Records of the Far Eastern Commission, 1945-1952
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Potsdam Declaration from Lisa Bastien
TEACHING AMERICAN HISTORY PROJECT Lesson Title - Potsdam Declaration From Lisa Bastien Grade: 9-12 Length of class period: 86 minute block period Inquiry: (What essential question are students answering, what problem are they solving, or what decision are they making?) Why would the terms of the Potsdam Declaration deter the Japanese from giving an unconditional surrender? Objectives: (What content and skills do you expect students to learn from this lesson?) Students will be able to: • explain the events leading up to the dropping of the atomic bombs • provide examples as to why Japan refused to except the unconditional surrender presented to them prior to the use of the atomic bombs Students will: • analyze a primary source to use as support in response to a given question Materials: (What primary sources or local resources are the basis for this lesson?) Potsdam Declaration (see attached) Activities: (What will you and your students do during the lesson to promote learning?) • Start class by doing a class lecture/discussion on the war in the Pacific (WWII) including specifics on: the Philippines, the battle of Midway, Island Hopping, Guadalcanal, Kamikazes, Iwo Jima, Okinawa and ultimately the Manhattan Project. • Ask the class "what are some ways the US could have warned the Japanese of the nuclear bomb and/or it’s affects without dropping it on a city?" (students may make many suggestions including staging a demonstration so that Japan could understand what the bomb was capable of doing.) • Discuss with the students that staging a demonstration was a consideration that was made. Have them analyze through discussion why it was decided against. -
Japan's Energy 2019
JAPAN'S ENERGY 2019 10 questions for understanding the current energy situation 1 2 3 4 Energy Economic Security Efficiency Environment Safety How much How much energy How are electric What steps are being greenhouse gas can Japan supply power rates taken to ensure a stable is being energy supply and independently? changing? emitted? safety? 5 6 7 Innovation and Renewable 3E+S Energy Efficiency Energy What is the Are programs being Is progress being government’s basic implemented for research made in introducing & development and renewable sources energy policy? energy efficiency? of energy? 8 9 Reconstruction Nuclear of Fukushima Power How is the progress of the Is nuclear power reconstruction of generation Fukushima? necessary? 10 Mineral Resources What kinds of mineral resources are used? Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry Agency for Natural Resources and Energy Use this QR code to view the article. 1. Energy Security Changes in Energy Self-Sufficiency Ratio How日本は、国内の資源でどのくらいエネルギーを自給できていますか? much energy can Japan supply independently from domestic Q resources? A In 2017, Japan’s self-sufficiency ratio was 9.6% -- lower than other OECD countries. Comparisons of primary energy self-sufficiency ratios among major Renewal geothermal, How much is energy self-sufficiency ratio of Japan? 主要国の一次エネルギー自給率比較(2017年)nations (2017) enerugy (水力除く地熱、風力、太陽光など)( wind, solar, etc. ) 792.6% Hydoro electric 306.0% Nuclear 173.9% Power Natural gas Crude oil 92.6% Coal 68.2% 52.8% 36.9% 26.7% 16.9% 9.6% 5.3% No.1位 1 No.2位 2 No.3位 3 No.5位 5 No.11位 11 No.18位 18 No.22位 22 No.28位 28 No.33位 33 No.34位 34 No.35位 35 ノルウェーNorway オーストラリアAustralia Canadaカナダ アメリカUSA イギリスUK フランスFrance Germanyドイツ スペインSpain South韓国 Korea Japan日本 Luxembourgルクセンブルグ 出典:IEASource: 「World 2017 estimates Energy fromBalances IEA “World2018」の2017年推計値、 Energy Balances日本のみ資源エネルギー庁「総合エネルギー統計」の2017年度確報値。 2018”. -
The Partition of Korea After World War II This Page Intentionally Left Blank the PARTITION of KOREA AFTER WORLD WAR II
The Partition of Korea after World War II This page intentionally left blank THE PARTITION OF KOREA AFTER WORLD WAR II A GLOBAL HISTORY Jongsoo Lee THE PARTITION OFKOREA AFTER WORLD WAR II © Jongsoo Lee, 2006. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2006 978-1-4039-6982-8 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published in 2006 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-53150-9 ISBN 978-1-4039-8301-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781403983015 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lee, Jongsoo. The partition of Korea after world war II : a global history / Jongsoo Lee. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Korea—History—Partition, 1945– 2. World War, 1939–1945— Diplomatic history—Soviet Union. 3. World War, 1939–1945— Diplomatic history—United States. 4. Korea—History—Allied occupation, 1945–1948. I. Title. DS917.43.L44 2006 951.904Ј1—dc22 2005054895 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Design by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India. -
Manchuria Documents to Examine
Source 1 Source Information: The Legacy of the Soviet Union Offensives of August 1945 https://amti.csis.org/the-legacy-of-the-soviet-offensives-of-august-1945/ ____________________________________________________________________________ THE LEGACY OF THE SOVIET OFFENSIVES OF AUGUST 1945 BY JEFF MANKOFF | AUGUST 13, 2015 JAPAN, RUSSIA, UNITED STATES The Second World War was an unparalleled calamity for the Soviet Union. As many as 27 million Soviet soldiers and civilians died as a result of the conflict that started with the German invasion of Poland in September 1939 and ended with the Japanese surrender in August 1945. Consumed by this existential struggle along its western border, the Soviet Union was a comparatively minor factor in the Pacific War until the very end. Yet Moscow’s timely intervention in the war against Japan allowed it to expand its influence along the Pacific Rim. With the breakdown of Allied unity soon heralding the onset of the Cold War, Soviet gains in Asia also left a legacy of division and confrontation, some of which endure into the present. By the 1930s, Stalin’s Soviet Union and Imperial Japan both viewed themselves as rising powers with ambitions to extend their territorial holdings. In addition to a strategic rivalry dating back to the 19th century, they now nursed an ideological enmity born of the Bolshevik Revolution and the ultraconservative military’s growing hold on Japanese politics. In 1935, Japan signed the AntiComintern Pact with Hitler’s Germany, laying the foundation for the creation of the Axis (Fascist Italy would join the following year). The two militaries engaged in a series of skirmishes along the frontier between Soviet Siberia and Japanese-occupied Manchuria (Manchukuo) during the late 1930s. -
Overcoming the Challenges of Energy Scarcity in Japan
Lund University Supervisor: Martin Andersson Department of Economic History August 2017 Overcoming the Challenges of Energy Scarcity in Japan The creation of fossil fuel import dependence Natassjha Antunes Venhammar EKHK18 Dependence on imported fossil fuels is a major issue in contemporary Japan, as this creates economic vulnerabilities and contributes to climate change. The reliance on imports has been increasing, despite efforts to diversify and conserve energy, and today imports supply over 90 percent of energy consumed in Japan. The aim of this study is to understand the context that contributed to the creation of this fossil fuel import dependence, and to examine how economic incentives and policy tools have been employed to mitigate the issue. This is done through a case study, using analytical tools such as thematic analysis and framing. It is argued that continued reliance on fossil fuel imports is due to a combination of; increasing consumption, absence of natural resource endowments, institutional structures, and alternative sources being considered unreliable or expensive. Table of Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 4 1.1 Research Question and Aim ............................................................................................. 5 1.2 Relevance ......................................................................................................................... 6 1.2.1 Economics of Global Warming -
<K>EXTRACTS from the REPORT on the TRIPARTITE
Volume 8. Occupation and the Emergence of Two States, 1945-1961 Excerpts from the Report on the Potsdam Conference (Potsdam Agreement) (August 2, 1945) The Potsdam Conference between the leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain was held at Cecilienhof Palace, the home of Crown Prince Wilhelm Hohenzollern, in Potsdam, Germany, from July 17 to August 2, 1945. The Soviet Union was represented by Josef Stalin; the U.S. was represented by President Harry S. Truman, who had only been in office for a few months, having succeeded Franklin Delano Roosevelt on April 12, 1945. Winston Churchill represented Great Britain at the start of the conference, but after the Labor Party won the elections of July 27, 1945, he was replaced by the new prime minister, Clement R. Attlee, who signed the agreement on behalf of Great Britain on August 2, 1945. The agreement reached by Stalin, Truman, and Attlee formed the basis of Allied occupation policy in the years to come. The provisions with the most far-reaching consequences included those concerning borders. It was agreed, for example, that the Oder- Neisse line would be established as Poland’s provisional western boundary, meaning that Poland would undergo a “western shift” at the expense of German territories in Pomerania, Silesia, and Eastern Prussia. It was also agreed that the territory around East Prussian Königsberg would be ceded to the Soviet Union. In addition, the conference settled upon the “transfer” of Germans from the new Polish territories and from Czechoslovakia and Hungary. These measures constituted an essential basis for the division of Germany and Europe. -
Primary Source Document with Questions (Dbqs) the POTSDAM DECLARATION (JULY 26, 1945) Introduction the Dropping of the Atomic Bo
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) THE POTSDAM DECLARATION (JULY 26, 1945) Introduction The dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki remains among the most controversial events in modern history. Historians have actively debated whether the bombings were necessary, what effect they had on bringing the war in the Pacific to an expeditious end, and what other options were available to the United States. These very same questions were also contentious at the time, as American policymakers struggled with how to use a phenomenally powerful new technology and what the long-term impact of atomic weaponry might be, not just on the Japanese, but on domestic politics, America’s international relations, and the budding Cold War with the Soviet Union. In retrospect, it is clear that the reasons for dropping the atomic bombs on Japan, just like the later impact of nuclear technology on world politics, were complex and intertwined with a variety of issues that went far beyond the simple goal of bringing World War II to a rapid close. The Potsdam Declaration was issued on July 26, 1945 by U.S. President Harry Truman, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China, who were meeting in Potsdam, Germany to consider war strategy and post-war policy. Soviet leader Joseph Stalin also attended the Potsdam Conference but did not sign the Declaration, since the Soviet Union did not enter the war against Japan until August 8, 1945. Document Excerpts with Questions From Japan’s Decision to Surrender, by Robert J.C. -
Sustainable Energy in Island States: Comparative Analysis of New Trends in Energy Digitalization and the Experience of the UK, Japan, Indonesia and Cyprus
International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy ISSN: 2146-4553 available at http: www.econjournals.com International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy, 2020, 10(6), 722-731. Sustainable Energy in Island States: Comparative Analysis of New Trends in Energy Digitalization and the Experience of the UK, Japan, Indonesia and Cyprus Olga V. Loseva1, Svetlana V. Karpova2, Konstantin O. Rasteryaev3, Elizaveta S. Sokolova4*, Svetlana V. Makar5, Khvicha P. Kharchilava6 1Institute for Studies in Industrial Politics and Institutional Development, 2Experimental Laboratory “Neurotechnology in Management” at the Department “Logistics and Marketing”, 3Scientific and Educational Center of Competences in the Sphere of Technology Transfers and Knowledge Management, 4Center for Analysis, Risk Management and Internal Control in Digital Space, 5Center for Regional Economy and Interbudgetary Relations, 6Faculty of Economics and Business, Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russia. *Email: [email protected] Received: 06 July 2020 Accepted: 01 October 2020 DOI: https://doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.10571 ABSTRACT Island states such as the ones discussed in this article are dependent on energy imports, which puts a lot of pressure on their budgets. In addition, limited land areas and difficult environmental conditions contribute to the need to transform the energy sector. Such a transformation in modern conditions is possible only in the direction of sustainable energy. This transition is complex and requires several parallel processes, one of which is the digitalization of the energy sector. The countries studied in this article started the process of transforming their energy sectors, and the results are different. The article is aimed at disclosing the current state and prospects in the energy sector in the context of developing a universal strategy for sustainable energy transformation. -
Soviet-American Relations and the Origins of Containment 1941-1946: the Force of Tradition
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1988 Soviet-American relations and the origins of containment 1941-1946: The force of tradition Anita Louise Coryell The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Coryell, Anita Louise, "Soviet-American relations and the origins of containment 1941-1946: The force of tradition" (1988). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5179. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5179 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th i s is an unpublished m a n u s c r ip t in w h ic h c o p y r ig h t s u b s i s t s . Any f u r t h e r r e p r in t in g of i t s c o n t e n t s m u st be APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s f i e l d L ib r a r y U n i v e r s i t y of Mo n ta n a Da t e : , 1 , SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE ORIGINS OF CONTAINMENT, 1941-1946: THE FORCE OF TRADITION By Anita Louise Coryell B.A., Rutgers, The State University, 1974 Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1988 Approved by: Chairman, Board of Examiners Dean, Graduate School lusrt/J Date UMI Number: EP40643 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. -
The Atomic Bombs and the Soviet Invasion: What Drove Japan's Decision to Surrender?
Volume 5 | Issue 8 | Article ID 2501 | Aug 01, 2007 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Atomic Bombs and the Soviet Invasion: What Drove Japan's Decision to Surrender? Tsuyoshi Hasegawa The Atomic Bombs and the SovietFrank, have recently confronted this issue Invasion: What Drove Japan’s Decision to head-on, arguing that the atomic bombing of Surrender? Hiroshima had a more decisive effect on Japan’s decision to surrender than did Soviet Tsuyoshi HASEGAWA entry into the war.[4] This essay challenges that view. It argues that (1) the atomic Almost immediately following the end of World bombing of Nagasaki did not have much effect War II, Americans began to question the use of on Japan’s decision; (2) of the two factors—the the atomic bomb and the circumstances atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Soviet entry surrounding the end of the Pacific War. More into the war—the Soviet invasion had a more than half a century later, books and articles on important effect on Japan’s decision to the atomic bomb still provoke storms of debate surrender; (3) nevertheless, neither the atomic among readers and the use of atomic weapons bombs nor Soviet entry into the war served as remains a sharply contested subject.[1] As the “a knock-out punch” that had a direct, decisive, 1995 controversy over the Enola Gay exhibit at and immediate effect on Japan’s decision to the Smithsonian’s National Air and Space surrender; (4) the most important, immediate Museum revealed, the issues connected with cause behind Japan’s decision to surrender the dropping of the bombs on Hiroshima and were the emperor’s “sacred decision” to do so, Nagasaki continue to touch a sensitive nerve in engineered by a small group of the Japanese Americans. -
The Marshall Plan and the Cold War ______
Background Essay: The Marshall Plan and the Cold War _____________________________________________ The Cold War was fought with words and threats rather than violent action. The two nations at war were the United States and the Soviet Union. Although the two superpowers had worked as allies to defeat Germany during World War II, tensions between them grew after the war. Feelings of mistrust and resentment began to form as early as the 1945 Potsdam Conference, where Harry S. Truman and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin met. Stalin was interested in expanding Russia’s power into Eastern Europe, and the U.S. feared that Russia was planning to take over the world and spread the political idea of Communism. Truman’s response to the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence and current conditions of war-torn Europe would become known as the Truman Doctrine. This doctrine proposed to give aid to countries that were suffering from the aftermath of World War II and threatened by Soviet oppression. The U.S. was especially concerned about Greece and Turkey. Due to the slow progress of Europe’s economic development following WWII, Truman devised another plan to offer aid called the Marshall Plan. The plan was named after Secretary of State George Marshall due to Truman’s respect for his military achievements. Truman hoped that by enacting the Marshall Plan two main goals would be accomplished. These goals were: 1.) It would lead to the recovery of production abroad, which was essential both to a vigorous democracy and to a peace founded on democracy and freedom, and which, in the eyes of the United States, the Soviet Union had thus far prevented. -
Molotov and the Moscow Conference, October 1943* Introduction
1 Derek Watson Derek Watson, "Molotov et la Centre for Russian and East European Studies Conférence de Moscou, Octobre The University of Birmingham 1943." Communisme, no. 74/75, 72-99. Original text in English. Molotov and the Moscow Conference, October 1943* Introduction Molotov served as head of NarkomIndel from May 1939 until 1949, and then again in the early Khrushchev era. He is often remembered as being involved in some of the most infamous episodes in the foreign policy of the USSR: the Nazi-Soviet pact, the dismemberment of Poland, the take-over of the Baltic states and the creation of the Soviet satellite empire in eastern Europe after 1945. His style was equally notorious: he was rude and abrupt, and the net over the smallest matter came to represent the inflexible and stubborn nature of Soviet negotiating techniques, at the post-war conferences of foreign ministers. He seemed to be insensitive to and lack understanding of western opinion, which unlike his predecessor Litvinov, and subordinates, like Maiskii, he was not prepared to make any effort to represent to his Kremlin colleagues.1 There was, however, a much more positive side to Molotov as commissar for Foreign Affairs. If the Triple Alliance negotiations of 1939 with Britain and France failed, their success might have prevented the Second World War; during his visit to Britain and the USA in 1942 the Grand Alliance which was responsible for the defeat of Hitler war was forged; and the Moscow foreign ministers conference of October 1943, which is generally taken as marking the peak of Molotov’s diplomatic career, was crucial in laying the foundations for the post-war world.