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National Security Advisor SAIGON EMBASSY FILES KEPT by AMBASSADOR GRAHAM MARTIN: Copies Made for the NSC, 1963-1975 (1976)
Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library & Museum National Security Advisor SAIGON EMBASSY FILES KEPT BY AMBASSADOR GRAHAM MARTIN: Copies Made for the NSC, 1963-1975 (1976) SUMMARY DESCRIPTION Copies of State Department telegrams and White House backchannel messages between U.S. ambassadors in Saigon and White House national security advisers, talking points for meetings with South Vietnamese officials, intelligence reports, drafts of peace agreements, and military status reports. Subjects include the Diem coup, the Paris peace negotiations, the fall of South Vietnam, and other U.S./South Vietnam relations topics, 1963 to 1975. QUANTITY 4.0 linear feet (ca. 8000 pages) DONOR Gerald R. Ford (accession number 82-73) ACCESS Open. The collection is administered under terms of the donor's deed of gift, a copy of which is available on request, and under National Archives and Records Administration general restrictions (36 CFR 1256). COPYRIGHT President Ford has donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. Prepared by Karen B. Holzhausen, November 1992; Revised March 2000 [s:\bin\findaid\nsc\saigon embassy files kept by ambassador graham martin.doc] [This finding aid, found at https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/guides/findingaid/ nsasaigon.asp, was slightly adapted on pp. 6-7 by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in July 2018 to serve as a guide to the microfilm edition published by Primary Source Media.] 2 VIETNAM WAR CHRONOLOGY (Related to this collection) August 21, 1963 Ngo Dinh Nhu's forces attack Buddhist temples. -
Freeing the Dead Sea Scrolls: a Question of Access
690 American Archivist / Vol. 56 / Fall 1993 Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/american-archivist/article-pdf/56/4/690/2748590/aarc_56_4_w213201818211541.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 Freeing the Dead Sea Scrolls: A Question of Access SARA S. HODSON Abstract: The announcement by the Huntington Library in September 1991 of its decision to open for unrestricted research its photographs of the Dead Sea Scrolls touched off a battle of wills between the library and the official team of scrolls editors, as well as a blitz of media publicity. The action was based on a commitment to the principle of intellectual freedom, but it must also be considered in light of the ethics of donor agreements and of access restrictions. The author relates the story of the events leading to the Huntington's move and its aftermath, and she analyzes the issues involved. About the author: Sara S. Hodson is curator of literary manuscripts at the Huntington Library. Her articles have appeared in Rare Books & Manuscripts Librarianship, Dictionary of Literary Biography Yearbook, and the Huntington Library Quarterly. This article is revised from a paper delivered before the Manuscripts Repositories Section meeting of the 1992 Society of American Archivists conference in Montreal. The author wishes to thank William A. Moffett for his encour- agement and his thoughtful and invaluable review of this article in its several revisions. Freeing the Dead Sea Scrolls 691 ON 22 SEPTEMBER 1991, THE HUNTINGTON scrolls for historical scholarship lies in their LIBRARY set off a media bomb of cata- status as sources contemporary with the time clysmic proportions when it announced that they illuminate. -
SAY NO to the LIBERAL MEDIA: CONSERVATIVES and CRITICISM of the NEWS MEDIA in the 1970S William Gillis Submitted to the Faculty
SAY NO TO THE LIBERAL MEDIA: CONSERVATIVES AND CRITICISM OF THE NEWS MEDIA IN THE 1970S William Gillis Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism, Indiana University June 2013 ii Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Doctoral Committee David Paul Nord, Ph.D. Mike Conway, Ph.D. Tony Fargo, Ph.D. Khalil Muhammad, Ph.D. May 10, 2013 iii Copyright © 2013 William Gillis iv Acknowledgments I would like to thank the helpful staff members at the Brigham Young University Harold B. Lee Library, the Detroit Public Library, Indiana University Libraries, the University of Kansas Kenneth Spencer Research Library, the University of Louisville Archives and Records Center, the University of Michigan Bentley Historical Library, the Wayne State University Walter P. Reuther Library, and the West Virginia State Archives and History Library. Since 2010 I have been employed as an editorial assistant at the Journal of American History, and I want to thank everyone at the Journal and the Organization of American Historians. I thank the following friends and colleagues: Jacob Groshek, Andrew J. Huebner, Michael Kapellas, Gerry Lanosga, J. Michael Lyons, Beth Marsh, Kevin Marsh, Eric Petenbrink, Sarah Rowley, and Cynthia Yaudes. I also thank the members of my dissertation committee: Mike Conway, Tony Fargo, and Khalil Muhammad. Simply put, my adviser and dissertation chair David Paul Nord has been great. Thanks, Dave. I would also like to thank my family, especially my parents, who have provided me with so much support in so many ways over the years. -
Do I Owe Israel Support of Nixon?
killed not him alone, but much more. It killed a dream, morality. We helped by joining forces with destructive and woke me up to the horrible reality in which we hate-mongers, who talk about an Utopian world, but in Jews live. times of real need are incapable of human decency and feelings. We dreamt of a United Nations — about an^nlightened world opinion. Where were they when the Arabs seemed May the untimely death and sacrifice of our Israeli to be victorious? Only when the Arabs seemed beaten brethren be a warning to all of us before it is too late. did the United Nations awake and spread its protective umbrella to prevent Egypt from suffering the results of its aggression. Where, were all those great humanist Do i owe israel support of nixon? nations that were so concerned about Vietnam? Not a single one spoke out — all being more concerned with Jonathan Groner oil than with elementary human decency. How would the impeachment or resignation of the Where was the great McGovern, when his friend Fulbright President affect the future of Israel, and therefore, gave an anti-semitic speech worthy of a Goebbels? And how are we as Jews to respond to calls for either? where were all the great liberal columnists from the New York Times? Only William Safire found it appro- It is clear that if the removal of Richard Nixon would priate to express a word of encouragement. Had we directly endanger Israel's security — for example, if a been criminals, maybe a Tom Wicker or an Anthony Fulbright stood to succeed him — we would have to Lewis would have found time to shed a fake tear — but support Nixon and swallow our revulsion. -
Torturing Terrorists for National Security Imperatives: Mediated Violence on "24"
UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 5-2009 Torturing terrorists for national security imperatives: Mediated violence on "24" Michael D. Sears University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the Film and Media Studies Commons, Journalism Studies Commons, Mass Communication Commons, and the Television Commons Repository Citation Sears, Michael D., "Torturing terrorists for national security imperatives: Mediated violence on "24"" (2009). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 1183. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/2596826 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TORTURING TERRORISTS FOR NATIONAL SECURITY IMPERATIVES: MEDIATED VIOLENCE ON 24 by Michael D. Sears Bachelor of Arts New Mexico State University 2007 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Hank Greenspun School of Journalism and Media Studies Greenspun College of Urban Affairs Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2009 UMI Number: 1472488 Copyright 2009 by Sears, Michael D. -
Social Meaning and School Vouchers
William & Mary Law Review Volume 42 (2000-2001) Issue 3 Institute of Bill of Rights Symposium: Article 9 Religion in the Public Square March 2001 Social Meaning and School Vouchers Neal Devins William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Courts Commons, Education Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Repository Citation Neal Devins, Social Meaning and School Vouchers, 42 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 919 (2001), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol42/iss3/9 Copyright c 2001 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr SOCIAL MEANING AND SCHOOL VOUCHERS NEAL DEvINs* The more things change, the more they seem to stay the same: In 1981, I wrote a paper on the constitutionality of school vouchers for a law school course. At the time, it appeared that a sharply divided Supreme Court would reject vouchers, five to four. Two decades later, it appears that a sharply divided Supreme Court might well uphold vouchers, five to four. For this very reason, academics and others continue to fill the pages of law reviews with competing analyses of whether school vouchers violate the Establishment Clause.' Far more tellingly, during the 2000 elections, Court watchers claimed that the winner of the presidential race would control the constitutional fate of school vouchers (by, presumably, appointing the Justice who will cast the deciding vote in a constitutional challenge to school vouchers).2 * Goodrich Professor of Law and Lecturer in Public Policy, College of William & Mary. -
CURRICULUM VITAE Anthony D'agostino Department of History
CURRICULUM VITAE Anthony D’Agostino Department of History San Francisco State University San Francisco, CA 94132 home address: 4815 Harbord Drive, Oakland, CA 94618 phone: (415) 338 7535 email: [email protected] EDUCATION B.A., University of California, Berkeley, 1959 M.A., University of California, Berkeley, 1962 Graduate Study, University of Warsaw, 196768 Ph.D., University of California, Los Angeles, 1971 HONORS AND AWARDS: Teaching Assistantship, UCLA, 196566 Teaching Assistantship, UCLA, 196667 Research Fellowship, University of Warsaw (StanfordWarsaw Exchange), 196768 Research Assistantship, Russian and East European Studies Center, UCLA, 196869 Research Fellowship, Frederick Burk Foundation, San Francisco State University, 1971 Research Fellowship for Younger Humanists, National Endowment for the Humanities, 1973 Research Fellowship in Soviet and East European Studies (Title VIII), U.S. State Department and Hoover Institution, 198687 Meritorious Performance and Professional Promise Award, San Francisco State University, 198687 Meritorious Performance and Professional Promise Award, San Francisco State University, 198889 Choice cites Soviet Succession Struggles on its list of “outstanding academic books” for 198889. Encyclopedia Britannica 1989 Yearbook cites Soviet Succession Struggles in its select international bibliography. Performance Salary Increase, San Francisco State University, 1998. MEMBERSHIPS: World Association of International Studies (Stanford) American Historical Association The History Society International Institute of Strategic Studies (London) Royal United Services Institute for Defense Studies (London) InterUniversity Seminar on Armed Forces and Society American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies Great War Society Western Social Science Association Northern California World Affairs Council Electronic mail groups HRussia, HDiplo, HIdeas, HWorld, Johnson’s Russia List and others. -
Invasione Della Baia Dei Porci
Invasione della baia dei Porci L'invasione della baia dei Porci fu il fallito tentativo da parte di esuli cubani e di mercenari, addestrati dal- la CIA, di conquistare Cuba, a partire dall'invasione del- la parte sud-ovest dell'isola, per rovesciare il governo di Fidel Castro[1]. L'operazione è conosciuta in inglese come “Bay of the Pigs Invasion” e localmente[2] in spagnolo come “La Batalla de Girón”. L'operazione, programmata dal direttore della CIA Allen Welsh Dulles durante l'amministrazione Eisenhower[3], venne lanciata nell'aprile 1961, neanche tre mesi do- po l'insediamento di John Fitzgerald Kennedy alla presidenza degli Stati Uniti, il quale non approvò l'assalto, infatti decise di non sostenere le forze della CIA con l'esercito americano. Le forze armate cubane, equipag- giate ed addestrate dalle nazioni filo-sovietiche del blocco orientale, sconfissero la forza d'invasione in tre giorni di combattimenti. La forza da sbarco principale prese terra in una spiag- gia chiamata Playa Girón, motivo per cui nei paesi su- damericani il fatto è noto anche come “battaglia di Gi- rón” o semplicemente “Playa Girón”. Il piano prepara- to dal 5412 Committee della CIA, il 16 marzo 1960, fu denominato “Programma per un'azione segreta contro il Il memoriale dell'operazione situato nel quartiere di Little regime di Castro” (A Program of Covert Action against Havana a Miami in Florida. the Castro Regime)[4],[5] ed in seguito chiamato “opera- zione Zapata”, dal nome geografico della zona da con- quistare (Ciénaga de Zapata) o dalla società finanziaria occidentali, ed erano decisi a riportare l'isola sotto la sfera Zapata di proprietà di Jeorge Bush. -
“One China” Policy—Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei
China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy—Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs August 17, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30341 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy Summary Despite apparently consistent statements in almost four decades, the U.S. “one China” policy concerning Taiwan remains somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations. Apart from questions about what the “one China” policy entails, issues have arisen about whether U.S. Presidents have stated clear positions and have changed or should change policy, affecting U.S. interests in security and democracy. In Part I, this CRS Report discusses the “one China” policy since the United States began in 1971 to reach presidential understandings with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing. Part II documents the evolution of policy as affected by legislation and articulated in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. Taiwan formally calls itself the Republic of China (ROC). This report will be updated. Policy on the “one China” concept covers three major issue areas: sovereignty over Taiwan; PRC use of force or coercion against Taiwan; and cross-strait dialogue. The United States recognized the ROC government in Taipei until the end of 1978 and has maintained an official relationship with Taiwan after recognition of the PRC government in 1979. The United States did not explicitly state the sovereign status of Taiwan in the three U.S.-PRC Joint Communiques of 1972, 1979, and 1982. -
President Richard Nixon's Daily Diary, April 1-15, 1973
RICHARD NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD DOCUMENT DOCUMENT SUBJECT/TITLE OR CORRESPONDENTS DATE RESTRICTION NUMBER TYPE 1 Manifest Passenger Manifest – Spirit of ’76 – 4/8/1973 A Appendix “C” 2 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 4/8/1973 A Appendix “A” 3 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 4/11/1973 A Appendix “B” 4 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 4/12/1973 A Appendix “A” COLLECTION TITLE BOX NUMBER WHCF: SMOF: Office of Presidential Papers and Archives RC-12 FOLDER TITLE President Richard Nixon’s Daily Diary April 1, 1973 – April 15, 1973 PRMPA RESTRICTION CODES: A. Release would violate a Federal statute or Agency Policy. E. Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or B. National security classified information. financial information. C. Pending or approved claim that release would violate an individual’s F. Release would disclose investigatory information compiled for law rights. enforcement purposes. D. Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of privacy G. Withdrawn and return private and personal material. or a libel of a living person. H. Withdrawn and returned non-historical material. DEED OF GIFT RESTRICTION CODES: D-DOG Personal privacy under deed of gift -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION *U.S. GPO; 1989-235-084/00024 NA 14021 (4-85) THE WHITE HOUSE PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON'S DAILY DIARY (~e Travel Record (or Ttavel Activity) PUel ~lt.Y BEvAN DATE (Mo.• Day, Yr.) APRIL 1, 1973 THE WESTERN WHITE HOUSE TIME DAY SAN CLEMENTE, CALIFORNIA 8:15 a.m. SUNDAY PHONE TIME P-Placed Il-Ileceived ACTIVITY In Out Lo to 8:15 The President had breakfast. -
1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project STEPHANIE SMITH KINNEY Interviewed By
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project STEPHANIE SMITH KINNEY Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial Interview Date: March 25, 2010 Copyri ht 2012 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born in Florida rowing up in Florida Race relations Vassar College% University of Madrid, Spain Harvard raduate School of Education (H SE, Teacher and lecturer Charles Merrill Marriage Southern racial integration Foreign Service -.ives Seminar/ Me0ico City, Me0ico1 Spouse of Foreign Service Officer% Teacher, 123251235 American school (Colegio Americano, Student body Threats and kidnappings Terry 8eonhardy President 8uis Echeverria Anti5Americanism Husband9s Consular duties Violence Partido Revolutionario Institutionalizado (PRI, Kissinger .ashington, D.C.% Spouse of Foreign Service Officer 123551236 Discomfort as Foreign Service wife Family 8iaison Office (F8O, Pregnancy Common Cause Dorothy Stansbury Seeking changes for Foreign Service .ives Hope Myers 8eslie Dorman 1 Association of American Foreign Service .ives (AAFS., Report re concerns of FS Spouses and Families (1236, David and Jean Newsom Birth of daughter Entered the Foreign Service 1236 State Department1 Bureau of Cultural Affairs (CU,% Fulbright Officer 1236 State Department1 Office of the Director eneral% Policy Coordination Team 12365 1232 Family 8iaison Office (F8O, Carol 8aise Purpose and function .omen9s Action Organization (.AO, Allison Palmer John and Cynthia Thomas Jane Dubs Declaration on Spouses (1231, AAFS. and Capitol Hill Jean -
The Cuban Missile Crisis: Trading the Jupiters in Turkey? Author(S): Barton J
The Cuban Missile Crisis: Trading the Jupiters in Turkey? Author(s): Barton J. Bernstein Source: Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 95, No. 1 (Spring, 1980), pp. 97-125 Published by: The Academy of Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2149587 Accessed: 10-10-2016 11:05 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2149587?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms The Academy of Political Science, Wiley are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Science Quarterly This content downloaded from 95.183.180.42 on Mon, 10 Oct 2016 11:05:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Cuban Missile Crisis: Trading the Jupiters in Turkey? BARTON J. BERNSTEIN President John F. Kennedy has been variously praised and blamed for his handling of, the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962. For most, it was his great triumph: seven days of wide-ranging deliberations and careful planning; and six days of the shrewd use of cautious threats, limited force,- and wise diplomacy to achieve victory.1 For critics, however, it was an unnecessary crisis, or dangerously mishandled, or both: Kennedy should either have acceded to the Soviet missiles in Cuba, or at least tried private diplomacy before moving to the quarantine.