Stress and Unemployment: a Comparative Review and Research Model of Female and Male Managers

British Journal of Management, Vol. 10, 63Ð93 (1999)

Stress and Unemployment: A Comparative Review and Research Model of Female and Male Managers

Sandra L. Fielden and Marilyn J. Davidson Manchester School of Management, UMIST, PO Box 88, Manchester M60, UK

This paper presents a multifaceted approach to unemployment stress experienced by male and female managers, in the form of a literature review and comparative research model. In order to develop a working model which can be applied to both male and female managers, the paper covers a substantial range of the literature pertaining to the processes and effects of unemployment for managers. Previous studies often pro- vide conflicting data which generally results from differential approaches taken to the study of unemployment. In addition, it is important to note that the majority of studies focus on blue-collar male workers and that the vast majority are based on a male model of work. The proposed model highlights sources of stress, moderators of stress and stress outcomes that may affect unemployed managers, and distinguishes areas in which gender differences are likely to be found. However, these differences are only hypothe- sized from the current literature and require in-depth research if they are to be fully understood.

Introduction formal qualifications are particularly susceptible to redundancy (White, 1991). In the past, middle and senior managers have The number of unemployed managers, regis- tended to emerge unscathed from economic reces- tered with the Department for Education and sion, and those who did lose their jobs received Employment (DfEE) in December 1995, exceeded substantial pay-offs and long notice periods. Until 100 000. Over 86 000 men and over 22 000 women the late 1980s the number of unemployed managers had previously held managerial positions, most was relatively low, but job loss through economic of whom (72%) were seeking jobs at a similar pressures and structural changes is increasingly occupation level (Department for Education and affecting this occupational group, especially middle Employment, 1996a). The majority of unemployed managers. The 1990s have seen record levels of managers were registered with the DfEE for the organizational downsizing which has had a major first time in their careers, but 8% had registered impact on managers, who have borne the brunt once or twice previously and 3% had registered at of these cutbacks (Capell, 1992). Much of the least three times (Employment Service, 1995a). work performed by middle management has been The DfEE have identified two important vari- eroded by information technology and the drive ables which affect the levels of unemployment for efficiency, which has placed many managers experienced by managers – location and age. under enormous pressure to perform ever in- The highest levels of managerial unemployment creasing workloads (Malo, 1993). Increasing num- are found in the south of England (56.7%), bers of managers are being discarded as surplus to followed by the north of England (23.3%) and the requirement because they are unable to perform Midlands (20%) (Department for Education and at the required levels; those who have few or no Employment, 1996a). These figures do reflect

© 1999 British Academy of Management 64 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson the general levels of unemployment found in the difference between unemployed men and women south of England, where unemployment is three in terms of self-esteem, hostility, and personal dis- times higher than anywhere else in the country, tress. However, they have found that unemploy- but not for the north or the Midlands. Unem- ment is experienced differently by each sex (Leana ployment levels are higher in the north than in the and Feldman, 1991; Stokes and Cochrane, 1984). Midlands but the number of unemployed man- In addition, further research has shown that women agers is proportionally less in the north, with the are faced with additional sources of stress and the lowest numbers of registered unemployed man- denial of the importance of work in women’s lives agers recorded in the DfEE Northern Region, an often results in unsupportive social ‘support’ area which includes Newcastle and Sunderland. and an undermining of self-worth (Ratcliff and The second, and most important variation is Brogden, 1988). related to the age of unemployed managers. A clear relationship is found between the age of unem- ployed managers and the levels of unemployment Stress and unemployment model experienced by managers, with the proportion of unemployed managers increasing substantially Employment, and specifically managerial employ- with age (Department for Education and Employ- ment, still appear to be intrinsically linked with ment, 1996a). In addition, the duration of unem- masculinity, resulting in few studies of women’s ployment experienced by managers also increases unemployment and only one previous study relat- with age, with older managers being much more ing to unemployed female managers, conducted likely to experience periods of unemployment by the authors (Fielden and Davidson, 1996). This in excess of six months than their younger paper aims to present a review and comparative counterparts. research model illustrating sources of stress, mod- The greatest social change over the last two erators of stress and stress outcomes that may decades has been the increase of women in paid affect the experiences of unemployed male and employment. In 1996 women accounted for 49.5% female managers. Figure 1 presents the proposed of the UK workforce (Department for Education model of stress and unemployment in managers, and Employment, 1996b) and this figure will specifically distinguishing areas in which gender continue to rise until the year 2006 according differences are likely to be found. This multivari- to recent government projections (Employment able approach is the first comprehensive paradigm Service, 1995b). Although almost a third of all to consider all aspects of unemployment, person- UK managers are now women (Equal Oppor- ality factors and coping strategies cumulating in a tunities Commission, 1996) the majority are model of stress and unemployment in both male employed at the lowest levels of the managerial and female managers, based upon the findings to hierarchy and tend to be concentrated in market- date. However, it should be noted throughout this ing, personnel, catering, retailing and education review that, as there is limited information avail- (Davidson, 1996). able as to the effects of unemployment on women, Employment is important to women both as a the findings quoted will, unless otherwise stated, source of income and as a defining factor in self refer to unemployed men. Moreover, one must conceptions. Attitudes and social patterns which also acknowledge that the majority of research deny the legitimacy of women’s employment to date, relates to blue-collar workers, with only persist and ignore the importance that work has a minimal number of studies concentrating on come to occupy in lives of many women (Ratcliff white-collar workers or managers. and Brogden, 1988). It has often been proposed that women will actually experience less stress than men during unemployment because the work/ Sources of stress family interface, which is a major source of stress for working women, is removed (Newell, 1993). The first section of the paper will concentrate This approach has been used to further devalue on reviewing the literature delineating sources the worth of women’s employment, but research of stress which have been specifically isolated as does not support this view. Studies that have having specific relevance to managers with par- included unemployed women show no significant ticular emphasis on gender differences between Stress and Unemployment 65

Sources of stress Intervening variables Stress outcomes

Job loss and unemployment status Emotional deprivation Material deprivation Psychological effects Loss of occupational identity Loss of confidence in Poorer mental health managerial ability Increased distress Stigma Increased anxiety Discimination Lower self-esteem Future uncertainty Lower self-worth Demographic factors Lower self-confidence Age Self-blame Financial effects Economic resources Length of time unemployed Loss of breadwinner role Geographic location Loss of income status Domestic status Debt Educational background Loss of life-style PersonalityÐtype factors Physical effects Poorer physical well-being Social support Self-concept Increased risk of heart disease Self-esteem Increased blood pressure Type of support, e.g. Self-efficacy emotional or instrumental Personal control partner/family reactions Coping strategies Decrease in social contacts Type A behaviour patterns Social isolation Social support Attributional style Behavioural effects Activities PersonalÐjob factors Increased smoking Focus of activity, e.g. Skill base (variety and depth) Increased alcohol consumption problem or emotional Trainability Increased drug use Activity levels Employment commitment Increased visits to GP Loss of daily structure Skill-market match Increased use of medical drugs

Job search

Occupational stereotypes Discrimination and 'recruitment' Networking 'Job skidding' Unsuccessful job search

Note: Bold italics are used to indicate those areas in which Gender Differences are likely to be found.

Figure 1. Unemployment – a comparative research model for male and female managers

male and female managers. The following five Wanberg and Marchese, 1994). Job loss leads to major sources of unemployment stress will be the loss of both the psychological and practical discussed: job loss and unemployment status; benefits provided by paid employment, which can financial effect; social support; activities; and job create a situation ‘replete with intra-psychic and search (see Figure 1). interpersonal turmoil’ (Estes, 1973). Research suggests that job loss causes reactions on several levels: on the emotional level, anxiety, depression, Job loss and unemployment status and/or apathy (Eales, 1988; Melville et al., 1985); Job loss. For the purpose of this review, job loss on the cognitive level, disturbed ability to concen- is defined as an event that removes paid employ- trate, perceive, make decisions, and/or be creative ment from an individual, regardless of the motives (Latack, Kinicki and Prussia, 1995); on the behav- of the parties involved (Doran et al., 1991; ioural level, abuse of alcohol, tobacco, drugs, 66 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson and/or food (Hammarstrom and Janlert, 1994); workers, but there are a number of studies which and on the physiological level, neuroendocrine have looked at the impact of unemployment of ‘stress reactions’ (Arnetz et al., 1987; Fleming male managers and these have produced mixed et al., 1984). Job loss is a key determinant of findings. Fineman (1983) found that male man- physical and emotional ill-being for the unem- agers showed a significant depreciation in self- ployed person and in some cases these reactions esteem, yet Hartley (1980a) found that the may even lead to increased morbidity and self-esteem of male managers (n = 87) did not mortality. decline during unemployment. Hartley proposed The degree to which job loss is experienced as that there was no evidence that unemployed man- a negative event is dependent upon a number of agers are any more anxious, tense, or apprehen- contextual factors. Kelvin and Jarret (1985) for sive than employed managers, though this study example, suggest that in times of high unem- was conducted during the late 1970s when man- ployment, stigmatization of the unemployed is agerial unemployment was much lower and it relatively rare, as it is generally assumed that ex- might have been much less of a threat to self- ternal factors, such as recession, are responsible esteem. She suggested that, because managers for unemployment and not individual character- have greater experience in dealing with stressful istics. Thus, those who do not see unemployment and pressurized situations, they cope with unem- as a personal stigma are more likely to experience ployment by responding in an assertive and re- better psychological well-being than those who sourceful manner. However, in a relatively small perceive the unemployed as a stigmatized group. study (n = 20), Swinburne (1981) reported that Those who feel that they have no personal con- male managers did experience the same phasic trol over their job-loss experiences are also more reaction as blue-collar workers, i.e. shock, optimism, likely to experience distress, and are more likely pessimism and fatalism, although they passed to suffer negative effects during their period of through these phases more slowly. The initial unemployment, than those who feel that they shock of unemployment was the most frequently have some degree of personal control over their mentioned emotion experienced by participants situation (Swinburne, 1981). Individuals who see accompanied by fear and uncertainty surrounding their job loss resulting from external factors are the future. Feelings of shame, loss of status more likely to perceive themselves as similar to and loss of self-respect were reported, but less others without jobs, thereby deriving a sense of frequently than anticipated. self-worth from similarity in comparison with Hartley (1980b) proposed that some managers other unemployed people (Sheeran et al., 1995). actually welcomed the challenge of job loss and the In contrast, those who believe that they are new opportunities it may have provided, conclud- responsible for their own job loss are more likely ing that the responses of unemployed managers to perceive themselves as less similar to others were much more complex and varied than those without jobs. They generally believe that society of other unemployed workers, who tend to respond also views them as responsible for being unem- in a more passive way. However, there is little ployed (Breakwell, 1985), thereby stigmatizing support for the idea that managers take such a themselves by denying the legitimacy of their own positive approach to unemployment. Swinburne unemployment in both social and personal terms. (1981) found that, although 55% of participants Unemployed managers, who may be more prone recognize some positive aspects of being out of to view their own positions as unique or excep- work, all but a small minority felt that any pos- tional because of their relatively small numbers, sible benefits were outweighed by the accompany- may be more likely to experience self-blame than ing fear and uncertainty around the depressed other unemployed groups. This may be particu- job market. In addition, it is important to note larly prevalent in unemployed female managers, that few of the participants chose to discuss their who are even less likely than their male counter- unemployment voluntarily and this fact was parts to have contact with others in similar attributed to poor levels of self-disclosure. Where positions. these feelings were disclosed, their intensity varied considerably and, whilst causing distress for some, Job loss and managers. Most unemployment for some others they were strongly destructive research has been concerned with blue-collar forces (Swinburne, 1981). Stress and Unemployment 67

To date only one study has been conducted into how the removal of that role may impact upon the effects of unemployment on female managers, female managers. It is only by gaining an appre- and this has produced some interesting results. ciation of women’s attitudes towards work that The qualitative study (n = 27), found that the im- we can evaluate the possible effects of the re- pact of job loss on female managers is substantial, moval of the psychological and material benefits with unemployed female managers experiencing of paid employment. significant decreases in self-esteem, self-confidence Although the myth that women only work for and self-worth (Fielden and Davidson, 1996). The ‘pin money’ has been repeatedly exposed, this most significant sources of stress experienced by belief that women only work for money still pre- unemployed female managers were those faced vails (Dilnot and Kell, 1988). Yet, studies consist- during job search, with discrimination being en- ently show that women derive both satisfaction countered at all stages of the recruitment process. and status from work, and have an extraordinary The effects of these stressors were minimized by attachment to their paid employment, often ex- several coping strategies, which included the main- periencing an increased sense of self-control and tenance of high activity levels, social support and empowerment (Coyle, 1984: Rosenfield, 1989). personal control (Fielden and Davidson, 1996). Peitromonaco, Manis and Markus (1987) found These coping strategies appeared to be extremely that full-time employment was of particular bene- successful, with unemployed female managers fit to those who viewed themselves as career- experiencing similar levels of mental and physical oriented, reporting significantly higher levels of well-being to the employed counterparts. This self-esteem, life satisfaction and well-being than contrasts with recent research into the personality their non-career oriented counterparts (p Ͻ 0.0002). of unemployed male managers, which has found These findings indicate that employment provides that unemployed male managers experience greater women with much more than just a source of anxiety than their employed peers (Brindle, 1992). income. In addition, previous research has also The number of studies into the effects of found that women’s commitment to work, unlike unemployment on managers is minimal, and the their male counterparts, is not directly derived findings of those studies have not been consistent. from their level of income, but from the degree of However, the weight of support favours the con- satisfaction and sense of belonging they experience clusion that the psychological effects of unemploy- at work (Pittman and Orthner, 1988). However, ment for managers are comparable with those for as women enter positions that demand greater other workers, although the evidence suggests that investment of time and energy they can experi- the experience of unemployment may be qualita- ence increasing conflict between home and work tively different. A recent report produced by the relationships. Thus, although working women, Institute of Management (Duffield, 1994) suggests especially those in managerial or professional that the loss of opportunity for skill use is a key positions, report high levels of job satisfaction factor in the impact of job loss experienced by they also report high levels of stress (Davidson, managers. They believe that continuing unem- Cooper and Baldini, 1995; Travers and Cooper, ployment frequently means that managers lose 1991). confidence in their managerial abilities, inhibiting Working women have many conflicting roles their job search and reducing their chances of and some observers of women’s multiple-role success in obtaining suitable employment. Thus, involvement have speculated that trying to be the activity that is most likely to benefit them worker, wife and mother contributes to greater most, i.e. job search, is the activity which is also psychological distress (Pleck, 1985). Thus, it has likely to have the greatest negative effect on self- been suggested that the removal of paid employ- confidence and self-esteem. ment from women’s lives would reduce this dis- tress. However, although multiple-role strain can Job loss and women. The majority of research have an adverse effect on women’s mental and conducted into the effects of job loss are based physical health, studies have failed to substantiate upon the male model of work. Thus, in order to a consistent relationship (Akabas, 1988). In an compare the effects of job loss on male and alternative approach it has recently been argued female managers, we must first look at the role that it is the quality of women’s experience within work has come to occupy in women’s lives and and across roles, rather than the number of roles, 68 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson that influences mental health (Piechowski, 1992) female managers, seem not only to be considered with role quality accounting for significant in- less valuable than their male counterparts but creases in job satisfaction (p Ͻ 0.002) and self- have continually been disregarded. Unemployed esteem (p Ͻ 0.0004). Findings show that it is not female managers have been treated as an invisible the time investment required to maintain multiple group whose exclusion from previous research roles that leads to conflict and distress, but the highlights how undervalued they and their experi- identity derived from those roles that predicts ences are. well-being (Carlson, Kacmar and Stepina, 1995). Further to this, it has been suggested that a greater Unemployment status. Unemployment can be number of roles can actually enhance psycho- distinguished from job loss by the concept of logical well-being by providing access to resources duration, i.e. if an individual does not obtain new and alternative sources of gratification as well employment immediately, job loss will lead to a as promoting greater social interaction (Thoits, period of unemployment. Thus, job loss and un- 1986). Thus, rather than having a negative effect employment form part of a continuum based upon on women’s health, it would appear that employ- time, with job loss as the precipitating event at ment actually improves the health of women, one end of the continuum and long-term unem- married or single, who have a positive attitude ployment at the other. Therefore, in order to towards work (Repetti, Matthews and Waldron, understand the full impact of unemployment we 1989). This improvement is found to be greatest need to consider not just the effects of job loss, for women in professional and managerial positions but also the effects of ongoing unemployment on for whom employment is often the major identify- mental and physical well-being. In assessing these ing role in their lives (Arber, Gilbert and Dale, effects we need to consider the consequences of 1985). the removal of both latent and manifest benefits, In general, women have learned to cope with i.e. financial and psychological deprivation, experi- the demands of multiple roles by integrating enced by both men and women. their working and personal lives. However, this approach has often been interpreted as a lack The financial effects of unemployment of dedication and commitment to work, leading many to believe that employment is a low priority Most unemployed people experience substantial for women. It has been argued that working women reductions in their income. Warr and Jackson are not happier or more satisfied than women who (1984) found that 66% of people had a total stay at home, and that employment itself bears household income between 33% and 50% of their little relationship to women’s well-being (Warr previous employed income. This considerable loss and Parry, 1982). This belief is not supported by of income, coupled with the meagre level of state previous research, which has clearly shown that unemployment benefits, ensures that the majority unemployed women experience greater stress than of unemployed people live in relative, if not working women (Warren, 1980). However, the absolute, poverty (Fryer, 1995). Even those who belief that women’s employment is relatively un- are initially protected from the effects of reduced important still persists and has resulted in women income, by either redundancy payments or savings, experiencing greater employment insecurity than experience increasing economic deprivation as men. In times of recession women are the first these resources diminish. Thus, economic depriva- to be discarded, are most vulnerable to future lay- tion is inevitably associated with increasing length offs, and suffer more unemployment than men of unemployment (Brief et al., 1995), leading to (Rogers, 1980; Snyder and Nowak, 1984). decreases in both physical and psychological well- Although recent research has addressed many of being. It is therefore not surprising that findings the myths about women’s attitude to work (Billing consistently show that unemployed people ex- and Alvesson, 1993; Dex, 1988) the legitimacy of perience not only objective financial distress but women’s work is still denied by the lack of research also significant subjective distress (Fryer, 1995). in their experiences of job loss and unemploy- Financial stress has been shown to increase ment. This denial is nowhere more evident than the incidence of reported symptoms of illness in the male-dominated realms of management. (Aldwin and Revenson, 1986) and the incidence Unemployed female managers, unlike employed of mental problems in unemployed populations Stress and Unemployment 69

(Frese and Mohr, 1987) – a situation highlighted responsibilities of unemployed male and female by a large-scale longitudinal Dutch study, which managers, these findings would suggest that the showed a direct relationship between the level effect of economic deprivation experienced by of state benefits and mental well-being, with low unemployed male managers may be substantially levels of financial strain accounting for between greater than that experienced by unemployed 50% and 76% of the psychological distress ex- female managers. perienced (Schaufeli and Van Yperen, 1992). The Research into the effects of financial hardship effects of job loss on income levels mean that experienced during unemployment has been even the ‘affluent’ unemployed can experience almost solely based upon the income levels of distressing financial deprivation relative to their blue-collar workers, with two notable exceptions. previous situation (Fryer, 1995). It is important A comparative study by Payne, Warr and Hartley to note that financial hardship is a relative experi- (1984), found that working-class respondents ence, and economic deprivation should not be reported significantly greater financial problems viewed solely in terms of income change. The than middle-class workers (managerial and non- degree of deprivation experience by an individual managerial white collar). However, this does not is based upon their financial position in relation- appear to be supported by the more in-depth ship to self-selected reference groups and the work of Fryer (1995), who found that higher pre- normative expectancies of those groups (Seidman unemployment earnings were linked to greater and Rapkin, 1989). Personal identity is increasingly financial distress during unemployment. Managers experienced and expressed through spending potentially earn significantly more than blue- and consumption – it has been proposed that we collar workers, hence it may be anticipated that are what we can afford to buy (Fryer, 1995). An their reduction in income, as a result of job loss, inability to spend money on non-essential items, would be much greater than that experienced such as entertainment, often leads to a withdrawal by other workers. Thus, the effects of unemploy- from social contact. Thus, economic deprivation ment in terms of financial strain may be more can result in social isolation, a situation which traumatic for managers than for blue-collar or significantly accentuates the effects of financial non-managerial white-collar workers. stress on mental well-being (p Ͻ 0.05) (Viinamaki et al., 1993). Social support The performance of many roles is either inhibited or prohibited by poverty, and it has been Employment is an important source of social suggested that men are likely to suffer most from support, especially for women (Pittman and the effects of financial stress because of their in- Orthner, 1988). The loss of this manifest conse- ability to fulfil their role as breadwinner. George quence of work through unemployment can lead and Brief (1990) suggest that, whilst there have to feelings of loneliness and social isolation. It is been dramatic changes in sex roles in the twen- during this time that family and friends can be a tieth century, there appears to remain an attach- valuable source of support, support which can help ment of males to the breadwinner role in many reduce the general distress, depression and anxiety families. Although men are becoming financially experienced by unemployed people (Warr, Jackson more and more dependent upon women, whilst and Banks, 1988). In order to understand the effect women are becoming increasingly less financially family and friends can have on the experiences of dependent upon men, conceptions of masculinity unemployed female managers, we must first look still retain the breadwinner role as a defining at the forms social support can take and their characteristic. The continuing existence of this impact on psychological health. role has been reflected in several studies which have found that men’s earnings have a direct and Type of support. A well-established social net- negative effect on the level of depression they work is a structural prerequisite of feeling socially experience, accounting for 67% of the variance of integrated and emotionally accepted (Veiel and reported life-satisfaction, whilst no such link has Baumann, 1992). The size of an individual’s net- been found for women (George and Brief, 1990; work, i.e. the number of friends and family and Ross and Huber, 1985). Thus, whilst in real the frequency of contact with them, is referred terms there may be no difference in the financial to as social integration. Studies have found a 70 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson positive association between the time spent with found to significantly increase the risk of major others and psychological well-being (Bolton and depression in women and is particularly destruc- Oatley, 1987; Warr, 1987). However, it is not only tive in those who are unemployed, substantially the number of active social ties which determines increasing their risk of depression (p Ͻ 0.05) the degree of isolation experienced by an indi- (Hallstrom, 1986). Research shows that unem- vidual, but it is the quality of those ties. Social ployed women actively seek and successfully support refers to the perceived quality of relation- receive social support from relatives and friends ships, the function of those relationships and the (Retherford, Hildreth and Goldsmith, 1988). benefits provided by those relationships (Schwarzer, However, not all social support is supportive and Hahn and Fuchs, 1994). It is important to note the type of support given appears to be quali- that it is not the amount of social support an tatively different depending upon whether it is individual actually receives that moderates the given by a partner, a family member or a friend. impact of unemployment on well-being, but the Research tends to concentrate on these specific perceived availability of that support (Wethington sources of support, therefore the literature on each and Kessler, 1986). area will be reviewed separately. The degree to which an individual experiences social integration is an important aspect of most Partner’s reactions. The support offered by a people’s lives, but it is close personal relation- partner during unemployment can be the most ships, with either family or friends, that for the crucial variable regarding the well-being of both majority of people are what ‘makes life mean- unemployed men and women. Living with a ingful’ (Argyle, 1989). These relationships are partner does appear to have beneficial effects, often the most salient forms of social support, pro- but it is the effective quality of that relationship viding both emotional and instrumental support that is important in determining psychological for unemployed individuals (Argyle, 1989). Emo- well-being (Schwartzberg and Dytell, 1989). Sup- tional support is characterized by the actions port from partners can help to bolster self-esteem of caring or listening sympathetically and instru- and lessen feelings of helplessness and, whilst the mental support is characterized by rendering levels of received support appear to be the same tangible assistance, for example in the form of for men and women, the types of support given advice or knowledge (Fenlason and Beehr, 1994). tends to be different (Caplan, 1982; Starrin and It has often been assumed that emotional sup- Larson, 1987). Unemployed men tend to receive port is more effective than instrumental support, emotional support from their spouses rather than but research would suggest that the most effective any other form of support (Bolton and Oatley, sources of social support are those that provide 1987). In contrast, unemployed women tend to both types (Kaufmann and Beehr, 1986). receive higher levels of instrumental support, i.e. There is considerable evidence that the presence financial or informational, than emotional sup- of close relationships helps to stave off depression, port, although it does appear to be a crucial form certain clinical problems and certain physical of social support (Starrin and Larson, 1987). ailments by reducing stress (Duck, 1988). Brugha Being in a satisfactory relationship can provide et al. (1990) found that satisfaction with social significant benefits, but being married per se does support accounted for up to 38% of the variance not guarantee better psychological well-being, found in patient’s recovery from depression. This and can lead to additional strain where there is a is further supported by longitudinal evidence lack of support and understanding. Marital rela- (n = 100) which suggests that unemployed individ- tionships not only act as moderators of the stress uals who are unsupported experience significantly response but may also be a source of stress during higher elevations and more changes in measure unemployment. This source of stress appears of cholesterol (p Ͻ 0.005), illness symptoms to be experienced differently by men and women. (p Ͻ 0.001) and affective response (p Ͻ 0.001) For example, high rates of unemployment are asso- than those who are supported (Gore, 1978). It ciated with marital instability and an increased has been suggested that, for women, social sup- likelihood of divorce for men but not for women port is the most important factor in determining (Sander, 1992). Marital breakdown has negative mental health during unemployment (Ratcliff effects on health regardless of an individual’s and Brogden, 1988). A lack of intimacy has been employment situation, but in conjunction with Stress and Unemployment 71 unemployment can have devastating results on In contrast, Stokes and Levin (1986) reported that physical and psychological well-being (Taubman unemployed men are more likely to seek support and Rosen, 1982). It has been suggested that this from friends rather than from their close relations, difference arises because there is a direct link be- as they prefer to keep family and work roles sep- tween loss of male earnings and marital dissatis- arate (Greenglass, 1993a). faction, but not between loss of female earnings Whilst considering the effects of social support and marital dissatisfaction (Becker, 1981). This on psychological well-being it must be recognized emphasis on male earnings is possibly related to that it is possible for the family environment to the inability of unemployed men to fulfil their exacerbate the effects of unemployment on mental perceived societal role as ‘breadwinner’, and may and physical health. Family obligations may carry be a source of both spousal and self pressure. their own stressors and these may be increased In contrast, unemployed women often find during unemployment, a situation exacerbated by that their partners are unsupportive towards their the inability to escape from the family environ- situation because they actually prefer them to be ment (Hibbard and Pope, 1993). The impact of job unemployed (Ratcliff and Brogden, 1988). This loss may also be compounded by the negative feed- can arise from a lack of enthusiasm for their wife back that unemployed individuals often receive working, with some partners deriving satisfaction from families. This appears to be particularly rele- from their being out of a job. These findings may vant for unemployed women, especially those for lead to the conclusion that being married, or liv- whom work is a defining factor in their self- ing with a partner, may be detrimental to the well- concept. Ratcliff and Brogden (1988) suggest that being of unemployed women. However, Starrin women often experience depressive symptoms and Larson (1987) found that unemployed single because their families are insensitive to the im- women experienced greater amounts of depres- portance the role paid employment has in women’s sion and higher incidents of physical illness than lives. This lack of understanding can lead to feel- unemployed wives, suggesting that even though ings of rejection and of worthlessness. the emotional support received from the partners of unemployed females is often limited, the in- Social contacts. Studies have shown that friend- strumental support they receive is of substantial ships are an important source of social support for benefit. This is of particular relevance taking into both men and women. However, gender differ- account that female managers are less likely to ences have been consistently found between the be married compared to their male counterparts quality or nature of friendship sought by men and (Davidson and Cooper, 1992). women (Greenglass, 1993a; Stokes and Levin, 1986). Women have a strong interest in develop- Family. The reactions of families to an indi- ing close, dyadic relationships, whereas men tend vidual’s job loss vary considerably, and the quality to be more group oriented, including three or more of their experiences within the family can be a people. In addition, employed men report having crucial moderator of their reaction to unemploy- more friends and attending more ‘get togethers’ ment. The social support provided by an individual’s with significantly greater numbers of friends in family is again subject to gender differences. Un- an average week than employed women (Stokes employed women report that the family environ- and Levin, 1986). Yet men frequently report higher ment is an especially potent source of support, levels of loneliness than women, regardless of but it does not appear to provide the same bene- their employment status, with the lack of intimacy fits for men (Holahan and Moos, 1982). Retherford, they experience in their relationships accounting Hildreth and Goldsmith (1988) found, in their for twice as much variance as for women (Brugha relatively large study (n = 216), that unemployed et al., 1990; Stokes and Levin, 1986). This lack women were significantly more likely to receive of intimacy is exacerbated by the fact that men support from their parents than from their partner, do not tend to talk to one another as a means of other relatives or friends (p Ͻ 0.0001). This sup- coping, thereby failing to utilize the resources port tends to be emotional rather than financial available to them in a constructive or positive way or informational and an individual’s reliance on (Greenglass, 1993a). their family members does not usually diminish Work is an important source of close relation- whilst they remain unemployed (Jackson, 1988). ships for both men and women, often producing 72 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson intimate and lasting friendships that individuals The two work together and once in a state of in- frequently do not have access to outside of the activity, individuals become trapped in a negative work environment (Duck, 1988). The social sup- circle which is almost impossible to break. port available at work has a direct effect on psy- The activities imposed at work range from those chological well-being, with both working men and of a vacuous nature to those which are highly self- women reporting greater levels of social support directed and self-structured. Fryer (1986) suggests than those who were either unemployed or non- that unemployment may free people to structure working (Bolton and Oatley, 1987; Pugliesi, 1988). their own time in line with the needs of valued, These social contacts are extremely important to chosen tasks and their own personal requirements. women, with the ‘company of others’ being sighted If this is so, then those who were previously em- as the main non-financial reason for working by ployed in repetitive manual positions would be both employed and unemployed women (Dex, expected to gain more from unemployment than 1988). In contrast, men frequently report financial those who had held more self-directed positions. reasons as their main motivation for working However, structuring one’s time in a constructive (Pittman and Orthner, 1988), although a large- and fulfilling manner may be an ability that the scale study of Holahan and Moos (1982) suggests second group are likely to be more proficient at that the work environment is a more salient source than the first. Those who are characterized by in- of social support for men than it is for women, yet dependence, internally developed self-structuring it accounts for three times as much variance in and self-directedness, are more likely to be pro- psychological ill-health of women than men. active in unemployment and more able to achieve The amount of active social support given by valued purpose (Fryer, 1986). non-family members reduces significantly during The importance of activity during unemploy- unemployment, leaving individuals with smaller ment has been shown in a number of studies which networks of social contacts (Jackson, 1988). In have found that one of the best single predictors addition, the quality of social contact frequently of mental health during unemployment was changes after job loss, becoming less intimate and whether or not a man felt his time was occupied, more casual (Stokes and Cochrane, 1984). This accounting for twice as much variance as the change may be precipitated by the unemployed length of time unemployed or age (Hepworth, person themselves by withdrawing from relation- 1980; Kilpatrick and Trew, 1985). Men initially ships in terms of their disclosure levels about their were able to fill their time with home improvements situation. Avoidance, often from embarrassment, or gardening but, even though they reported sub- guilt, shame or a lack of money, can rapidly lead to sequent difficulty filling their time, they did not increased social isolation (Stokes and Cochrane, engage in domestic or leisure activities (O’Brien, 1984). Thus, at a time when social support is most 1986). Once they became locked into a routine needed, some of the most beneficial sources of of inactivity they reported that they ‘just could support may be removed (Duck, 1988). not be bothered’ with anything, even job search (Hepworth, 1980). The majority of studies which have investigated Activities the effects of activity levels on mental health The loss of employment means a loss of externally during unemployment have only included men. imposed structure and enforced activity which The exclusion of women from such research may gives shape to people’s daily lives (Jahoda and arise from the view that women’s domestic roles Rush, 1980). Activity fulfils three important func- provide meaningful and fulfilling activities for tions: it maintains mental alertness; it wards off all women, and these roles take the place of work fears and doubts; and provides an objective and a roles during unemployment (Warr and Parry, sense of achievement (Swinburne, 1981). Keeping 1982). It has been suggested that, whilst there is a active after job loss becomes increasingly more tendency for unemployed women to fill their time difficult, and the inability to replace the structure with domestic activities, unemployed female man- and level of meaningful activity can lead to apathy agers frequently reject these roles as they do not and depression. Two types of inactivity have been provide the self-esteem that women managers identified: not knowing what to do, and feeling need (Duffield, 1994). There is also no support for too depressed to do anything (Swinburne, 1981). the assumption that women will engage in higher Stress and Unemployment 73 levels of activity during unemployment than men. Approaches to job search. Women depend much Wanberg and Marchese (1994) found no gender more upon formal methods of job search than men, difference in the activity levels of unemployed reporting more frequent use of public advertise- men and women, with equal numbers of men and ments and private agencies. They are also more women reporting high, moderate and low levels likely to find work via the Job Centre, a finding of time structure. These levels of activity were reflected in their tendency to hold more favour- again associated with mental and physical well- able views about the Employment Service than being, and the degree of stress experienced by each unemployed men. In contrast, men tend to make group was directly linked to the degree of time more speculative approaches to employers, and structure they maintained. utilize their personal and business networks more Although the levels of activity pursued by un- extensively (Daniel, 1990). It has frequently been employed men and women appear to be similar, argued that many of the differences in the experi- the type of activity they engaged in is gender ences of men and women during unemployment oriented. Leana and Feldman (1991) have found arise from the fact that women are not as com- gender differences in the focus of activities pur- mitted to finding work as men (Sheridan, 1994; sued by men and women. Men are more likely Stokes and Cochrane, 1984). This appears to than women to rely on problem-focused activities, receive support from the finding that, on average, i.e. behaviours that attempt to directly eliminate women will spend longer out of work than men. the source of stress, such as job search, retraining However, this generalization conceals major dif- and relocation. In contrast, women are more likely ferences between single women, married women to rely on symptom-focused activities, i.e. behav- without children and married women with chil- iours that attempt to eliminate the symptoms of dren. Single women find jobs more quickly than unemployment, such as seeking social support. single men and, whilst the average duration for Symptom-focused activities may be more success- married women without dependent children is ful in reducing some of the effects of unemploy- slightly longer, it is not dissimilar to that for all ment on mental well-being, e.g. anxiety, loneliness, men. The most striking difference in the duration but because they do not address the source of the of unemployment is found in married women problem (i.e. job loss) they may result in longer with dependent children, who spend significantly periods of unemployment. longer periods out of work than any other group. In contrast, the duration of unemployment ex- perienced by men appears to be similar for all Job search groups, regardless of marital status and domestic The job search activities of the unemployed have responsibilities. received little attention, with few studies consid- ering the difficulties faced by individuals during Barriers to re-employment. It has been sug- their search for work. The absence of research is gested that the most significant barrier faced by particularly noticeable in regard to unemployed unemployed managers in their search for work, is women and managers, with the majority of work their age (Allan, 1989). Previous research with that has been conducted concentrating on unem- male managers over 40 years of age has shown ployed men in search of non-managerial positions. that, whilst age discrimination is not perceived an Job search is an integral part of the unemploy- important factor in job loss, it is believed to be the ment experience, and unemployed managers are main barrier preventing re-employment (Allan, strongly encouraged to use all methods of job 1990). Unemployment can be a particularly wrench- search, e.g. networking, speculative approaches ing experience for older managers, especially those to employers and employment agencies (Allan, who have had many years service with one organ- 1989). However, the effectiveness of an indi- ization (Pittman and Orthner, 1988). The second vidual’s job search is not only dependent upon most important barrier faced by male managers in their own motivation to gain employment, but their search for work appears to be being over- upon their approach to job search, their access qualified (Allan, 1990). These findings have led to to alternative methods of job search and the bar- the recommendation that unemployed managers, riers they encounter during their search for especially those over 40, should expect to be offered employment. jobs at lower levels of responsibility and lower 74 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson levels of pay than those they had previously held The successful manager is aggressive, competitive, (Allan, 1989; Newman, 1988). Unemployed man- independent and self-reliant – he is not feminine. agers are encouraged to see these jobs as an op- In a survey of 40 organizations, Hirsh and Bevan portunity to demonstrate their skills and abilities (1988) found that the phrases most commonly within an organization, enabling them to forge used in management selection, to describe the new management careers (Kirkpatrick, 1988). attributes considered necessary to management, However, the recommendation that even a medi- referred to masculine personality traits. Character- ocre job is better than no job at all is not sup- istics such as non-aggression, artistic inclination ported by previous research, which suggests that and concern for the welfare of others are asso- individuals employed in jobs perceived to be ciated with non-related management traits, and unsatisfying are just as distressed as those who are are seen as weakness that would interfere with unemployed (Winefield, Winefield, Tiggemann effective business processes (Orser, 1994). and Goldney, 1991). Gender segregation in the workplace persists In addition to age and being overqualified, and individual jobs (including management) con- unemployed male managers have reported five tinue to be highly gender-segregated, with the other significant barriers to successful job search vast majority of organizational job titles being (Allan, 1990). These are: the lack of jobs in their held by one sex or the other (Davidson, 1996; area of expertise; the general economic conditions; Jacobs, 1989). Job segregation means that women lack of jobs requiring their type of experience; are frequently inhibited from moving from pre- lack of jobs with comparable salaries to their last dominantly female to predominantly male occu- position; and being unemployed too long. It is pations, because of their lack of experience in anticipated that the barriers encountered by un- ‘male jobs’ (Rosenfeld and Spenner, 1992). How- employed male managers will also be encountered ever, this lack of experience may not necessarily by unemployed female managers, but in addition be seen by unemployed female managers as a they are likely to face barriers that are solely barrier to their job search activities (Fielden and based upon gender discrimination, an issue which Davidson, 1996). It is anticipated that, in order warrants separate consideration. to avoid many of the barriers they would have to face applying for male-dominated occupations, Occupational gender stereotypes. Unemployed their job search activities are more likely to be female managers have not only to deal with the restricted to predominately female occupations. same financial and psychological consequences Consequently, this minimizes the risk of rejection as unemployed male managers, they also have to and maximizes their chances of successful job contend with the extra difficulties that the ‘think search (Fielden and Davidson, 1996). manager, think male’ stereotype poses for job In addition to prejudice and sexual stereo- search (Sheridan, 1994). Davies and Esseveld typing, unemployed female managers also have to (1989) suggest that women’s experiences of un- cope with other specific sources of stress which employment and job search are strongly con- have been isolated as unique to female managers. nected to the gender discrimination that they face These include: overt and indirect discrimination in the workplace. This discrimination is particularly from employers and organizational climates; feel- prevalent in positions that have been traditionally ings of isolation; and being placed in the role of male dominated, such as management, where ‘token women’ (Davidson and Cooper, 1992). It is women are confronted with additional barriers. possible that these barriers to re-employment not These barriers not only have the potential to pre- only make job search more stressful for unem- vent unemployed women managers from securing ployed female managers, but may mean that they employment, but also serve to prevent women are less successful in their job search activities having access to those positions. than their male counterparts. Female managers experience many barriers to advancement when they are employed, and it is Recruitment. Employers are under a legal obliga- predicted that they will experience even greater tion to ensure that their recruitment procedures barriers when seeking new employment. The main conform with the Sex Discrimination Act (1975), barrier to unemployed women managers is the which states that employers must not discriminate perception that ‘male = manager’ (Sheridan, 1994). or indicate any hidden intention to discriminate Stress and Unemployment 75 against a potential employee on the grounds of Interviewers tend to make attributions about their sex. The very fact that many jobs are still the candidate based upon their own ‘self schema’, viewed as ‘male’ or ‘female’ is often sufficient to and generally choose a candidate with whom they prevent the non-dominant group from applying can feel comfortable and who they feel will fit for those positions (Ray, 1990). Recruitment litera- into organizational networks, both formal and ture often conforms to the typical ‘male’ man- informal (Duck, 1988). This means that the suc- ager stereotype. Job search guides often refer to cessful candidate usually reflects the main charac- managers as ‘he’ or ‘businessmen’ (Dudeney, 1980; teristics of the interviewer, with gender congruence Heidrick & Struggles, 1983; Scott and Rochester, exerting significant influence on decision-making 1984). Illustrations used in advertisements fre- (Yoder, Crumpton and Zipp, 1989). As the ma- quently portray only men in managerial roles, with jority of senior managers, and therefore most women portrayed in supportive non-managerial interviewers, are male, unemployed female man- roles, and job specifications are often worded in agers are at an obvious disadvantage. Interviewers, terms of ‘he/his’ (Davidson and Burke, 1994; Ray, as Stephanie Allen, President of The Athena 1990). This may not necessarily reflect an inten- Group, so aptly says, ‘tend to pick guys like tion on the part of the organization to openly themselves. If you aren’t a guy, it’s kind of hard’ discriminate but it is, by implication, indirect dis- (Stuart, 1992). Thus, even when women are in- crimination and illegal. Discrimination of this vited to interviews, they are less likely to succeed nature may result in fewer women applying for than the male counterparts. positions and can be very effective in filtering The issue of sex discrimination during the women out of the recruitment process. recruitment process is widely recognized, yet the Indirect discrimination may also prevent women protection the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) from reaching either the interview or shortlisting provides women, is only effective when vacancies stages, and there is clear evidence that similarly are officially advertised. It is estimated that over qualified and experienced women receive lower 50% of all jobs in senior management are never evaluations than men in managerial selection formally advertised, but are filled through per- situations (Glick, Zion and Nelson, 1988). The sonal contacts (Davidson and Cooper, 1992). The reason for this has been explained in terms of sex- vacancies that are formally advertised tend to be role stereotyping and role incongruence. Inter- with organizations that are committed to equal viewers frequently hold an image of what they opportunities, and therefore unlikely to engage consider to be an ‘ideal candidate’ and this image in any form of discrimination. This means that, is based upon the male model (Stuart, 1992). Thus, although the legislation is in place, in reality interviewers often assume that the managerial unemployed female managers have little pro- qualities they are seeking are more likely to be tection against indirect or direct discrimination found in a man rather than a woman, with qual- during job search. ities such as cooperation and team work not being given the same credit as aggression and com- Networking. As many vacancies are never petitiveness. This means that unemployed female formally advertised, the utilization of networks managers are much less likely to be invited to during unemployment is recognized as one of interviews for managerial jobs than their male the most important and effective approaches to counterparts, especially for upper-middle and job search available to managers (Allan, 1989; senior management positions. As interviews are Moskoff, 1993). Personal contacts function through the most common selection process used by organ- informal business networks and can provide izations for management selection and unstruc- knowledge, information, support, advice, influ- tured interviews shown to be the least valid and ence and sponsors (Burke, Rothstein and Bristor, reliable selection procedure (Robertson and Illes, 1995). However, the effectiveness of this form 1988), this may pose a significant barrier for of job search depends not only on an individual’s unemployed female managers in their search for networking skills, but upon the power and employment. Those women who are successful in influence of those with whom an individual has reaching the interview stage face yet further dis- contact via their network. crimination based on the male model of manage- The networks of male and female managers are ment, further decreasing their chances of success. substantially different, in both their composition 76 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson and their degree of influence. Men’s networks and the prospective organization (Pittman and mainly consist of men, and afford access to those Orthner, 1988). who have influence over critical human-resource Second, the sense of fit experienced by an decisions, such as promotion and recruitment. individual is considerably affected by the percep- In contrast, women’s networks contain a larger tion of adequate remuneration, or reward equity, number of women, with less influential members for the position in question, and these perceptions (Burke, Rothstein and Bristor, 1995; Ibarra, are affected by previous experience and market 1993). Previous research has consistently shown forces (Loscocco and Spitze, 1991). It has been that managerial women are excluded from the suggested that women have lower pay expect- business networks that are available to their male ations and are easily satisfied with lower salaries, counterparts. This means that, because women explaining why salaries in female-dominated managers do not have access to the same informal occupations tend to be poorer than those in male- business networks as their male colleagues, they dominated occupations (Rubery and Fagan, 1993; are denied the same information and assistance Stevens, Bavetta and Gist, 1993). However, the evi- (Arroba and James, 1989). Consequently, unem- dence does not consistently support the assump- ployed women managers are likely to be missing tion that women do not value pay as strongly as out on important job opportunities, as they are men. In their large scale study (n = 2706) excluded from a substantial number of unad- Loscocco and Spitze (1991) found that organ- vertised managerial positions that are reserved izational pay differentials accounted for twice as solely for male candidates. much of the variance in the pay satisfaction of women as of men. This indicates that women not Job skidding. Several large-scale studies have only value pay levels, but are more likely to be found that, because of financial pressures or lack adversely affected by pay differentials in organ- of job availability, many unemployed individuals izations than their male counterparts. take jobs that are of a lower level, both in terms It should also be noted that research indicates of status and remuneration (Mallinckrodt, 1990; that one of the reasons women receive lower Rosen and College, 1987). This ‘job skidding’ is salaries is because they have poorer negotiating experienced by both men and women. However, skills than their male counterparts (Stevens, there is considerable evidence that women are Bavetta and Gist, 1993). Therefore, a combination more likely to take lower status jobs and are less of all these factors may lead unemployed female likely to obtain a salary commensurate with their managers to feel undervalued and second-rate, previous experience and education than their male affecting their self-image and self-worth. This counterparts (Mallinckrodt, 1990; Stroh, Brett may serve to further reduce their self-confidence, and Reilly, 1992). This difference in the degree of resulting in unemployed female managers becom- ‘job skidding’ encountered by unemployed men ing increasingly unable to pursue jobs at a similar and women may arise for a number of reasons. level to those they had previously held. First, men continue to believe that their ad- equacy as a provider is indicated by their income Unsuccessful job search. A major determinant level. Pittman and Orthner (1988), in a major of well-being during unemployment is the experi- study of job commitment, found that a man’s ence of job search, an individual’s need for a job perception of income adequacy rested primarily and their expectations that job-seeking will lead with his own contribution to the family’s income, to re-employment (Vinokur and Caplan, 1987). regardless of whether his partner worked full or These expectations appear to be influenced by part-time. In contrast, women do not report income two main factors; an individual’s attributional as their primary reason for entering a career, style in dealing with unsuccessful job search and although salary level does play a significant role the affirmative support of job-seeking behaviours in job satisfaction (Loscocco and Spitze, 1991). by significant others, both accounting for 10% of These findings suggest that men’s commitment to the variance in psychological well-being (Ostell the traditional role of provider may be the driving and Divers, 1987; Vinokur and Caplan, 1987) force during their job search, whereas women (previously discussed in social support section). may be more influenced by a sense of perceived Attribution research focuses on the nature and fit between themselves, their family circumstances consequences of causal attributions in terms of Stress and Unemployment 77 the success and failure experienced by individuals, Intervening variables and how those attributions can lead to a state of learned helplessness and depression (Peterson Individuals differ in the way they perceive and and Seligman, 1987; Weiner, 1986). An individual’s react to potential stressors. It is therefore import- attributional style is defined by the way they attri- ant to consider those aspects of an individual’s bute causality in order to interpret events, and so environment or personality that change the likeli- far three styles have been identified (Peterson, hood that a stressor or set of stressors will increase Schwartz and Seligman, 1981). First, there is one the strain they experience. These intervening external style, where a person tends to attribute variables are referred to in the stress literature as the causation of events to external or temporary mediators and moderators, with mediators pro- events, such as social or economic circumstances. ducing additive effects and moderators producing There are also two internal styles: a behavioural interactive effects (Parkes, 1994). Mediators style which is where an individual attributes an relate the stressor to dysfunctioning but, although outcome to their own behaviour, and a charac- they are directly and simultaneously related to terological style which is where an individual the outcome measure, they contribute independ- attributes outcome to their character rather than ently to the overall variance. Thus, the direct rela- their actual actions. tionship between the stressor and stress outcome Those who make external or behavioural attri- breaks down when the mediator is removed. In butions for negative events, such as unsuccessful contrast, moderators change the empirical rela- job search, generally have better mental health tionship between independent and dependent than those who make characterological attribu- variables, altering the magnitude and direction of tions (Peterson and Seligman, 1987). Female the effect of one variable on another (Frese and managers tend to make characterological attribu- Zapf, 1988). The most important moderators in tions when they are unsuccessful, whereas male unemployment stress research are demographic managers tend to make behavioural or external and personality-type factors, e.g. social support, attributions to explain their lack of success coping and control. Social support may be viewed (Rosenthal, Guest and Peccei, 1996; Rothblum as a demographic variable because it relies on the and Cole, 1988). This means that unemployed fe- actual availability of family/spousal support. male managers are likely to attribute unsuccessful However, the majority of research tends to view job search to personality characteristics that social support as a personality-type factor, as the are relatively durable and unchanging, whereas need for support and the perception of its avail- unemployed male managers are more likely to ability are rooted in the individual rather than attribute unsuccessful job search to actions which their environment (Ostell and Divers, 1987). could be changed or altered relatively easily to People lacking social support tend to show meet the demands of the situation. Thus, it would greater stress reactions to unemployment than be anticipated that unemployed female managers those with a high degree of social support. By way will suffer greater negative affect, in terms of poorer of a contrast, a mediator links directly sources of mental health, from unsuccessful job search, than stress with outcomes, e.g. stressors which decrease their male counterparts. the degree of social support available in turn influ- As the number of managers chasing the same ence the level of depression experienced during positions rises, it is inevitable that both unem- unemployment. The direct relationship between ployed male and female managers will have to the stressor and depression breaks down when deal with increasing levels of unsuccessful job the mediator is removed, or in this case when social search. Although male and female managers are support is returned. Mediators include social used to dealing with heavy competition for man- relationships, age and employment commitment. agerial positions, their reactions to unsuccessful job search in terms of attribution are likely to differ considerably. The research suggests that unem- Demographic factors ployed female managers are more likely than their male counterparts to suffer poorer mental Research into the psychological impact of unem- health as a result of unsuccessful job search, and ployment has clearly indicated that unemployment are less likely to receive effective support. has negative consequences for the psychological 78 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson and physical well-being of most individuals. How- Employment commitment ever, it is not a uniform experience and it should be noted that not all individuals react negatively In addition to vocational expectancies, employ- to job loss. Some individuals actually view unem- ment commitment has also been found to act as a ployment as a positive event which provides an moderating factor on psychological distress during opportunity to develop personal interests and unemployment. The desire for work is inversely to pursue better employment positions (O’Brien, related to psychological well-being, as the desire 1986). The effects of unemployment, and the way for employment increases so affective well-being in which people cope with the unemployment and self-esteem decreases (Jackson and Warr, 1987; experience, are determined by a complex set of Winefield and Tiggemann, 1994). A strong per- variables that can exacerbate or reduce its impact sonal commitment to work in part reflects the need (Feather, 1992). to earn money, but it also reflects non-financial Several principal mediating factors have been reasons for wanting to work. Pittman and Orthner identified which fall into two broad categories: (1988) found that the employment commitment demographic and personal variables, and environ- of men, whilst influenced by non-financial con- mental factors. Demographic and personal vari- siderations, was based upon their income needs. ables include; age, gender, social relationships, In contrast, women’s employment commitment is length of time unemployed, employment commit- less influenced by financial considerations, but ment and individual coping strategies. Environ- based upon personal needs, accounting for 49% mental factors include; local unemployment levels, of the variance in employment commitment com- availability of social support, opportunities for pared to 37% for men. It is this personal salience interpersonal contact, opportunities for skill use, which has repeatedly been associated with adverse and the availability of money (Warr, Jackson and effects during unemployment, the greater the non- Banks, 1988). Some of these areas are of par- financial commitment the more greater the risks to ticular importance and will be given separate mental health (Ullah, Banks and Warr, 1985). consideration. Length of time unemployed Age Employment commitment, like many other Numerous studies have linked the age of un- aspects of unemployment, is frequently affected employed people to depressive effects and a by the length of time an individual has been un- curvilinear association between age and mental employed. Previous research has shown that the health during unemployment has been found by decline in mental and physical well-being experi- several researchers (Hepworth, 1980; Warr and enced by individuals is substantial in the first six Jackson, 1984), but the evidence is not conclusive. months following job loss (Jackson and Warr, 1987; Rowley and Feather (1987) found that, apart Rowley and Feather, 1987). In the early stages of from financial strain, there was little difference unemployment, uncertainty may lead to high between age groups and the psychological effects levels of stress, but it has been suggested that the of unemployment. In contrast, Wooton, Sulzer and resulting rate of decline reaches a plateau after Cornwell (1994) suggest that age is predictive of six months. Unemployed individuals continue to a variety of career and employment expectancies, remain less mentally healthy, but they experience especially relating to re-employment for which a much reduced rate of decline in terms of physical age accounts for 51% of the variance, which act as and psychological well-being. This psychological important moderators between age and stress- adjustment is attained by individuals establishing related effects of job loss. They concluded that the new routines at lower levels of activity, by the inability to fulfil these expectancies, because of maintenance of lower levels of expenditure and reducing job opportunities, means that increasing by the avoidance of threatening situations. This age constitutes a substantial risk in terms of men- can result in unemployed managers becoming tal health. This effect is compounded as reduced increasingly passive and accepting of their situ- expectancies also affect an individual’s willingness ation and, whilst this may provide some protection to participate in the job-search process (Kanfer against further decline in psychological well-being, and Hulin, 1985). it inhibits job search and their ‘rehabilitation’ into Stress and Unemployment 79 a managerial position (Duffield, 1994). In con- we think others think of us and what we would trast, others have predicted that as the effects like to be’. An individual’s self-concept contains of unemployment do decline but are cumulative, their experiences of their own body, their posses- and as stress increases, via financial strain and job sions, their family, their motive structure, drive commitment and so on, the impact on the mental status, defences and the feelings of pride and shame and physical well-being of individuals will be associated with these facets (Bala and Lakshmi, greater, rather than less, as the length of unem- 1992). Managers tend to view work as more cen- ployment increases (Fleming et al., 1984). tral to their lives than do other workers and The length of time an individual is unemployed are likely to obtain a significant proportion of is dependent upon many factors, but one of the their self-image, or self-concept, from their work main influences is the prevailing levels of local (Kaufman, 1982). The effect of job loss on some unemployment (Townsend, 1992). There is a managers is ‘ego shattering’, leading to bitterness, great deal of local and regional variation in levels loneliness, helplessness, despondency and a loss of of unemployment and it has been suggested that self respect (Fielden and Davidson, 1996; Mines, high levels of local unemployment are likely to 1979), although it has been suggested that the have several beneficial effects (Jackson and Warr, degree of psychological devastation experienced 1987). These levels have been found to moderate does appear to be connected with the level of the impact of unemployment via Festinger’s (1954) prestige associated with an individual’s previous social comparison theory. Individuals who live in position. Research has shown that unemployed areas of high unemployment are more likely to male managers, at middle and senior levels, fre- perceive greater similarity between themselves and quently retain their professional identity during other unemployed people, thereby maintaining unemployment, enabling them to maintain their self-esteem and self-worth (Sheeran, Abrams self-esteem and self-worth (Hartley, 1980a). This and Orbell, 1995). Individuals also experience less contradicts the frequently accepted generalization self-blame, as they perceive less personal control that unemployment leads to lower self-esteem, over the circumstances surrounding their job loss. but Hartley (1980a) claims that this assumption However, this can have adverse effects if indi- may be inaccurate because it fails to take account viduals do not feel a sense of control over their of individual reactions to unemployment. As future employment prospects. women tend to hold less prestigious management positions than their male counterparts, it is more likely that unemployed female managers will Personal factors experience greater negative affectivity during unemployment than male managers. Self The impact of unemployment on an individual’s The impact of job loss and an individual’s self-concept not only results from a possible loss subsequent experiences of unemployment are of social identity and social status, but also from moderated by a number of factors including; the identity they gain from being an unemployed self-concept, self-esteem, self-efficacy, perceived person (Rosenberg and Kaplan, 1982). Although personal control, coping resources and coping the social stigma associated with unemployment strategies. These components have an interactive has decreased as the number of unemployed effect, as well as each exerting a specific influence, white-collar workers has increased, it does still on an individual’s psychological well-being (Sherer exist. This affects how individuals view themselves et al., 1982). However, as the psychological ef- and how they feel others view them (Rosenberg fects on unemployed male and female managers and Kaplan, 1982). Research has shown that, com- are likely to vary substantially depending upon pared with unemployed men, unemployed women the above factors, the implications of each of believe that other people’s views of them are these factors will be considered separately. significantly more negative (p Ͻ 0.001) and these views, in general, remain constant during unem- ployment (Sheeran and Abraham, 1994). As work- Self-concept and self-esteem ing women held more positive reflected appraisals According to Burns (1980) ‘self-concept is a than working men, the effect of unemployment composite image of what we think we are, what on their self-concept appears to be substantial 80 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson

(Bala and Lakshmi, 1992). There are several pos- 2 the general tendency of women to attribute sible reasons why this gender difference may arise: failure to internal factors; 3 women value social relationships more than 1 work may be more central to women’s self- men but doubt their ability to replace those concept; social relationships that may have been lost 2 unemployed women do not have the same due to unemployment. status as unemployed men; 3 society does not place the same importance on Thus, women are more likely to suffer lower women’s careers thereby undermining their levels of self-esteem during unemployment, re- need to return to work; sulting in increased levels of depression and 4 women’s self-concept has or might have a anxiety, than their male counterparts. greater degree of social determination linked The effect of unemployment on the self-esteem to pressures during socialization, where girls of managers may also be subject to these gender seem to be required to conform to socially differences. Hartley (1980a) found that the self- acceptable behaviours, norms, and so on, more esteem of male managers, unlike male blue-collar than boys. workers, does not decline during unemployment, although it can be temporarily depressed by certain Although self-esteem is intrinsically linked to events. This may be because the global self-esteem self-concept, its influence on an individual’s psy- of male managers is strong enough to withstand a chological well-being is to some degree inde- decrease of self-esteem in the domain-specific area pendent of self-concept, and therefore warrants of employment. This approach appears to buffer separate consideration (Jex, Cvetanovski and the impact of unemployment on male managers Allen, 1994). Self-esteem is generally defined as who, in comparison with employed managers, do the degree to which we like to value ourselves and not report high levels of anxiety, tension or ap- may provide a buffer from the negative psycho- prehension (Hartley, 1980a). In contrast, female logical impact of unemployment. Moreover, a managers do experience a decline in self-esteem loss of self-esteem has frequently been associated during unemployment and the associated conse- with acute psychological distress experienced quences, i.e. loss of confidence, loss of self-worth during unemployment (Kelvin and Jarrett, 1985). and feelings of inadequacy (Fielden and Previous research has shown that unemployment Davidson, 1996). This loss of self-esteem appears frequently results in lower self-esteem and increased to affect the global self-esteem of unemployed stress, which places individuals at considerable female managers, as opposed to just the domain- risk – as unemployment progresses self-esteem specific self-esteem associated with employment. tends to decrease, whilst self-dissatisfaction, Thus, it is anticipated that unemployed female self-rejection, and self-contempt tend to increase managers may experience substantially greater (Kates, Greiff and Hagan, 1990). However, whilst negative psychological effects than unemployed previous studies have recognized the importance male managers, resulting from significantly lower of individual differences in people’s reaction to levels of self-esteem. unemployment, only a few recent studies have identified important gender differences. The Self-efficacy evidence suggests that for men, self-esteem has no moderating effect between unemployment Self-efficacy has been defined as the belief in and anxiety, depression and life-satisfaction (Jex, one’s ability to perform a task, or more specific- Cvetanovski and Allen, 1994). In contrast, for ally to execute a specified behaviour successfully women unemployment is more strongly asso- (Bandura, 1982). According to this theory two ciated with anxiety and depression amongst those types of expectancies exert powerful influences reporting low levels of self-esteem, accounting for on behaviour: outcome expectancy – the belief that 22% and 21% of the variance respectively. This certain behaviours will lead to certain outcomes, difference may arise for a number of reasons: and self-efficacy expectancy – the belief that one can successfully perform the behaviours in ques- 1 women are more likely to blame themselves tion (Maddux, Sherer and Rogers, 1982). These for being unemployed; expectancies influence the choice of activities Stress and Unemployment 81 people will engage in, the amount of effort they upon the degree of personal control they experi- will expend and how long they will persist in the ence. According to Rotter (1966) people have face of obstacles or aversive experiences. Those generalized expectancies regarding whether or with a poor sense of self-efficacy will doubt not their actions will lead to internal or external their own capabilities, and as these doubts grow control of reinforcements. The generalized expect- they are likely to reduce their efforts or give up ancy of internal control refers to the perception of altogether, whereas those with a strong sense of events, whether positive or negative, as being a self-efficacy will exert the greatest effort to master consequence of one’s own action and thereby the challenges, maintaining high levels of perform- potentially under personal control. In contrast, ance (Bandura, 1982). Thus, unemployed managers the generalized expectancy of external control with low levels of self-efficacy are increasingly refers to the perception of positive or negative less likely to engage in job-search behaviours, and events as being unrelated to one’s own behaviour consequently more likely to experience higher and therefore beyond personal control (Lefcourt, levels of depression and lower levels of self- 1982). Although people tend to be classified as esteem (Wells-Parker, Miller and Topping, 1990). ‘internals’ or ‘externals’, the concept is not dichot- Wells-Parker, Miller and Topping (1990) found omous but a continuum ranging from highly that for women, outcome expectancies were the internal to highly external (Weiten, 1989). main predictors of active or passive coping orienta- In general, people with an internal locus of con- tions in relation to occupational roles, accounting trol tend to develop fewer psychological disorders for 37% of the variance. This may mean that indi- than those with an external locus of control (Weiten, viduals are reluctant to apply for positions which 1989). Internals tend to perceive less stress, they feel they are unlikely to attain, a situation employ more task-centred coping behaviours and especially relevant to unemployed female man- employ fewer emotion-centred behaviours than agers who may perceive many job advertisements externals (Anderson, 1977). Previous research as male oriented. However, in a similar sized has suggested that women are more likely to study, Vianen and Keizer (1996) found that out- employ emotion-centred behaviours and report come expectancy was not predictive of an indi- lower levels of internal control, whereas men vidual’s intention to pursue a managerial position, tend to employ more task-centred behaviours in which self-efficacy plays the central role. They and report higher levels of internal control (Rim, suggest that the more experienced a person is in 1987; Vingerhoets and Van Heck, 1990). This may management tasks the greater their self-efficacy indicate that women will be more likely to suffer and the greater the motivation to secure a man- from poorer psychological well-being during un- agement position. In addition, psychological arousal employment. However, Peterson and Seligman (tension) reduces self-efficacy for management (1987) suggest that there are some situations tasks, which prevents an individual from assuming where an external orientation may be more a managerial position. Compared to men, women beneficial. Individuals who explain the occur- tend to have less experience of managerial tasks, rence of negative events, such as unemployment, because their jobs are more task restricted, they in terms of external, unstable and specific causes receive less verbal support, and experience are less likely to suffer psychological distress greater psychological tension (Vianen and Keizer, than those making internal, stable and global 1996). As a consequence their self-efficacy and attributions. intention to assume a managerial job is lower than Unemployment is often seen as representing that of their male counterparts. This has significant an uncontrollable state of affairs and, given the implications for unemployed female managers fact that most managers lose their jobs primarily who may be less likely to apply for managerial because of factors beyond their control, an ex- positions that they do not feel fully comply with ternal orientation following job loss may protect their previous experience. individuals from the initial effects of unemploy- ment on well-being. However, the evidence does not appear to support this view. Swinburne (1981) Personal control found that those who perceived some degree of The way in which individuals perceive their situ- control in regard to their job loss experienced ation and attribute causes of events is dependent fewer negative feelings than those who felt that 82 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson they had no control over what had happened plan and rationalize their actions, they engage to them. Those who felt least personal control in positive thinking, perseverance, self-adaptation over their job loss experienced more distress and personal growth. In contrast, women prefer and were particularly affected by rejection during emotional-focused solutions, accounting for 44% job search – they tended to have lower self- of the variance in stress levels; they engage in self- confidence and a decreased receptivity to employ- blame and wishful thinking, they seek social ment (Baubion-Broye, Megemont and Sellinger, support and a forum for the expression of their 1989). In contrast, internal locus of control is emotions. However, women are more likely to associated with lower levels of anxiety and de- engage in active-behavioural coping than men, pression, and higher levels of self-esteem and life i.e. they attempt to deal directly with the problem satisfaction (Cvetanovski and Jex, 1994). Previous and its effects by taking positive action (Astor- research has shown that, in general, individuals Dubin and Hammen, 1984). Thus, although unem- employed in supervisory and management ployed female managers may suffer from increased positions score higher on internal locus of control psychological and psychosomatic symptoms, they than those working in non-supervisory positions are more likely to deal with the problems of (Kapalka and Lachenmeyer, 1988; Mellinger and unemployment and job search than their male Erdwins, 1985; St-Yves et al., 1989). Thus, it may counterparts. Women are more likely to engage be anticipated that unemployed managers will in behaviours that involve external recognition, perceive relatively higher degrees of personal allowing others to label and offer help with their control and, as a result, will be more intrinsically problems, whereas men tend to deal with their motivated in their job search, although they may problems internally (Astor-Dubin and Hammen, verbalize external causes to explain or defend 1984). Unemployed female managers, who are themselves against actual or expected failures most likely to employ emotional-focused coping during job search (Rotter, 1966). strategies, will have to deal with expectations and goals of significant others in conjunction with their own objectives. Conflict may arise where Coping strategies these approaches differ and significant others are Coping is generally defined as constantly chang- perceived as unsupportive (Ratcliff and Brogden, ing cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage 1988). If unemployed female managers can not the internal and external demands of transactions successfully deal with this conflict they may be that tax or exceed a person’s resources (Latack, unable to find an effective means of coping with Kinicki and Prussia, 1995). Coping with job loss their situation, resulting in poorer psychological and unemployment, therefore, refers to cognitive well-being, lower self-confidence and lower self- and behavioural efforts to manage the demands esteem (Holahan and Moos, 1987; Oakland and faced by an individual as a result of their situ- Ostell, 1996). ation. The process of coping with stressful events, such as unemployment, is complex and highly Type-A behaviour pattern dynamic and is directed toward moderating the impact of such events on an individual’s physical, Unemployed female managers may not only be social and emotional functioning. The coping strat- faced with different sources of stress from their egies adopted by an individual are determined by male counterparts, because of their tendency a number of factors including: personality vari- towards emotional-focused coping behaviours, ables (e.g. personal control and type-A behaviour but research suggests that their ability to cope patterns), demographic factors (e.g. age and gen- with stress may also be adversely affected by their der), socio-demographic factors (e.g. education tendency toward type-A behaviour patterns and income) and availability of coping resources (Greenglass, 1993b). Type-A behaviour refers to (e.g. self-esteem and experience) (Gist and the overall style of behaviour that is observed in Mitchell, 1992; Holahan and Moos, 1987). people who are excessively time-conscious, aggres- Vingerhoets and Van Heck (1990) found that sive, competitive, ambitious and hard-driving, men are more inclined to use active problem- and has been found to be a significant predictor focused coping strategies, accounting for 49% of stress-related illness (Edwards, Baglioni and of the variance in reported stress levels; they Cooper, 1990; Greenglass, 1993b). It has been Stress and Unemployment 83 reported that type-A behaviour patterns are often whereas men experience physiological stress (e.g. elicited by environmental stressors or challenges. coronary heart disease) more frequently than Type-A individuals are particularly challenged by women. However, recent large-scale research has situations in which their control is threatened, indicated that this latter belief is unfounded, and and their primary response in such situations is the evidence suggests that the links between stress to struggle to aggressively exert and maintain and heart disease are now major concerns for both control over their environment (Caplan, 1983). men and women (Elliott, 1995; Kritz-Silverstein, This struggle may be exacerbated by unsuccessful Wingard and Barrett-Connor, 1992). job search, which prevents the individual from One of the most consistent results in mental- regaining control of their employment situation. health surveys is that women report significantly Thus, individuals who display type-A behaviour more symptoms than men (Tousignant, Brosseau patterns may experience high levels of stress fol- and Tremblay, 1987). The evidence suggests that lowing job loss, which continue to increase as the this difference may arise for one or more of the length of time they are unemployed increases. following reasons: The effect of type-A behaviour patterns on psychological and psychosomatic symptoms is 1 women are more willing to tell their symptoms strongly influenced by the type of coping strategy to others, either because of greater social ac- employed, accounting for over 10% of the vari- ceptance of sickness among women or greater ance (Edwards, Baglioni and Cooper, 1990). concern for health among women; Problem-focused coping in conjunction with type- 2 the ‘vocabulary of illness’ differs from men A behaviour results in a decrease in symptoms, and women, women elaborate more about whereas emotional-focused coping in conjunction their symptoms often discussing the psycho- with type-A behaviour results in an increase in logical effects of their symptoms not just the symptoms. Although not all studies have found physical outcomes; significant gender differences in type-A behaviour, 3 women genuinely experience poorer mental a number of studies have revealed that women health than men (Tousignant, Brosseau and managers tend to display higher levels of type-A Tremblay, 1987; Verbrugge, 1985). behaviour than their male counterparts (Davidson and Cooper, 1987; Rees and Cooper, 1992). This Gender differences have frequently been behavioural characteristic may mean that unem- reported in relation to occupational stress, and ployed female managers will suffer poorer mental previous research has indicated that female and physical well-being than unemployed male managers react differently to male managers in managers, even if they both engage in problem- terms of reported stress outcomes (Davidson, focused coping strategies. Cooper and Baldini, 1995). Stress-related illness tends to manifest itself in terms of physical ill- health for male executives, whereas for female Stress outcomes: gender similarities and executives it is more likely to develop into mental differences in psychological, physical ill-health (Cooper and Melhuish, 1984). and behavioural stress outcomes The deleterious behavioural consequences of stress, in terms of smoking and drinking, also dif- It is widely recognized that the stress of unem- fer between men and women. In general, women ployment results in impaired psychological and are more likely to smoke than men regardless of physical well-being in both men and women, employment status and, whilst unemployment is although there is a great deal of conflict in the associated with an overall increase in the smoking literature regarding the extent of this impairment levels of both men and women, the increase in experienced by women. This conflict arises from the smoking levels of women is significantly outdated stereotypical views and a lack of under- higher than that of men during unemployment standing surrounding the importance of gender in (Hammarstrom and Janlert, 1994). In contrast, explaining differences in stress outcomes (Walters, health problems due to drink are more frequently 1993). Jick and Mitz (1985) suggest that women reported amongst unemployed men than their experience psychological stress (e.g. depression, employed counterparts, whereas unemployed emotional discomfort) more frequently than men, women report fewer drinking problems than their 84 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson employed counterparts (Lahelma, Kangas and Regional Heart Study (Shaper and Cook, 1984). Manderbacka, 1995). This study showed that, regardless of whether or not an individual considered themselves well, unemployed males showed evidence of excessive Stress outcomes and unemployed men rates of chronic respiratory disease and ischaemic Previous research has consistently identified heart disease. These findings are concurrent with negative mental and physical outcomes resulting other studies which have found elevated levels of from unemployment. Following job loss, indi- catecholamines in unemployed men. These levels, viduals frequently experience shame, anger, fear which increase with the length of unemployment, of the future, frustration and disillusionment. are linked with interior blood vessel damage, cardio- Viinamaki et al. (1994) found that continuing vascular disorders, increased blood pressure and unemployment represents a significant risk to decreases in immune functioning (Fleming et al., mental health, and unemployed people are fre- 1984). quently found to experience higher levels of depression, anxiety, and distress, in conjunction Stress outcomes and unemployed women with lower self-esteem and confidence (DeFrank and Ivancevich, 1986; Warr, Jackson and Banks, Some studies have proposed that women will be 1988). Several studies have found that the preva- less affected by the impact of unemployment than lence of depressive illness is significantly higher in men, as women are better able to cope with being unemployed men than the general population without paid employment (Kasl and Cobb, 1979). (Eales, 1988; Melville et al., 1985). In some cases However, the limited research that has been this decline in mental well-being is substantial, conducted does not provide support for these and the rates of suicide and parasuicide have been stereotypical views. Several studies have found found to be higher in unemployed men (Moser, housewives to experience higher levels of psycho- Fox and Jones, 1984; Platt and Kreitman, 1984). logical distress than employed women who are The effects of chronic stress experienced due to unable to maintain their mental well-being through job loss and continuing unemployment, along with domestic roles (Cleary and Mechanic, 1983; symptoms of somatization and minor psychiatric Elliott and Huppert, 1991). Schwartzberg and disturbances, frequently lead to a decline in phys- Dytell (1989) found that although work overload ical well-being (Fleming et al., 1984). Unemployed did predict poorer psychological well-being for men have been found to make significantly more both employed and non-employed women, the visits to their doctor, increase their use of medical interaction between work overload and the lack drugs and spend more days confined to bed of challenge perceived by non-employed women through sickness than employed men (Layton, in their roles as housewife and/or mother, had a 1986; Linn, Sandifer and Stein, 1985). The types of significant impact on their well-being (p Ͻ 0.001). problem presented, e.g. colds, rashes, respiratory Without the challenges experienced by female problems and gastrointestinal complaints sup- managers in their work roles they may be deprived port the belief that the illnesses experienced are of ‘hardiness’, a syndrome of personal beliefs and emotionally derived via the stress response, rather qualities that influence behaviour, which may than having an identifiable physical basis (Linn, protect them from other sources of stress, such as Sandifer and Stein, 1985). role overload (Kobasa, 1979). Thus, if employ- The physical repercussions of unemployment ment is removed, through job loss, women may may not necessarily be of significance during the find themselves exposed to additional sources of period of unemployment, with individuals experi- stress at a time when their ability to cope with encing merely feelings of being unwell rather than those stressors is eroded. This could have a seri- experiencing serious illness. Westcott (1984) found ous effect on both women’s physical and psycho- that although significantly more unemployed men logical well-being in addition to the effects of reported illness than employed men, their symp- unemployment experienced by men. In addition, toms were not severe enough to warrant seeking the findings of a longitudinal study by Kirtz- medical advice. However, this lack of apparent Silverstein et al. (1992) suggest that unemployed illness may be disturbingly deceptive as demon- women suffer poorer physical health and have strated by the findings of the extensive British more unfavourable heart-disease risk factors Stress and Unemployment 85 than employed women. Moreover, the impact of and Spruit, 1992; Winefeld and Tiggemann, 1985). unemployment on women appears to be so severe In addition, men and women differ in the way in that even after re-employment the symptoms of which they are affected by financial worries. Men depression do not disappear as they do in men tend to be more affected by the indirect conse- (Dew, Bromet and Penkower, 1992; Warr and quences of financial deprivation, e.g. loss of in- Jackson, 1987). Job loss initiates a distress that is come status, whereas women are most affected by fuelled by uncertainty and insecurity that, for the direct consequences of financial deprivation, women, can not be relieved by simply obtaining a e.g. paying bills (Leeflang, Klien-Hesselink and new job. Dew, Bromet and Penkower (1992) Spruit, 1992). concluded that the experience of job loss not only The main difference found between men and leads to feelings of depression, apathy and with- women in their reactions to unemployment has drawal in women, it is also more devastating for been linked to their domestic circumstances women than for men. Thus, even though many of (Daniel, 1990). The greatest disparity found in the assumptions made about the impact of unem- the impact of unemployment on psychological ployment on women have no factual basis, they well-being is between single men and women, continue to be used to devalue women’s experi- with single women suffering poorer mental health ences of unemployment and have successfully than single men, although they find jobs more contributed to the under-researching into the quickly. This contrast with the reaction of women experiences of unemployed women. who had dependent children who took longer to find work, a situation often attributed to a lack of interest or commitment to work. However, as Comparative stress effects of unemployment many women take larger pay cuts in order to on men and women return to work, this time delay is more likely to be Few studies have compared the impact of unem- a product of poor child-care provision provided ployment upon males and females. Those that by employers, the cost and lack of external child- have are mostly confined to the consequences of care and the lack of flexible working patterns unemployment, in terms of physical and psycho- offered by employers (Daniel, 1990). logical well-being, rather than exploring the experi- The evidence suggests that there may be some ences of men and women during unemployment differences in the reaction of men and women to in terms of the sources of stress they encounter unemployment, which arise from differences in and how they deal with those stressors. A few their role configuration rather than from intrinsic relatively small studies claim that unemployment gender differences (Ensminger and Celentano, has a significantly greater impact on the well- 1990). Further support for this belief comes from being of men, who experience higher levels of de- research into the impact of job loss on self- pressive affect and anxiety than women (Perrucci concept. Stokes and Cochrane (1984) found that et al., 1985; Shamir, 1985). Overall findings are the adverse psychological effects of unemploy- inconsistent, with many studies reporting no ment were not restricted to a component of significant differences in the overall effects of self-concept that was solely dependent upon unemployment on the mental and physical well- employment status for evaluation, but precipitate being of men and women. However, in the past a generalized perception of the self. The impact of decade, a growing body of literature has acknow- unemployment on this generalization appears to ledged that certain aspects of unemployment are be much greater for women than it does for men. experienced differently by each sex (Ensminger Employed women hold more positive reflected and Celentano, 1990; Leana and Feldman, 1991; appraisals than men, whereas unemployed women Stokes and Cochrane, 1984). For example, loneli- hold significantly poorer reflected appraisals than ness and disadvantageous consequences are im- unemployed men, believing that other people’s portant mediators in the mental health of men, views of them are generally negative (Sheeran accounting for 25% of the explained variance, and Abraham, 1994). This disparity in reflected whereas network factors are more important for appraisals may lead to the expectation that un- the psychological well-being of women, accounting employed women would experience significantly for 24% of the explained variance (Ensminger poorer mental well-being than employed women, and Celentano, 1990; Leeflang, Klien-Hesselink whereas a lesser effect would be expected between 86 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson employed and unemployed men. However, find- exceptional because of their comparatively small ings contrary to these expectations have been numbers. produced by several studies (Perrucci et al., 1985; The financial deprivation experienced during Snyder and Nowak, 1984). These studies have unemployment frequently affects many aspects of shown that employed men have lower levels of an individual’s life-style, including future planning distress than unemployed men, but there is no and the performance of roles. Women tend to significant difference in the levels of distress ex- be affected by the direct consequences of finan- perienced by employed and unemployed women. cial deprivation, whereas men tend to be affected These results show that, although the interaction by the indirect consequences such as loss of status between employment status and psychological and their inability to fulfil their perceived role as well-being may produce the same overall effect, ‘breadwinner’. This inability is thought to have a the experience of unemployment is definitely not substantial effect on self-esteem and for some is the same for men and women. These experiences the aspect of unemployment which has the single are influenced by factors which have differential greatest impact on well-being. Thus, economic effects related to gender, and it is only by ex- deprivation is likely to have a greater effect on the ploring these factors and their effects that we can psychological and physical health of unemployed understand the true impact of unemployment on male managers than on their female counterparts. both men and women. Employment is an important source of social support, especially for women, and the loss of this manifest consequence of work through unem- Conclusions ployment can lead to feelings of loneliness and isolation. During unemployment men tend to This literature review has identified many receive emotional support from their partners, potential sources of stress that male and female whereas women tend to find their partners are managers may face during unemployment and ‘unsupportive’ or they provide only instrumental from these findings a research model has been support, i.e. financial or informational. Women formulated, which will provide a basis for future tend to rely on their families for emotional sup- study (Figure 1). The research model illustrates port during unemployment and their reliance on the main sources of stress, moderators of stress family members is maintained throughout their and stress outcomes identified by the literature period of unemployment. In contrast, men are review and indicates areas in which gender differ- more likely to seek support from their friends ences may be anticipated. than from close relations, as they prefer to keep Job loss deprives individuals of both the latent family and work roles separate. and manifest consequences of work, adversely The loss of employment also means a loss of daily affecting physical and mental health. This depriv- structure and enforced activity, and the inability ation can lead to reactions on several levels: to replace that structure and level of meaningful emotional, cognitive, behavioural and physio- activity can lead to apathy and depression. Activity logical, and unemployed people have consistently maintains mental alertness, wards off fears and been found to experience higher levels of depres- doubts and provides a sense of achievement, yet sion, anxiety and general distress, together with keeping active after job loss becomes increasingly lower self-esteem and confidence. The degree to difficult. Several studies have demonstrated the which unemployment is experienced as a negative importance of activity levels during unemploy- event is dependent on a number of factors, in- ment – those who feel their time is fully occupied cluding previous experience of unemployment, experience better mental health and are more the relationship between occupational identity likely to be successful in their search for work. and self-identity, perceived stigmatization result- Although the activity levels of men and women ing from interpersonal and intrapersonal compari- tend to be similar, the type of activity they engage sons and perceived responsibility for job loss. It is in is gender oriented. Men are more likely to anticipated that unemployed female managers pursue problem-focused activities, i.e. behaviours will experience greater stigmatization and self- that attempt to directly eliminate the source of blame than their male counterparts, as they are stress, whereas women are more likely to engage more likely to perceive themselves as unique or in emotional-focused activities, i.e. behaviours Stress and Unemployment 87 that attempt to eliminate the symptoms of resulting in non-supportive social ‘support’. Where unemployment. work is central to an individual’s self-image, It has been suggested that women will be less as it is for many female managers, the effects affected by unemployment than men because of this denial on psychological well-being can they are more influenced by personal rather than be traumatic, undermining self-confidence and financial needs (Warr and Parry, 1982). This view self-worth. has led to the assumption that women are not as The effect of unemployment on an individual’s committed to work as men and it has been pro- well-being is strongly influenced by their reaction posed that, because of the multiple roles women to job loss and continuing unemployment. A have to deal with, unemployment will actually lead number of gender differences have been identi- to a reduction in the stress experienced by women. fied in the reactions of men and women to their However, it appears to be the quality rather than situation, and the strategies that they employ in the quantity of roles that is important in deter- order to cope with the sources of stress they mining psychological distress. Thus, compared to encounter. The self-esteem of male managers their non-managerial counterparts, the removal does not appear to be affected by unemployment, of the work is likely to increase the psychological whereas it is anticipated that unemployed female distress experienced by unemployed female man- managers will suffer a significant decrease in self- agers, for whom work may be one of their most esteem and self-worth. This decrease arises partly rewarding roles (Arber, Gilbert and Dale, 1985). from a perceived loss of personal control, lower In addition, women potentially face discrim- self-efficacy and poorer outcome expectancy in ination at all stages of the recruitment process, terms of job search, and from the tendency by and even though the number of women managers women to use negative emotional-focused coping is rising, management is still seen as a male- strategies compared to the more positive problem- dominated profession in which women are mar- focused coping strategies generally used by men. ginalized by a masculine model of the successful The predictors of mental and physical ill-health manager. Occupational stereotypes, in conjunc- are often dissimilar for men and women and tion with limited access to formal and informal unemployed female managers are likely to be at a business networks, mean that female managers greater risk from mental and physical ill-health are restricted in the number of positions available as a result of the unique stressors they are faced to them. This also means that they are less likely with (e.g. Billing and Alvesson, 1993; Pittman to obtain a salary commensurate with their pre- and Orthner, 1988). Previous research has also vious experience and education. As managers suggested that male and female managers react tend to view work as a major component of their differently in terms of stress outcomes, with self-concept the impact of these barriers upon stress-related illness being manifest in terms of psychological well-being may be devastating physical ill-health in men and in terms of mental (Fielden and Davidson, 1996). ill-health in women. However, recent studies The effects of unemployment on physical and have suggested that the long-term physical effects mental well-being are moderated by a number of of unemployment on the physical well-being of factors, including social support, locus of control, female managers may be greater than those demographics, activity levels, job search experi- experienced by unemployed male managers. ences and coping strategies. These intervening Gender differences have also been identified variables are experienced differently by men and in the behavioural consequences of stress, in women and, although the majority of studies have terms of smoking and drinking. Unemployment is found no significant difference in the stress out- associated with a rise in smoking levels, but this comes of unemployed men and women, the evi- increase is significantly higher for women than for dence does suggest that unemployed female men. In contrast, men are more likely to report managers are more likely to encounter negative drink-related problems during unemployment than factors than their male counterparts (Fielden and their employed counterparts, whereas women Davidson, 1996). For example, women are more tend to report fewer drinking problems than their likely to receive social support from their parents employed counterparts. and their spouse or friends, but the importance However, the proposed research model is of work in the lives of women is often denied limited in its application to unemployed male and 88 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson female managers, as the current literature focuses Baubion-Broye, A., J. L. Megemont and M. Sellinger (1989). mainly on the experiences of unemployed male ‘Evolution of Feelings of Control and of Information Recept- blue-collar workers. 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