British Journal of Management, Vol. 10, 63–93 (1999) Stress and Unemployment: A Comparative Review and Research Model of Female and Male Managers Sandra L. Fielden and Marilyn J. Davidson Manchester School of Management, UMIST, PO Box 88, Manchester M60, UK This paper presents a multifaceted approach to unemployment stress experienced by male and female managers, in the form of a literature review and comparative research model. In order to develop a working model which can be applied to both male and female managers, the paper covers a substantial range of the literature pertaining to the processes and effects of unemployment for managers. Previous studies often pro- vide conflicting data which generally results from differential approaches taken to the study of unemployment. In addition, it is important to note that the majority of studies focus on blue-collar male workers and that the vast majority are based on a male model of work. The proposed model highlights sources of stress, moderators of stress and stress outcomes that may affect unemployed managers, and distinguishes areas in which gender differences are likely to be found. However, these differences are only hypothe- sized from the current literature and require in-depth research if they are to be fully understood. Introduction formal qualifications are particularly susceptible to redundancy (White, 1991). In the past, middle and senior managers have The number of unemployed managers, regis- tended to emerge unscathed from economic reces- tered with the Department for Education and sion, and those who did lose their jobs received Employment (DfEE) in December 1995, exceeded substantial pay-offs and long notice periods. Until 100 000. Over 86 000 men and over 22 000 women the late 1980s the number of unemployed managers had previously held managerial positions, most was relatively low, but job loss through economic of whom (72%) were seeking jobs at a similar pressures and structural changes is increasingly occupation level (Department for Education and affecting this occupational group, especially middle Employment, 1996a). The majority of unemployed managers. The 1990s have seen record levels of managers were registered with the DfEE for the organizational downsizing which has had a major first time in their careers, but 8% had registered impact on managers, who have borne the brunt once or twice previously and 3% had registered at of these cutbacks (Capell, 1992). Much of the least three times (Employment Service, 1995a). work performed by middle management has been The DfEE have identified two important vari- eroded by information technology and the drive ables which affect the levels of unemployment for efficiency, which has placed many managers experienced by managers – location and age. under enormous pressure to perform ever in- The highest levels of managerial unemployment creasing workloads (Malo, 1993). Increasing num- are found in the south of England (56.7%), bers of managers are being discarded as surplus to followed by the north of England (23.3%) and the requirement because they are unable to perform Midlands (20%) (Department for Education and at the required levels; those who have few or no Employment, 1996a). These figures do reflect © 1999 British Academy of Management 64 S. L. Fielden and M. J. Davidson the general levels of unemployment found in the difference between unemployed men and women south of England, where unemployment is three in terms of self-esteem, hostility, and personal dis- times higher than anywhere else in the country, tress. However, they have found that unemploy- but not for the north or the Midlands. Unem- ment is experienced differently by each sex (Leana ployment levels are higher in the north than in the and Feldman, 1991; Stokes and Cochrane, 1984). Midlands but the number of unemployed man- In addition, further research has shown that women agers is proportionally less in the north, with the are faced with additional sources of stress and the lowest numbers of registered unemployed man- denial of the importance of work in women’s lives agers recorded in the DfEE Northern Region, an often results in unsupportive social ‘support’ area which includes Newcastle and Sunderland. and an undermining of self-worth (Ratcliff and The second, and most important variation is Brogden, 1988). related to the age of unemployed managers. A clear relationship is found between the age of unem- ployed managers and the levels of unemployment Stress and unemployment model experienced by managers, with the proportion of unemployed managers increasing substantially Employment, and specifically managerial employ- with age (Department for Education and Employ- ment, still appear to be intrinsically linked with ment, 1996a). In addition, the duration of unem- masculinity, resulting in few studies of women’s ployment experienced by managers also increases unemployment and only one previous study relat- with age, with older managers being much more ing to unemployed female managers, conducted likely to experience periods of unemployment by the authors (Fielden and Davidson, 1996). This in excess of six months than their younger paper aims to present a review and comparative counterparts. research model illustrating sources of stress, mod- The greatest social change over the last two erators of stress and stress outcomes that may decades has been the increase of women in paid affect the experiences of unemployed male and employment. In 1996 women accounted for 49.5% female managers. Figure 1 presents the proposed of the UK workforce (Department for Education model of stress and unemployment in managers, and Employment, 1996b) and this figure will specifically distinguishing areas in which gender continue to rise until the year 2006 according differences are likely to be found. This multivari- to recent government projections (Employment able approach is the first comprehensive paradigm Service, 1995b). Although almost a third of all to consider all aspects of unemployment, person- UK managers are now women (Equal Oppor- ality factors and coping strategies cumulating in a tunities Commission, 1996) the majority are model of stress and unemployment in both male employed at the lowest levels of the managerial and female managers, based upon the findings to hierarchy and tend to be concentrated in market- date. However, it should be noted throughout this ing, personnel, catering, retailing and education review that, as there is limited information avail- (Davidson, 1996). able as to the effects of unemployment on women, Employment is important to women both as a the findings quoted will, unless otherwise stated, source of income and as a defining factor in self refer to unemployed men. Moreover, one must conceptions. Attitudes and social patterns which also acknowledge that the majority of research deny the legitimacy of women’s employment to date, relates to blue-collar workers, with only persist and ignore the importance that work has a minimal number of studies concentrating on come to occupy in lives of many women (Ratcliff white-collar workers or managers. and Brogden, 1988). It has often been proposed that women will actually experience less stress than men during unemployment because the work/ Sources of stress family interface, which is a major source of stress for working women, is removed (Newell, 1993). The first section of the paper will concentrate This approach has been used to further devalue on reviewing the literature delineating sources the worth of women’s employment, but research of stress which have been specifically isolated as does not support this view. Studies that have having specific relevance to managers with par- included unemployed women show no significant ticular emphasis on gender differences between Stress and Unemployment 65 Sources of stress Intervening variables Stress outcomes Job loss and unemployment status Emotional deprivation Material deprivation Psychological effects Loss of occupational identity Loss of confidence in Poorer mental health managerial ability Increased distress Stigma Increased anxiety Discimination Lower self-esteem Future uncertainty Lower self-worth Demographic factors Lower self-confidence Age Self-blame Financial effects Economic resources Length of time unemployed Loss of breadwinner role Geographic location Loss of income status Domestic status Debt Educational background Loss of life-style Personality–type factors Physical effects Poorer physical well-being Social support Self-concept Increased risk of heart disease Self-esteem Increased blood pressure Type of support, e.g. Self-efficacy emotional or instrumental Personal control partner/family reactions Coping strategies Decrease in social contacts Type A behaviour patterns Social isolation Social support Attributional style Behavioural effects Activities Personal–job factors Increased smoking Focus of activity, e.g. Skill base (variety and depth) Increased alcohol consumption problem or emotional Trainability Increased drug use Activity levels Employment commitment Increased visits to GP Loss of daily structure Skill-market match Increased use of medical drugs Job search Occupational stereotypes Discrimination and 'recruitment' Networking 'Job skidding' Unsuccessful job search Note: Bold italics are used to indicate those areas in which Gender Differences are likely to be found. Figure 1. Unemployment – a comparative research model for male and female managers male and female managers. The following five Wanberg and Marchese,