General Assembly Distr.: General 22 February 2010
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LS 991203 Mou Between the Government of Lesotho and IPA.Pdf
Memorandum of Agreement between the Government of Lesotho and the Interim Political Authority (IPA) 3 December 1999 Preamble The Government (meaning the Executive) and the Interim Political Authority (IPA) hereinafter referred to as the contracting parties to this Agreement, Recognizing the Agreements of 2 and 4 October, 1998: Reaffirm their commitment to the rule of law, the promotion of democracy, good governance and human rights in Lesotho; Agree that the pre-eminent need of the hour is for reconciliation, peace, stability and national unity to enable -Lesotho to make the most of the opportunities of the post-apartheid Southern Africa; Further agree that it is of the utmost importance that the preparations for the forthcoming general election are thorough, transparent, fair and free of irregularities in order to make the entire electoral process credible and the eventual result a true reflection of the will of the people of Lesotho. For the achievement of these objectives, the parties have therefore agreed as follows: The Electoral-Model The parties unreservedly accept the award of the Arbitration Tribunal appointed in terms of Section 16 of the Interim Political Authority Act 1998 on the electoral model to be adopted for the forthcoming and subsequent elections. According to the award delivered on 5 October 1999, for the 2000 election only, the mix ratio of constituency seats (FPTP) to Proportional Representation (PR) shall be 80/50. Thereafter the mix ratio of FPTP and PR shall be 50% each of seats in the National Assembly. Timetable for the Next Election The SADC Extended Troika (viz Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Botswana) and the Commonwealth will, in consultation with the parties. -
A Historical and Comparative Study of Human Rights Violations in Criminal Investigations in Lesotho
A Historical and Comparative Study of Human Rights Violations In Criminal Investigations In Lesotho. Thamae Caswell Liphapang Lenka A Historical and Comparative Study of Human Rights Violations In Criminal Investigations In Lesotho By Thamae Caswell Liphapang Lenka Thesis Submitted In Accordance With The Requirements For The Degree of Doctor Legum In The Faculty of Law Department of Procedural Law And Law of Evidence At The University of The Free State November 2010 PROMOTER: PROF. DR. CP VAN DER MERWE FICK i Dedication To my father Letlala (Coming from World War II 1945) and mothers Mankoetla, ‘Matlelaka Lenka, and my own wives, ‘Masekake and ‘Maseapa Lenka, and of course to my own children, ‘Mampiti, Sekake, Mosothoane, Phalo, Majoele and Maletlala/Makoae Lenka who have been supportive throughout the difficult and turbulent times of my life of study from 2005 to 2010. ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this study for the degree of Doctor of Laws at the University of the Free State is my own independent work and has not previously been submitted by me at another university. Thamae Caswell Liphapang Lenka iii Acknowledgements I have been a student of Criminal Law for some time now. The subject has naturally given me a special interest in the question of Human Rights violations by the Police through the use of deadly force in effecting arrest in Lesotho. A further quest for study on this topic was increased by my current occupation as a Superintendent of Police and a Senior Police Officer in the Lesotho Mounted Police Service. -
LESOTHO @Torture, Political Killings and Abuses Against Trade Unionists
£LESOTHO @Torture, political killings and abuses against trade unionists Lesotho, which has been under military rule since 1986, is due to return to civilian government after multi-party elections in October 1992. The constitution which has been drafted for the transition to civilian rule contains a Bill of Rights which guarantees protection of all fundamental human rights. However, Amnesty International remains concerned about the failure of the Lesotho Government to respect human rights in a number of important respects: in particular, its failure to take adequate steps to investigate and prevent a number of cases of torture and alleged extrajudicial execution. Amnesty International is also concerned about the continuing imprisonment of 23 people arrested after the military seizure of power in 1986 who were convicted in trials which apparently did not conform to internationally accepted standards of fairness. In recent months the government has also taken a number of measures against the trade union movement, including the imprisonment of trade union officials and the use of the Internal Security Act to restrict the holding of meetings. Although the introduction of the new Constitution should increase protection of human rights in Lesotho, Amnesty International is calling on the present military government to take prompt action to end these abuses. Political imprisonment, torture and extrajudicial execution have been endemic in Lesotho under successive governments. The advent of a new civilian Constitution and Bill of Rights provides no automatic guarantee that these human rights violations will end. History and constitution Lesotho achieved independence from Britain in 1966. It is an enclave within South Africa, formed in the mid-nineteenth century when King Moshoeshoe I rallied the Basotho nation in a secure mountainous region away from the areas controlled by the Dutch and British settlers. -
2020 Policy Brief
50/5050/50 POLICY BRIEF LESOTHO NOVEMBER 2020 Key facts This policy brief concerns women's repre- sentation and participation in political decision-making at local and national level in Lesotho, and makes the case for urgent action to achieve gender parity at all levels of political decision-making. The decline in women's representation in politics since 2012 underscores the need for urgent legislative, political party and civil society action as pressure mounts for the attainment of gender parity in all areas of decision-making by 2030. Voting in the 2017 elections at Malumeng Primary School, Photo: Ntolo Lekau Lesotho has a mixed electoral system of First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR) at the national level, with a 30% quota for women in the PR seats that comprise one third of the total. At the local level, 30% of all seats are reserved for and distributed to women candidates on a PR basis. This has enabled Lesotho to make some progress especially at local level. However, the proportion of women in Parliament has dropped from 25% to 23%; in Cabinet from 29% to 9% and in Local Government and from 49% to 40% in recent elections. This policy brief sets out options for increased representation of women in politics. The issue is of critical importance given that: • The country's next elections are in 2022. •Lesotho is currently undergoing Constitutional Reform which could open the door to legislated quotas for national and local government. •The country has rich experience in implementing Temporary Special Measures (TSM) or quotas that can be used with minor adaptations at both local and national level to enhance women's representation. -
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
ACADEMIC PAPER GENDER EQUALITY AND WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT: CONSTITUTIONAL JURISPRUDENCE MAY 2017 UN WOMEN © 2017 UN Women The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence see: <http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. This publication is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of UN Women, the Just Governance Group or International IDEA, or the view of their respective Boards or Council members. ACADEMIC PAPER GENDER EQUALITY AND WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT: CONSTITUTIONAL JURISPRUDENCE UN WOMEN NEW YORK, MAY 2017 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ...................................................... 7 Abbreviations ......................................................... 10 Executive Summary .................................................... 11 Recommendations. 11 Constitutional provisions .................................... 11 CEDAW and international instruments ......................... 12 Judicial reasoning ........................................... 12 Public-interest litigation approaches .......................... 12 Addressing gaps through further research. 12 1. Introduction -
Mental Disability and the Executive: a Comparative Analysis of the Separation of Powers
LCB_23_2_Article_6_Nelson (Do Not Delete) 6/13/2019 9:53 PM NOTES & COMMENTS MENTAL DISABILITY AND THE EXECUTIVE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS by Zachary Nelson The doctrine of Separation of Powers is integral to the United States’ consti- tutional system. To prevent tyranny, governmental power must be separated to ensure that no government institution nor official gains too much power. The U.S. Constitution was drafted with this central concern in mind. To achieve successful separation of powers, constitutions must make clear—or at least discernible—the boundaries and scope of each power. One of the most significant areas in which this clarity is required is in the election, mainte- nance, and removal of the country’s executive leadership. For over 175 years, the U.S. Constitution lacked a procedure for removing its president from office for reasons of ill health. This was not due to a surplus of healthy presidents. In fact, the history of U.S. presidents is one of frequent illness, sudden traumas, and eleventh-hour miracles. Numerous presidents narrowly avoided death, while countless others kept hidden their struggles with physical frailty and decline. Beyond physical ailments, presidents endure stress * J.D., summa cum laude, Lewis & Clark Law School, 2019; M.A., Colorado State University, 2016; B.A., University of South Dakota, 2013. Thank you to Professor Ozan Varol for the valuable comments, feedback, and guidance during the drafting process, to the staff of the Lewis & Clark Law Review for their diligent work preparing this for publication, and to my family for their constant encouragement. -
2016 Biennial Report on the Implementation of the African Growth and Opportunity Act
2016 BIENNIAL REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AFRICAN GROWTH AND OPPORTUNITY ACT Prepared by the Office of the United States Trade Representative June 2016 2016 BIENNIAL REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AFRICAN GROWTH AND OPPORTUNITY ACT Ambassador Michael B.G. Froman Office of the United States Trade Representative June 29, 2016 2016 BIENNIAL REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AFRICAN GROWTH AND OPPORTUNITY ACT TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword .........................................................................................................................................4 Chapter I. The U.S.-sub-Saharan Africa Trade and Investment Relationships .....................5 Trade and investment overview ...........................................................................................5 Initiatives that enhance the trade and investment relationship ...........................................6 The African Growth and Opportunity Act ...............................................................6 2015 Country Review for Eligibility in 2016 ..........................................................7 AGOA Forum ..........................................................................................................9 Trade Africa/US-EAC Trade and Investment Partnership ......................................9 Trade Africa Expansion ...........................................................................................9 Trade and Investment Framework Agreements (TIFAs) .......................................10 Bilateral Investment -
'Implications of Lesotho's COVID-19 Response Framework for the Rule Of
AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL To cite: I Shale ‘Implications of Lesotho’s COVID-19 response framework for the rule of law’ (2020) 20 African Human Rights Law Journal 462-483 http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2020/v20n2a5 Implications of Lesotho’s COVID-19 response framework for the rule of law Itumeleng Shale* Senior Lecturer, National University of Lesotho; Attorney of the Courts of Lesotho https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2284-3044 Summary: Lesotho’s COVID-19 response was proactive. A state of emergency was declared prior to confirmation of any positive case of the virus in the country. The approach was two-pronged in that, first, a state of emergency was declared under section 23 of the Constitution with effect from 18 March 2020 and, second, a disaster-induced state of emergency was declared in terms of sections 3 and 15 of the 1997 Disaster Management Act with effect from 29 April to 28 October 2020. An ad hoc body aimed at oversight of the response was also established, but was disbanded after four weeks and replaced with another similarly ad hoc body. On the basis of the three core principles of the rule of law, this article interrogates the repercussions of this approach on the principle of the rule of law, in particular, compliance with international human rights obligations contained in ICCPR, the African Charter as well as municipal laws, namely, the Constitution and the Disaster Management Act. It is argued that while Lesotho had to act swiftly in order to protect lives, in so acting the existing legal and institutional frameworks were ignored in violation of the rule of law principle. -
Gender Inequality in Lesotho: the Right of Succession to Chieftainship
Gender Inequality in Lesotho: The Right of Succession to Chieftainship by NTHATISI E. METSING Student number: 28312725 Mini‐dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the MPhil: Multidisciplinary Human Rights, the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria Supervisor Professor M HANSUNGULE April 2015 DECLARATION I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this dissertation is my own original work and has not previously in its entirety or in part been submitted at any other university for a degree. Signature……………………………………………. Date…………………………………… i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to dedicate this paper to my parents, my late father Mr Mokutlane Metsing & my mother Mrs. ‘Mateboho Metsing and all of my family members for their undying support and encouragement. I would like to thank the Almighty God for the strength to complete the paper, a special thank you to my supervisor Prof. M Hansungule for accepting the task of supervising this paper and for his invaluable contribution. I would also like to thank and acknowledge the encouragement from all my friends and colleagues ‐ A sincere thank you to you all and may God’s grace and love abound to you all. ii ABSTRACT Like many other African countries, the system of traditional leadership and chieftainship in Lesotho is strongly embraced and deeply embedded. Under customary law chiefs have been regarded as and served as “governors” of their societies with power over different aspects of life. However the traditional leadership systems have been and continue to be predominantly male. The study therefore will examine the institution of chieftainship in Lesotho under both the Constitution and customary and; how this has led to gender inequality and infringement of international human rights law. -
Coalition Politics in Southern Africa Cover.Indd
AFRICA DIALOGUE Monograph Series No. 1/2018 COMPLEXITIES OF COALITION POLITICS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA The rise and fall of Lesotho’s coalition governments The Intricacies and Pitfalls of the Politics of Coalition in Mozambique The Politics of Dominance and Survival: Coalition Politics in South Africa 1994–2018 Complexities of Coalition Politics in Southern Africa Monograph Series No. 1/2018 Edited By: Senzo Ngubane ACCORD The Africa Dialogue Monograph Series is published by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a civil society institution working throughout Africa to bring creative African solutions to the challenges posted by conflict on the continent. ACCORD’s primary aim is to influence political developments by bringing conflict resolution, dialogue and institutional development to the forefront as an alternative to armed violence and protracted conflict. Disclaimer Views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt has been made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this series contains. Copyright © 2018 ACCORD ISSN 1562–7004 This publication may be downloaded at no charge from the ACCORD website: <http://www.accord.org.za>. All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. -
The Design of the Executive Branch
A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: The Design of the Executive Branch Markus Böckenförde This paper appears as chapter 4 of International IDEA’s publication A Practical Guide to Constitution Building. The full Guide is available in PDF and as an e-book at <http://www.idea.int> and includes an introductory chapter (chapter 1) and chapters on principles and cross-cutting themes in constitution building (chapter 2), building a culture of human rights (chapter 3), constitution building and the design of the legislature and the judiciary (chapters 5 and 6), and decentralized forms of government in relation to constitution building (chapter 7). International IDEA resources on Constitution Building A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: The Design of the Executive Branch © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2011 This publication is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council of Member States, or those of the donors. Applications for permission to reproduce all or any part of this publication should be made to: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Strömsborg SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46-8-698 37 00 Fax: +46-8-20 24 22 Email: [email protected] Website: www.idea.int Design and layout by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Printed by: Bulls Graphics, Sweden Cover design by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Cover illustration by: Sharif Sarhan ISBN: 978-91-86565-31-2 This publication is produced as part of the Constitution Building Programme implemented by International IDEA with funding from the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
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CITIZENSHIP AND STATELESSNESS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY DECEMBER 2020 Bronwen Manby CITIZENSHIP AND STATELESSNESS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY 2020 Disclaimer This report may be quoted, cited, uploaded to other websites and copied, provided that the source is acknowledged. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of UNHCR. All names have been changed for the personal stories in boxes. Map of the 16 SADC Member States © UNHCR 2020 i UNHCR / December, 2020 CITIZENSHIP AND STATELESSNESS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY 2020 Contents Disclaimer i Map of the 16 SADC Member States i Methodology and acknowledgments vi A note on terminology viii Summary 1 Extent of statelessness 1 Causes of statelessness 1 Groups at risk of statelessness 2 The impact of statelessness 2 International and African standards 3 Protection against statelessness in the legal frameworks of SADC states 3 Due process and transparency 4 Lack of access to naturalisation 5 Civil registration and identification 5 Regional cooperation and efforts to reduce statelessness 6 Overview of the report 7 Key recommendations 8 The history of nationality law in southern Africa 10 Migration and nationality since the colonial era 10 Transition to independence and initial frameworks of law 12 Post-independence trends 15 Comparative analysis of nationality legislation 17 Constitutional and legislative protection for the