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∗ w t ot oarato gis h rs iueo iigAeacaooya racist as archaeology Age of misuse gross the against reaction a to roots analysis of its unit owe useful a or watershed 2006). socio-economic Hodges a 201-3; challenge as 2003: others Svanberg Age Yet (e.g. Viking 52-7). the 2007: 2001: Woolf of Byock 16-21; relevance 18-19; 2006: the 2000: Hadley Richards 106-9; 2003a: 187-94; Sawyer 1991: 82-4; Roesdahl (e.g. narratives broad within eevd 1Nvme 07 eie:1 pi 08 cetd 4My2008 May 14 Accepted: 2008; April 11 Revised: 2007; November 21 Received: raue silver treasure, r einl(..N Roman (e.g. the regional of are decline the interpreting as complex Viking the and of illuminating causes Empire. the as pre- Studying potentially a islands. is of in communities colonisation identities Age non-state seaborne transnational the militarised of and highly development world capitalist the but societies’, small-scale ‘complex wider the of neighbouring of on archaeology impact the potential to relevance the of processes world: three history. of European examples of good understanding provides an also for It important uniquely thus is study Its documented. to leading principality catalysts semi-independent the the of created one the it was . and and It of empire Russia state itself. Carolingian England, to the , within contributed of , mention fragmentation diaspora seaboard to now This eastern not are press). the – what in and Ukraine in Price Asia urbanism & western and/or (Brink to formation America extending exploration North ultimately and maritime northern conquest – Long-range of migration, impact. , of in , much profound the of as across and florescence known scale a AD in facilitated centuries widespread mid-eleventh expeditions both to was eighth Age late the Viking of diaspora Scandinavian The Introduction in males young of bulge domicile. a separate a that and marriage of theory chances Keywords: their the head- underpin to – develops treasure get manner and author to Viking out political set The approved economic, Scandinavia the movers. demographic, in environmental, prime episode technical, ideological Viking dismissing the and of reviewing cause on, the addresses paper This Barrett H. James Age? Viking the caused What antiquity h eiac nsm urest iwte‘iig isoaa ennflmyultimately may meaningful as diaspora ‘Viking’ the view to quarters some in hesitancy The aydsusoso h asso h iigAehv encnutdi otxsthat contexts in conducted been have Age Viking the of causes the of discussions Many best the among also is it Europe, post-Roman of migrations’ ‘barbarian last the of one As E,U Eal [email protected]) (Email: UK 3ER, coadIsiuefrAcaooia eerh nvriyo abig,DwigSre,Cmrde CB2 Cambridge, Street, Downing Cambridge, of University Research, Archaeological for Institute McDonald 2(08:671–685 (2008): 82 cniai,Bian rln,NrhSa iigAe al eivl Abbasid, medieval, early Age, Viking Sea, North Ireland, Britain, Scandinavia, sa 00;V 2000a; asman ¨ ∗ esteinsson ´ 671 tal. et 06.Ohr drs h problem the address Others 2006).

Research What caused the Viking Age? propaganda by the National Socialists and others between 1920 and 1945 (see Muller-Wille¨ 1994; Nondier 2002: 509-11). Nevertheless, there is a problem to resolve, and to understand the early in Europe one must consider developments both within and between regions (cf. McCormick 2001; Wickham 2005). Nasman¨ (2000a) and Svanberg (2003) demonstrate that Scandinavian material culture was highly regionalised in the period under consideration. Despite these practical and historical impediments, a small number of studies have sought to grapple with the causes of the Viking Age in holistic fashion, limiting the danger of information overload through varying combinations of generalisation and case study (e.g. Sawyer 1982a; 1989; Myhre 1993; Hernæs 1997; Randsborg 2000; McCormick 2001; Simek 2004). Adopting this tradition, what follows combines an overview with more detailed consideration of early Viking Age (particularly late eighth- to early ninth-century) Scandinavian raiding in the west. It starts from the premise that cause must precede effect in time. This may be obvious, but the disproportionate abundance of evidence from the middle of the ninth century and later has often led scholars of the Viking Age to read history backwards, from the known to the unknown, potentially skewing our understanding of causal chains. Collectively, previous scholarship has considered the causes of the Viking Age in terms of one or more of the following:

r Technological determinism; r Environmental determinism; r Demographic determinism; r Economic determinism (the growth of urbanism and trade); r Political determinism (the weakness of neighbouring empires and/or the centralisation of power within Scandinavia); r Ideological determinism.

Each explanation combines these factors in differing configurations, creating a wide variety of possible models. It would be impractical to review the resulting historiography in a work of this length. Instead, this paper will return to first principles, the ingredients of the story of the Viking Age, briefly considering them in light of both present knowledge within ‘Viking studies’ (including archaeology, history and related fields) and insights from the social sciences (specifically anthropology and sociology). In so doing it seeks to present a brief overview of existing wisdom, to challenge several problematic assumptions, to introduce a few new issues which have not yet received the attention they merit and to propose a new explanation.

Technological determinism Among the traditional ‘causes’ of the Viking Age, the demotion of naval technology and seafaring knowledge is perhaps the most surprising to the non-specialist. The high level of technological skill and social signalling embodied by boats and ships in Viking Age

672 tde ol lc h W fe h uno h ilnimadepaieisregional its emphasise and millennium the of turn Bradley the (e.g. after variability MWP the place would studies pt h n ftefis ilnimA eg Dahl-Jensen (e.g. AD millennium first the leading of centuries end the settlement the in climate-induced warming to putative with up of consistent and is itself research climatological MWP Some the expansion. of the timing of the impact are possible here the problems specifically Dansgaard climate, (e.g. (MWP) is Period relevance Warm limited Medieval of chestnut old second A it. ‘cause’ determinism not are did Environmental distances they long clearly warriors but thus carrying Age, of and Viking capable – the ships quicker for brief, and pre-requisite In Age. necessary further Viking a travel could the to we of eventuality, motivation effect hypothetical the an as reflecting this In as change 788). shift interpret 2001: a or best McCormick 1995) (cf. (Carver sailing practices tacking 24-hour in to changes it be employed, was technology existing 2007). (Crumlin-Pedersen several case Scandinavia any in in pivotal adopted Age been not Viking Thus have are the may 2007). sail, sails before that and Oppenheimer centuries thought keel 2003; now of is Hills It developments 1999). or (cf. particularly (Haywood technology, exceeded successors ship that Age of Britain question Anglo- Viking to) the of migration their scale evidence, of a DNA that facilitated on origin equalled based (Randsborg Germanic (and, Age northern on Iron of Roman influence ships the Saxon century, during fifth boat the by In armies 1995). large of movement long-range before, the long seaborne Scandinavia ships. large-scale Viking from of that emanated power clear causative & have the equally could Owen reducing thus is migration 1995; and/or Crumlin-Pedersen it However, conquest (e.g. raiding, 2008). centuries excavations Westerdahl twentieth ship-burial great 1999; early first Dalland and the since nineteenth research the all of by reinforced been has Scandinavia g Hræ 97 78.Tecrnlg fstlmn xaso aisb h einin region the Viking by the varies of expansion cause settlement realistic of a chronology of as The that 57-8). dismissed form, 1997: simplistic be most (Hernæs can its Thus Age too in 2002). But this demography. Dyer pressure’, of ‘population 1999; that phenomenon nebulous into Fossier well-established merges a (e.g. climate – of conditions issue AD environmental the millennium reflect and first population partly the European may of widespread which end the the in of share boom did settlement Scandinavia terms, general more In determinism Demographic re oast h e ol olwn hrl hratr(alc 2003). (Wallace with thereafter 2003), shortly (Arneborg following century world not tenth new was the the turn of to in end forays the brief 793). until in migrants 870s Scandinavian on by the attack settled to infamous the dates as presently (such Age in have Viking settlement not Norse may of evidence or (V earliest Even may Greenland). the later did, conditions (and they Iceland climatic if in favourable settlement Scandinavian Thus for 1994). opportunities enhanced Diaz & Hughes (e.g. fsmtigmaigu i hnei h aeegt etr ti ieyt ei how in be to likely is it century eighth late the in change did meaningful something If indicate example, for in AD) century (fourth I Nydam at sacrifices, Weapon esteinsson ´ tal et 06.Ti sams etr fe h rtcranriso h early the of raids certain first the after century a almost is This 2006). . tal et 03.I a vnbe rudta h W ee existed never MWP the that argued been even has It 2003). . ae .Barrett H. James 673 tal et 95 Dugmore 1975; . tal et 98.Cnesl,other Conversely, 1998). . tal et 07 4.The 14). 2007: .

Research What caused the Viking Age?

Scandinavia – with some locations showing little change from the Roman until economic crisis and plague in the fourteenth century (e.g. Skre 2001). Nevertheless, in many areas forest clearance and settlement expansion is now known to have progressed during the course of the Viking Age, rather than preceding it (e.g. Andersen et al. 1988; Karlsson & Robertsson 1997; Nasman¨ 2000a: 2-3). In parts of , for example, it may well be characteristic of the end of the period (Myhre 1998). Related to the issue of demography is a more implicit, but widely held, assumption that Viking Age settlement expansion entailed a mechanistic ‘wave of advance’ in which the Germanic-speaking peoples of Scandinavia slowly colonised neighbouring territories. The western diaspora can provide one example (Barrett 2006; cf. Woolf 2007: 52-7, 286-9). It is commonly treated as a sequential process beginning with the of Scotland, from which it is presumed Scandinavians first operated as raiders in Britain, Ireland and sometimes even continental Europe (e.g. Sawyer 2003a: 109; Ridel 2007). After that came conquest and settlement, spreading to Ireland and ultimately – under the dynasty of ´Imar/Ivar of and his cronies – to Anglo-Saxon England (see Wormald 1982: 141; Biddle & Kjølbye-Biddle 2001: 81-4). The extreme version of this wave of advance model envisions the foundation of an early (or even pre-) Viking Age Scandinavian kingdom in Scotland, Laithlinn, which moved its base of operations to Dublin in the (OCorr´ ain´ 1998a; Sawyer 2003b; Stefansson´ 2003: 204; cf. Etchingham 2007). Although the second (Irish and English) chapter of this story is likely to be correct (Downham 2007), the assumption of early Scandinavian settlement in Atlantic Scotland cannot yet be supported on the basis of reliable evidence. The ‘wave of advance’ model is ultimately traceable to post-Viking Age Icelandic and Norwegian sources in which early pirate settlements in the Northern Isles were assumed to have existed (e.g. GuDmundsson 1965: 7-8; Ekrem & Mortensen 2003: 67). However, there is no evidence from settlement sites, graves, hoards or the documentary record to suggest that Scandinavian migrants were living in Atlantic Scotland prior to the mid-ninth century (Barrett 2003 and references therein). Newly published ‘early’ radiocarbon dates from Viking Age settlements in the Northern Isles (Hunter 2007: 139-40; Ballin Smith 2007: 289-94) do not change this conclusion. None unambiguously pre-date the mid- ninth century. Marine reservoir effects from cooked fish, not to mention statistical chance, could easily account for the one anomalously early date from Norwick, . It was on carbonised food deposits adhering to a soapstone pot (Ballin Smith 2007: 289, 293; cf. Barrett & Richards 2004). Similarly, a single pre-ninth-century date from phase 7.1 at Pool, ‘may represent earlier residual material from a levelling surface’ (Hunter 2007: 139). Weber’s (1992; 1993; see also Ballin Smith 1995) suggestion that pre-Viking Age combs from were manufactured using reindeer antler imported from Scandinavia has also now been re-evaluated (Ashby 2006). Several Orcadian combs of Pictish style were indeed probably manufactured using this raw material, but none of these can be demonstrated to pre-date the ninth century based on stratigraphy or absolute dating. In sum, there is no reason to think that Norse settlement in the Scottish isles was prior to the first documented over-wintering of Viking armies in Ireland (AD 841), England (850/1) and Frankia (852/3). After this date, there is clear evidence for the transfer of information and objects around the Irish Sea (e.g. Graham-Campbell 1998; Johnson 2001; Paterson 2001). In the few

674 h e oaefo owyt rln rbbyto esta w ek ae nmedieval on based weeks two with than less comparison took in probably Ireland particularly to example, Norway one – from just voyage time provide To sea 2007). rowing the Englert and 1990; Carver sailing (e.g. transport of land terms contemporary in small were Europe the Hedeager after (cf. wealthy Ireland demonstrably in was island earth 1998). the Sheehan point or 70-81; which water 1992: Unlike at – to region. started each consigned had in Age routinely differences Viking metalwork first omits elite was which of Denmark metalwork deposition with Denmark, the comparison surrounding a practices on cultural largely relevant in relies really It not overstated. is is not 817) is case judgement 2005: this (Wickham because suggestion impoverished partly recent was here, The Ireland Scandinavians. medieval seafaring Isles early for Northern that the destinations would relevant settlement, equally of period been the have in later, Only substantial. been have must ntenrh(f tNna’ se htad Small was Shetland, the there Isle, that Ninian’s in say St than to (cf. Pictland not north is mainland This the in Scotland. in and northern of Argyll) islands Riata, settled Dal densely less speaking Irish in ubiquitous Ireland’s in abundant (including more probably was which wealth, portable prehistoric was to 2004). Mediterranean (Keegan the relevance Caribbean as the potential afield and far 2005) its as Miracle from & and examples (Forenbaher twentyfirst- archaeological to 2008), by physical corroborated twentieth- Santiago-Irizarry is than transnational societies (e.g. increasingly rather an space world in social century observed of is terms phenomenon in This conceptualised N are (cf. economic them distances help perceived geography to (e.g. Thus migrants) prior seek it. related migrants from find (often what support either of how and nodes information have with or The which opportunities) 107). consistent places 2000: Brettell are scenario (e.g. networks networks a these along reconstruct move migrants from to population, gradually spreading source prudent than a Rather cross-culturally. be unfold to observed may been has it migration texts), medieval later stpcaayi ftehfo iigAebrasi tatcSoln.I o a imply may immigration too direct It than Scotland. rather world, Atlantic (Montgomery ‘Insular’ Scandinavia in the from burials around population Age of Viking redistribution from the teeth of analysis isotopic in penannular settlement bossed 2001). Scandinavian of Johnson post-dates 1993; adoption chronology Michelli 1975; the the (Graham-Campbell century, as regions or ninth both such Riata late fashion, Dal the from Irish in Graham- styles influenced 1976; ‘Scottish’ (Warner have geographically century where may mid-tenth cases Pictland In the 38-40). in known 1995: Scotland style Campbell altered Atlantic the early in (in and adopted ‘ring-money’) arm ninth- being late standardised as only in fairly 178), widely 1998: circulated of (Sheehan These use in bullion. Ireland silver the tenth-century manufacture storing is Irish for medium Another probable a 2001). of as (Paterson bands buckles graves belt had Age of often Ireland Viking presence however, Scottish the established, is be can example exchange One this precedence. of chronology the where cases nspoto h la-rg yohss h itne otae nerymdea Northern medieval early in travel to distances the hypothesis, ‘leap-frog’ the of support In nteeris eae fteVkn g h betv fsottr cniainmigrants Scandinavian short-term of objective the Age Viking the of decades earliest the In much of assumptions the than (rather material source archaeological this from Starting aty hr snwalmtdqatt feiec o ua irto atrsfrom patterns migration human for evidence of quantity limited a now is there Lastly, sa 91 oetal edn o‘epfo’pten fmobility. of patterns ‘leap-frog’ to leading potentially – 1991) asman ¨ tal et 03 otoey&Eas2006). Evans & Montgomery 2003; . ae .Barrett H. James vis- 675 a-vis ` tal et tatcSoln n atybcuethe because partly and Scotland Atlantic 93 u h eaiedifference relative the but – 1973) . no treasure

Research What caused the Viking Age? sources (e.g. Benediktsson 1968: 33, regarding the indirect route via Iceland). Early bases in the Northern Isles of Scotland were not an essential precondition for the Viking Age as we know it. It remains for future studies to fully address the implications of the ‘leap-frog’ hypothesis for the migrant experience in the west. It would allow the possibility that Norse and Irish adventurers met in the Northern Isles or the Faeroes in the years leading up to the ninth century, a contact providing knowledge of the riches that lay in the Celtic monasteries (cf. Dumville 2002; Edwards 2005; Hannon et al. 2005). The theory may also alter the traditional model of Scandinavian immigration to Atlantic Scotland – which envisions a pioneer stage of contact, a consolidation stage of settlement and an establishment stage in which indigenous material culture was replaced in one way or another (e.g. Buteux 1997: 262; Morris 1998; Graham-Campbell 2003: 128-9). If the Irish Sea (a traditional centre of cultural influence for Atlantic Scotland) became a ‘Norwegian lake’ early in the Viking Age, perhaps Scandinavian material culture was adopted before settlement – reversing the traditional order. In contrast with the western story, it could be argued that the eastern Scandinavian diaspora was a wave of advance, consistent with an underlying demographic imperative. It ultimately involved the sequential foundation of Staraja Ladoga, Novgorod and Kiev (Price 2000; Duczko 2004). Even in this case, however, one sees a ‘leap-frog’ between the Scandinavian kingdoms of the Baltic and the first trading settlement on Lake Ladoga in Russia (with its access to both furs and trade routes to the east). For example, Scandinavian influenced burials seem to have first appeared in intevening regions such as later in the Viking Age, during the tenth century (Magi¨ 1999: 35).

The marriage imperative Thus far, I have minimised the relevance of settlement expansion and ‘population pressure’ to the origins of the Viking Age. It may be, however, that other aspects of demography merit further attention. Critical among these are the issues of gender and infanticide. It has long been established that much Viking Age loot of Insular origin (that is from Ireland or Britain) ultimately found its way into female Viking Age graves in (Wamers 1985; 1998; Graham-Campbell 2001; Raven 2005: 43). It has also been proposed that Iron Age female grave-goods in Scandinavia may well represent ‘bride-wealth’ in at least a general sense of the term (Arrhenius 1995; Kristoffersen 2004). Put together, one must ask: were the earliest Viking raids motivated to acquire such goods (cf. Burstrom¨ 1993 regarding Gotlandic silver hoards)? Elsewhere in early medieval Europe young aristocratic men often served as warriors in the retinues of others – or alternatively formed military brotherhoods – until they married and established their own households (Brooks 1971: 74; Halsall 2003: 50, 106-8). Based on this analogy (and later medieval Norse sources) it is easy to imagine participation in raiding parties as part of a Scandinavian male’s life cycle in the early Viking Age. On a comparative anthropological canvas perhaps plunder, like short-term urban labour, could ‘provide the cash needed to succeed in the rural context – to accumulate bride-price, provide a , or buy a home’ (Brettell 2000: 102).

676 optto soitdwt cniainsaefrain(niset hc ilreturn will daughters. I over militaristic have which sons increasingly for to issue preference that issue this a (an is might to formation possibility led Why state below) One it. Scandinavian century? created with eighth its have associated late than competition might rather the which population, in practices the critical of social become structure the internal on the and on 169-70; size, depends 1988: it (Clover that demographic Scandinavia nebulous in from determinism pre-Christian differs interpretation is of This therein). infanticide references context female and 1998 the selective Wicker in but Such reasons, competition. candidate many violent obvious cases to for an leading occur these around, could In go imbalance population. to demographic roles the a status which of enough in element not societies simply large of are disproportionately corollary there a a often represent is men warfare that young posits which 2003), (Heinsohn theory MCrik20:737) al iigAeSadnvawspr fawrdsse,but world-system, a demand of eastern part meet was to Scandinavia available Age Viking were Early sources Scandinavian 733-77). eastern 2001: markets of and (McCormick western record 1986) were (Holm there the However, slaves century. entered tenth western first early for the Slaves these in Ireland. caliphate of the Neither or furs with 610-11). brought Britain exchange 2001: traders) of (McCormick (Scandinavian products century imagine Rus transhipment major ninth must the the were than in sources, one rather Baghdad Arab however, to – on so, consumption Based and If Scandinavian world. result. Islamic for degree) the the was lesser to a been wealth (to acquired have and the well Ireland resulting that Britain, could the Scandinavia. in empire that treasuries, western possible Frankish monastic to entirely the on immediately is often spread it raids, fever’), earliest b), ‘silver The & (Duczko’s 2007a mentality Sindbæk rush of gold analyses implied (as network Europe Age the Viking early by in quickly travel could in news that reductions Assuming observations. periodic or west. silver, the Arabic in of raiding presence Scandinavian the fuelled was which tradition availability, it intellectual its whether this to within as Nevertheless, 2006). differs Hodges opinion cf. 2001: McCormick 54; 111-22; Bolin 2007: 1983: 239-40; Woolf Whitehouse: 1939: 606-13; (Pirenne & Pirenne Hodges Henri 152-62; of 1980: writing Randsborg the 1953; least east at the since Europe in 2004: Age trade Viking (Duczko Scandinavian 749 of Ladoga between expansion Staraja dating resulting of the coins as settlement describes Oriental 62) influenced of (2004: Swedish hoard Duczko a the 67). is turning near quickly examples found – earliest century 786 the eighth and the of of One a decades Moreover, flood. two a last 33). north- the in into 1981: in settlements (Hill Baltic Scandinavian the 840s reached and first to Russia Caliphate western Abbasid and the the the 2001) from by Cowie silver & raids to of Hill trickle Viking 2000; of relevance Wickham wics, targets & so-called (Hansen frequent their century’ the became eighth however, centres, ‘long emphasise do, proto-urban the Europe’s They in Western that terms. boomed detail. general arguments in very reconsideration in trade, unassailable merit probably are and diaspora Scandinavian urbanism to Turning determinism Economic sle fever’ ‘silver hshptei eisfrhratnini h otx frcn oko yuhbulge’ ‘youth on work recent of context the in attention further merits hypothesis This ietnln h hed fteeagmns ti osbet aetorelevant two make to possible is it arguments, these of threads the Disentangling h b n o fti elhhsbe iwda ao rvro vnsin events of driver major a as viewed been has wealth this of flow and ebb The . ae .Barrett H. James 677

Research What caused the Viking Age? it would probably be an exaggeration to speculate that monks captured at Lindisfarne in AD 793 ended their days in Iraq. Secondly, the beginning of Viking Age raiding in was not focused on urban centres, nor even on urbanised regions. The earliest targets were mainly monasteries and other settlements in rural areas of , Scotland and Ireland (Hill 1981: 33; Etchingham 1996). The actors in these raids were probably also of predominately rural background, if the traditional interpretation that they were mostly from western Norway remains valid (e.g. Wamers 1998). In short, the Viking Age began as a rural rather than an urban phenomenon. It may thus also have had little to do with targeting southern and western Baltic trade – which was most intensive in the shipping lanes between wics at sites such as , , , and based on the distribution of eighth- to ninth-century coin and glass finds (e.g. Nasman¨ 2000b). In the southern North Sea, for example, the earliest direct archaeological evidence for ‘Viking’ activity in the is a silver hoard (Westerklief I) deposited around 850 in what is now the Netherlands (Besteman 2004). As noted above, moreover, historical sources indicate that raiding did not become common in this urbanised zone until the 830s to 840s (Keynes 1997; Nelson 1997) – despite being routine in the rural north and west since 793. Early ninth-century records regarding the southern North Sea are mostly of successful defence against pirates, rather than the reverse (cf. Brooks 1971; Sawyer 1982b: 78-97). If western trade played a role in the earliest decades of the Viking Age, the mechanism must have been indirect.

Political determinism Past arguments based on political determinism entail both external ‘pull’ and internal ‘push’ factors. Traditionally, weaknesses in the polities targeted by Scandinavian raiders have been interpreted as one of the most important political ‘pull’ factors. Like North Sea trade, however, this argument may merit rethinking. The problem is partly chronological. The episodes of political unrest which are known to have attracted Viking armies to one side or the other of the began decades into the ninth century (Brooks 1979; Wormald 1982). The earliest recorded Viking raids were paradoxically contemporary with the existence of strong hegemonic powers in both Anglo-Saxon England (Offa’s Mercia) and continental Europe (’s Frankish empire) (Hernæs 1997: 61). The lure of political meltdown is probably equally irrelevant to eighth- and ninth-century Scotland and Ireland, albeit for different reasons. Both regions were subdivided into many small competitive kingdoms – chiefdoms in comparative terminology (Earle 1997) – which must have had much in common with contemporary polities in Norway (cf. Myhre 1987: 186-7; OCr´ oin´ ´ın 1995; Woolf 2007). It is hard to imagine that they offered a softer target than neighbouring communities at home. Turning to ‘push’ factors, the observation that the Scandinavian diaspora began in a time of powerful neighbours directly to one of the longest-standing and most convincing ingredients in the Viking Age recipe. That is the centralisation of power within Scandinavian kingdoms and the diverse consequences of this process. Like ‘wave of advance’ assumptions, this idea owes its ultimate origin to medieval Scandinavian sources (which attribute Norse settlement in the west to the partly fictitious unification of Norway under )

678 hssaedrn h rtfiedcdso h iigAe( along Age escalated Viking probably the raids of of decades role five scale, the The first was the 1985). the retinue (Reuter of during military power scale a end this royal to one redistribution and its At chiefly Halsall and (cf. crews. of wealth discussed other, basis their already the This as to At household men. a 106-8). also of establish 50-8, but and 2003: kinds marry leaders, different to acquired of many be status could of wealth Viking relative treasuries however, the the category, bolstered to social have applied broad to this appear Within would 2003). raids (Halsall politics 91-3). in 1970: participant (Scholz themselves reigning were ‘Viking’ Coupland as there 47; 810 not), of 1989: would campaign Lund of Frisian Denmark’s (I (cf. of Harald activity Godfrid 841 as accepts in one 848 such if war Lastly, in dynasties, civil 90-1). Ireland royal 1998: Carolingian in of in others members participated 1200 exiled who with were Denmark died There were who 274). There Laithlinn 268). 2007: of 2007: (Downham Tomrair Some, (Downham as 837 nameless. in such Ireland deputies, remained in royal royal died without Many who leaders Saxolb were 47-56). as There such actors. 1989: recognised associations, as Lund record historical (cf. the free-booting entered raids however, to Viking game-keepers of client perpetrators from reverted whom of and within some 1998). (Coupland competition – poachers training resulting military exiles the and havens for of provided realpolitik west grounds the the Lastly, dynasties. was in Scandinavian piracy elite contenders Thirdly, between for centralisation. option political they defensive viable Secondly, for 1985). a the (Reuter need and following unambiguous power military centralised an a both maintaining prompted of in terms plunder of in role emulate potential to models provided they Firstly, forms. J (e.g. n clsatclplce icuigerymsin noSadnva fteChristian the of Scandinavia) into missions early (including policies ecclesiastical seeking and men free of group reputation’ a creating two land, to 339). new Frankia) 1998: cultivate the western Hennessy at 39; and three 1997: (northern from (Nelson rising 820 (Ireland) – in the 837 story 13 in in same 60 to recorded the (Portland), of tells first fleets century sizes is eighth fleet above the of is) of noted it end dynasts as and (such evidence deputies The royal 840s. of participation the aside, fBønMhe(03 01 rgrigtewoeo h cniainIo g,o which of Age, Iron subdivision): Scandinavian final the the of is whole Age the Viking (regarding the 60-1) (2003: Myhre Bjørn of l arosi al eivlErp eeo lt tts oba rswst ea be to was arms bear To status. elite of were Europe medieval early in warriors All the considering briefly worth is it terms concrete in processes these understand To many took empire, Carolingian the particularly neighbours, powerful of influence The egtndcmeiinwti cniai a lohv e otefeigo lvsto slaves of freeing the to led have also may Scandinavia within competition Heightened flclpltclpaesadeternusoeaigi eainbt omr distant more to both relation societies. in neighbouring operating their actions to to entrepreneurs positive and the and societies centres and of players tribal and influence political Europe of continental egalitarian local of consequence and of from centres a cultural major empire, was of the from development changes an exerted This of pressure of kingdoms. example petty borders an and is the chiefdoms Age on Iron the relations in political Scandinavia of history The nsn11:5-) oee,i ean bqiost h rsn a.I h words the In day. present the to ubiquitous remains it However, 53-4). 1911: onsson ´ Sr 01 2.Atraiey thsbe rudta h xasoitcmilitary expansionistic the that argued been has it Alternatively, 12). 2001: (Skre ae .Barrett H. James 679 OCorr a potnt ownwat and wealth win to opportunity ‘an ´ i 98:45.Godfrid 425). 1998b: ain ´

Research What caused the Viking Age? kingdoms of Western Europe may have inspired an ideologically driven reaction among the pagan elites of the north (Myhre 1993). Ideological determinism Many of the arguments summarised above regarding political centralisation are well established by contemporary archaeological and historical evidence. Others, such as Bjørn Myhre’s ‘pagan reaction’ model, Dagfinn Skre’s ‘ hypothesis’ and the ‘gendered demography’ theory proposed in this paper must remain more controversial (all having been offered in heuristic fashion). Their value lies in focusing attention on possible social factors behind the Viking Age Scandinavian diaspora. These are likely to be critical in a society where religion, mentality and warfare were inextricably linked (Price 2002). Pursuing social causation further, two facets of Scandinavian ideology must have played an important role in the highly militarised and risky context of the Viking Age diaspora: honour and fatalism (e.g. Kuhn 1977: 162-3; Roesdahl 1991: 190; Simek 2004: 15). Without deeply seated beliefs in duty and predestination – and the iron hand of peer- pressure – it is difficult to imagine how crews could have been recruited for journeys from which return was doubtful throughout the Viking Age. Risks were manifold and manifest – from shipwreck and disease to violent death in battle. A wide range of primary sources (western, Arabic and Scandinavian) leave us in no doubt that many men did not survive their expeditions (e.g. Minorsky 1958: 152-3; Nelson 1991: 127; Sawyer 2000: 132). To grasp why people were willing to embark on these high-risk enterprises it is worth citing Price’s (2002: 53) evaluation of religious belief in Viking Age Scandinavia: We are left with a sobering conclusion, which is that the created one of the few known world mythologies to include the pre-ordained and permanent ruin of all creation and all the powers that shaped it, with no lasting afterlife for anyone at all. The cosmos began in the frozen emptiness of , and will end in fire with the last battle. Everything will burn at the Ragnarok, whatever gods and humans may do. The outcome of our actions, our fate, is already decided and therefore does not matter. What is important is the manner of our conduct as we go to meet it. The psychological implications of this and other aspects of the Norse ‘religion’ bear thinking about. Nevertheless, there is no reason to think that beliefs in honour and fate were unique to Scandinavia, or to the Viking Age. They probably characterised most of ‘Barbarian’ Europe for much of the first millennium AD and (in places) beyond (Halsall 2003). A mentality geared for war is thus only a precondition for the Viking Age diaspora – at least until convincing evidence for a dramatic change in Scandinavian world view can be established for the eighth century. Conclusions This brief survey of the causes of the Viking Age has sought to alter received wisdom in several ways. The Scandinavian diaspora was not a product of technological, climatic or economic determinism. Nor did it result from ‘overpopulation’ or the lure of weak neighbours. Instead, bands of ‘surplus’ young men (perhaps resulting from selective female infanticide) in need of

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