (Amu) and Jaxartes (Syr). -
The University of Arizona
Erskine Caldwell, Margaret Bourke- White, and the Popular Front (Moscow 1941) Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Caldwell, Jay E. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 05/10/2021 10:56:28 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/316913 ERSKINE CALDWELL, MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE, AND THE POPULAR FRONT (MOSCOW 1941) by Jay E. Caldwell __________________________ Copyright © Jay E. Caldwell 2014 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2014 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Jay E. Caldwell, titled “Erskine Caldwell, Margaret Bourke-White, and the Popular Front (Moscow 1941),” and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Dissertation Director: Jerrold E. Hogle _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Daniel F. Cooper Alarcon _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Jennifer L. Jenkins _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Robert L. McDonald _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Charles W. Scruggs Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.