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PEPCheck Result: POTENTIAL MATCH Powered by Issue Date and Time: 2 March 2021 5:13PM RealAML Reference: ef8c6c92d28b47d4ae9fc8d3cd38ce89 Customer Data Supplied First Name: Jacinda Last Name: Ardern Date of Birth: 10 October 1981 PEP Potential Matches 5 Jacinda ARDERN Title: Minister, Ministry for National Security & Intelligence (New Zealand) Country: New Zealand Risk Types: PEP Date of Birth: 1980-07-26 Images & Links: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacinda_Ardern Jacinda ARDERN Title: Minister, Ministry for Arts, Culture, & Heritage (New Zealand) Country: New Zealand Risk Types: PEP Date of Birth: 1980-07-26 Images & Links: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacinda_Ardern Jacinda ARDERN Title: Prime Minister, Ministry (New Zealand) Country: New Zealand Risk Types: PEP Date of Birth: 1980-07-26 Images & Links: - Jacinda Ardern Title: Member of the New Zealand Parliament, Member of the New Zealand Parliament, Member of the New Zealand Parliament, Member of the New Zealand Parliament, Member of the New Zealand Parliament, Leader of the New Zealand Labour Party, president, Prime Minister of New Zealand © Realyou Limited 2021 Country: New Zealand Risk Types: PEP Date of Birth: 1980-07-26 Images & Links: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:FilePath/ Jacinda%20Ardern%20November%202020%20%28cropped%29.jpg Jacinda Ardern Title: Member of New Zealand Parliament (New Zealand Labour Party), Member of New Zealand Parliament (New Zealand Labour Party), Member of New Zealand Parliament (Labour Party), Member of New Zealand Parliament (Labour Party), Member of New Zealand Parliament (Labour Party) Country: New Zealand Risk Types: PEP Date of Birth: 1980-07-26 Images & Links: https://www.parliament.nz/media/1234/ardern-jacinda.DmxK3w.jpg https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6c/Jacinda_Ardern,_2018.jpg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacinda_Ardern https://ru.wikinews.org/wiki/Категория:Джасинда_Ардерн https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Jacinda_Ardern https://it.wikiquote.org/wiki/Jacinda_Ardern https://facebook.com/jacindaardern jacindaardern https://twitter.com/jacindaardern © Realyou Limited 2021 .

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NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon
CHAPTER SIX NEW ZEALAND AND THE OCCUPATION OF JAPAN Gordon Daniels During the Second World War His Majesty’s Dominions, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa shared a common seniority in the British imperial structure. All were virtually independent and co-operated in the struggle against the axis. But among these white-ruled states differ- ences were as apparent as similarities. In particular factors of geography and racial composition gave New Zealand a distinct political economy which shaped its special perspective on the Pacific War. Not only were New Zealanders largely British in racial origin but their economy was effectively colonial.1 New Zealand farmers produced agricultural goods for the mother country and in return absorbed British capital and manufac- turers. Before 1941 New Zealand looked to the Royal Navy for her defence and in exchange supplied troops to fight alongside British units in both world wars.2 What was more, New Zealand’s prime minister from 1940 to 1949 was Peter Fraser who had been born and reared in Scotland. His dep- uty, Walter Nash, had also left Britain after reaching adulthood.3 Thus political links between Britons and New Zealanders were reinforced by true threads of Kith and Kin which made identification with the mother country especially potent. These economic and political ties were con- firmed by the restricted nature of New Zealand’s diplomatic appara- tus which formed the basis of her view of the East Asian world. New The author is grateful to the librarian of New Zealand House and Mrs P. Taylor for their help in providing materials for the preparation of this paper.
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'About Turn': an Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's
Newcastle University e-prints Date deposited: 2nd May 2013 Version of file: Author final Peer Review Status: Peer reviewed Citation for item: Reardon J, Gray TS. About Turn: An Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's Adoption of Neo-Liberal Policies 1984-1990. Political Quarterly 2007, 78(3), 447-455. Further information on publisher website: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com Publisher’s copyright statement: The definitive version is available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00872.x Always use the definitive version when citing. Use Policy: The full-text may be used and/or reproduced and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not for profit purposes provided that: A full bibliographic reference is made to the original source A link is made to the metadata record in Newcastle E-prints The full text is not changed in any way. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Robinson Library, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle upon Tyne. NE1 7RU. Tel. 0191 222 6000 ‘About turn’: an analysis of the causes of the New Zealand Labour Party’s adoption of neo- liberal economic policies 1984-1990 John Reardon and Tim Gray School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University Abstract This is the inside story of one of the most extraordinary about-turns in policy-making undertaken by a democratically elected political party.
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What the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act Aimed to Do, Why It Did Not Succeed and How It Can Be Repaired
169 WHAT THE NEW ZEALAND BILL OF RIGHTS ACT AIMED TO DO, WHY IT DID NOT SUCCEED AND HOW IT CAN BE REPAIRED Sir Geoffrey Palmer* This article, by the person who was the Minister responsible for the introduction and passage of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, reviews 25 years of experience New Zealand has had with the legislation. The NZ Bill of Rights Act does not constitute higher law or occupy any preferred position over any other statute. As the article discusses, the status of the NZ Bill of Rights Act has meant that while the Bill of Rights has had positive achievements, it has not resulted in the transformational change that propelled the initial proposal for an entrenched, supreme law bill of rights in the 1980s. In the context of an evolving New Zealand society that is becoming ever more diverse, more reliable anchors are needed to ensure that human rights are protected, the article argues. The article discusses the occasions upon which the NZ Bill of Rights has been overridden and the recent case where for the first time a declaration of inconsistency was made by the High Court in relation to a prisoner’s voting rights. In particular, a softening of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, as it applies in the particular conditions of New Zealand’s small unicameral legislature, is called for. There is no adequate justification for maintaining the unrealistic legal fiction that no limits can be placed on the manner in which the New Zealand Parliament exercises its legislative power.
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Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence
Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence Editor Dr Claire Breen Editor: Dr Claire Breen Administrative Assistance: Janine Pickering The Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence is published annually by the University of Waikato School of Law. Subscription to the Yearbook costs $NZ35 (incl gst) per year in New Zealand and $US40 (including postage) overseas. Advertising space is available at a cost of $NZ200 for a full page and $NZ100 for a half page. Back numbers are available. Communications should be addressed to: The Editor Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence School of Law The University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton 3240 New Zealand North American readers should obtain subscriptions directly from the North American agents: Gaunt Inc Gaunt Building 3011 Gulf Drive Holmes Beach, Florida 34217-2199 Telephone: 941-778-5211, Fax: 941-778-5252, Email: [email protected] This issue may be cited as (2008-2009) Vols 11-12 Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence. All rights reserved ©. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act 1994, no part may be reproduced by any process without permission of the publisher. ISSN No. 1174-4243 Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence Volumes 11 & 12 (combined) 2008 & 2009 Contents NEW ZEALAND’S FREE TRADE AGREEMENT WITH CHINA IN CONTEXT: DEMONSTRATING LEADERSHIP IN A GLOBALISED WORLD Hon Jim McLay CNZM QSO 1 CHINA TRANSFORMED: FTA, SOCIALISATION AND GLOBALISATION Yongjin Zhang 15 POLITICAL SPEECH AND SEDITION The Right Hon Sir Geoffrey Palmer 36 THE UNINVITED GUEST: THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN AN OPEN DEMOCRACY Karl du Fresne 52 TERRORISM, PROTEST AND THE LAW: IN A MARITIME CONTEXT Dr Ron Smith 61 RESPONDING TO THE ECONOMIC CRISIS: A QUESTION OF LAW, POLICY OR POLITICS Margaret Wilson 74 WHO DECIDES WHERE A DECEASED PERSON WILL BE BURIED – TAKAMORE REVISITED Nin Tomas 81 Editor’s Introduction This combined issue of the Yearbook arises out of public events that were organised by the School of Law (as it was then called) in 2008 and 2009.
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The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion Upon the Labour Party
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion upon the Labour Party IN MARCH 1940 the Labour Party expelled John A. Lee. Lee's dynamism and flair, the length and drama of the battle, not to mention Lee's skill as a publicist, have focussed considerable attention upon his expulsion. Almost all historians of New Zealand have mentioned it, and most have portrayed it as a defeat for extremism, radicalism, dissent or a policy of industrialization.1 According to one political scientist, although Labour did not quite blow out its metaphorical brains in expelling Lee, his expulsion heralded the victory of the administrators and consolidators.2 While few of those who have attributed a significance to Lee's expulsion have hazarded a guess at its effect .upon the Labour Party's membership or the party itself, Bruce Brown, who gave the better part of two chapters to the disputes associated with Lee's name, pointed out that 'hundreds of the most enthusiastic branch members' followed Lee 'out of the main stream of political life.'3 Brown recognized that such an exodus undoubtedly weakened the Labour Party although, largely because he ended his history in 1940, he made no attempt to estimate the exact numbers involved or the significance of their departure. This essay is designed to suggested tentative answers to both questions. Immediately after his expulsion Lee believed that radicals, socialists and even five or six members of parliament would join him. The first 1 For instance, W.H. Oliver, The Story of New Zealand, London, 1960, pp.198-99; W.B.
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Labour and Greens Cooperation Agreement
New Zealand Labour Party & Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand COOPERATION AGREEMENT 53rd Parliament Cooperation Agreement between the New Zealand Labour Party and the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand Preamble 1. The Green Party commits to supporting the Labour Government to provide stable government for the term of the 53rd Parliament. The parties commit to working in the best interests of New Zealand and New Zealanders, working to honour Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and building and maintaining public confidence in the integrity of Parliament and our democracy. 2. This agreement builds on the constructive and enduring working relationship between the two parties. It does this by setting out the arrangements between the parliamentary Labour and Green Parties as they relate to the Ministerial portfolios and areas of policy cooperation set out in this agreement. Nature of agreement 3. The Green Party agrees to support the Labour Government by not opposing votes on matters of confidence and supply for the full term of this Parliament. In addition, the Green Party will support the Labour Government on procedural motions in the House and at Select Committees on the terms set out in this agreement. This will provide New Zealanders with the certainty of a strong, stable Labour Government with support from the Green Party over the next three years. 4. The Green Party will determine its own position in relation to any policy or legislative matter not covered by the Ministerial portfolios and areas of cooperation set out in this agreement. Differences of position within such portfolios and areas of cooperation will be managed in accordance with this agreement.
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Is There a Civil Religious Tradition in New Zealand
The Insubstantial Pageant: is there a civil religious tradition in New Zealand? A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Religious Studies in the University of Canterbury by Mark Pickering ~ University of Canterbury 1985 CONTENTS b Chapter Page I (~, Abstract Preface I. Introduction l Plato p.2 Rousseau p.3 Bellah pp.3-5 American discussion on civil religion pp.S-8 New Zealand discussion on civil religion pp.S-12 Terms and scope of study pp.l2-14 II. Evidence 14 Speeches pp.lS-25 The Political Arena pp.25-32 Norman Kirk pp.32-40 Waitangi or New Zealand Day pp.40-46 Anzac Day pp.46-56 Other New Zealand State Rituals pp.56-61 Summary of Chapter II pp.6l-62 III. Discussion 63 Is there a civil religion in New Zealand? pp.64-71 Why has civil religion emerged as a concept? pp.71-73 What might be the effects of adopting the concept of civil religion? pp.73-8l Summary to Chapter III pp.82-83 IV. Conclusion 84 Acknowledgements 88 References 89 Appendix I 94 Appendix II 95 2 3 FEB 2000 ABSTRACT This thesis is concerned with the concept of 'civil religion' and whether it is applicable to some aspects of New zealand society. The origin, development and criticism of the concept is discussed, drawing on such scholars as Robert Bellah and John F. Wilson in the United States, and on recent New Zealand commentators. Using material such as Anzac Day and Waitangi Day commemorations, Governor-Generals' speeches, observance of Dominion Day and Empire Day, prayers in Parliament, the role of Norman Kirk, and other related phenomena, the thesis considers whether this 'evidence' substantiates the existence of a civil religion.
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Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives .
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16. Nuclear-Free New Zealand
16 Nuclear-free New Zealand: Contingency, contestation and consensus in public policymaking David Capie Introduction On 4 June 1987, the New Zealand Parliament passed the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament and Arms Control Act by 39 votes to 29. The legislation marked the culmination of a decades-long effort by a disparate group of peace and environmental activists to prevent nuclear weapons from entering New Zealand’s territory. More than 30 years later, the law remains in force, it has bipartisan support and it is frequently touted as a key symbol of New Zealand’s national identity. In some ways, it should be puzzling that New Zealand has come to be so closely associated with staunch opposition to nuclear arms. The country is far removed from key strategic territory and even at the height of the Cold War was one of the least likely countries anywhere to suffer a nuclear attack. The fact the adoption of the antinuclear policy led to the end of New Zealand’s alliance relationship with the United States under the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security (ANZUS) Treaty—an agreement once described as the ‘richest prize’ in New Zealand diplomacy—only adds to the puzzle (Catalinac 2010). How, then, did a group of activists 379 SUCCESSFUL PUBLIC POLICY and politicians propel an issue into the public consciousness and, despite the staunch opposition of the most powerful country in the world, work to see it enshrined in legislation? This chapter explores nuclear-free New Zealand as an example of a policy success. It does so in four parts.
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Intelligence and Security in a Free Society
Intelligence and Security in a Free Society Report of the First Independent Review of Intelligence and Security in New Zealand Hon Sir Michael Cullen, KNZM and Dame Patsy Reddy, DNZM 29 February 2016 Foreword The place of intelligence and security agencies in a free society arouses a wide range of responses and passions. For some, the security of the state and of the individuals within it overrides other considerations. That is especially so in times of obvious international security threats. Such a view may be summed up in the often used phrase “you have nothing to fear if you have nothing to hide”. For others, the opposite is true: freedom and liberty are so precious that any secret activity by state agencies must inevitably threaten those human rights, if only through the chilling effect of the fear of surveillance. Most people’s views probably lie somewhere between these two extremes. Ours certainly do. All that we have heard and read during this review have helped lead us to that position. Neither extreme reflects history, experience, or the realities of the modern world, especially with its borderless and rapidly multiplying forms of communication, its ease of fast international mobility and its increasingly complex security challenges. Our review and report arises out of legislation passed in 2013 which included a requirement for periodic reviews “of the intelligence and security agencies, the legislation governing them, and their oversight legislation”. In the event our terms of reference were limited to the legislative aspects. Accordingly, we have not undertaken a review of the agencies (of which there have, in fact, been a number in the last decade, including a major performance review in 2014).
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Working Paper 121.Pdf
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The Politics of Maori Affairs Policy
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. , I I CLOSING THE GAPS? THE POLITICS OF - MAORI AFFAIRS POLICY A thesis presented in partialfulfi lment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand. Louise Virginia Humpage 2002 iii ABSTRACT In searching for ways to decolonise, indigenous peoples have promoted indigenous models of self-determination. Governments, in response, have attempted to protect state legitimacy through the depoliticisation of indigenous claims. An analysis of 'Closing the Gaps', a policy strategy introduced by the Labour-Alliance government in June 2000, illustrates that this has certainly been the case in Aotearoa New Zealand. The policy strategy provides an entry point into exploring the conceptual tensions contained within government policy for Maori, the indigenous peoples of Aotearoa New Zealand. Based on an analysis of government documents and interview data, the thesis focuses on three main initiatives incorporated under the 'Closing the Gaps' umbrella. Each initiative highlights a number of bureaucratic, political and conceptual factors that explain why the strategy failed to match political rhetoric. The thesis argues that, in its eagerness to demonstrate a 'commitment' to Maori, the Labour-Alliance government neglected to distinguish between two different socio political projects. The first, 'social inclusion' for all disadvantaged peoples, was framed by a broader 'social development' approach whose ultimate goal was 'national cohesion'.
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