DOCSLIB.ORG

NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon CHAPTER SIX NEW ZEALAND AND THE OCCUPATION OF JAPAN Gordon Daniels During the Second World War His Majesty’s Dominions, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa shared a common seniority in the British imperial structure. All were virtually independent and co-operated in the struggle against the axis. But among these white-ruled states differ- ences were as apparent as similarities. In particular factors of geography and racial composition gave New Zealand a distinct political economy which shaped its special perspective on the Pacific War. Not only were New Zealanders largely British in racial origin but their economy was effectively colonial.1 New Zealand farmers produced agricultural goods for the mother country and in return absorbed British capital and manufac- turers. Before 1941 New Zealand looked to the Royal Navy for her defence and in exchange supplied troops to fight alongside British units in both world wars.2 What was more, New Zealand’s prime minister from 1940 to 1949 was Peter Fraser who had been born and reared in Scotland. His dep- uty, Walter Nash, had also left Britain after reaching adulthood.3 Thus political links between Britons and New Zealanders were reinforced by true threads of Kith and Kin which made identification with the mother country especially potent. These economic and political ties were con- firmed by the restricted nature of New Zealand’s diplomatic appara- tus which formed the basis of her view of the East Asian world. New The author is grateful to the librarian of New Zealand House and Mrs P. Taylor for their help in providing materials for the preparation of this paper. 1 Even as late as 1961 51% of New Zealand’s total exports went to Britain, and the Deputy Leader of the New Zealand Labour Party, C. F. Skinner, stated ‘Our industries have been built up with the idea of supplying the British market. We have felt that it was almost unpa- triotic to search for new markets elsewhere.’ R. Kennaway, New Zealand Foreign Policy, 1951–1971 (London and Wellington, 1972) pp. 81–2. 2 For an introduction to New Zealand foreign policy before 1941 see Ibid. pp. 17–23. 3 Fraser was born at Fearn, Ross-shire, in 1884. He arrived in New Zealand in 1911, J. Thorn, Peter Fraser, New Zealand’s Wartime Prime Minister (London, 1952) p. 13. Nash was born at Kidderminster in 1882, and emigrated to New Zealand in 1909, Robin Kay (ed.) Documents on New Zealand External Relations. Vol. 2 The Surrender and Occupation of Japan (Wellington, 1982) (afterwards cited as DNZER.2) p. 289 f.n.l. For Nash’s wartime views see his New Zealand, A Working Democracy (London, 1944). 64 gordon daniels Zealand had been a signatory of the Versailles Treaty and the League of Nations Covenant but at the time of the Pearl Harbor attack her sole overseas diplomatic office was the High Commission building in London.4 As a result virtually all diplomatic information was provided by London and British officials represented New Zealand throughout Europe, Asia and the Americas. Yet there was a basis, however indefinite, for the slow emergence of an independent New Zealand foreign policy. From 1926 the Imperial Section of the Prime Minister’s Office had been a miniature foreign ministry, and its leading figure, Carl Berendsen, was to be a major figure in New Zealand’s wartime and postwar foreign relations.5 By 1943 a Department of External Affairs had been created and diplomatic missions had been opened in Washington and Canberra.6 Furthermore, between the wars, New Zealand had developed distinct reflexes to international affairs which were the direct product of her scale and geography. In the League of Nations she often aligned herself with small powers against Britain, and favoured the imposition of effective sanctions upon Germany, Italy and Japan.7 Such internationalist attitudes were probably strengthened by the rise of the Labour Party in New Zealand’s domestic politics. The rise of Japanese mili- tary power also created fears of a threat from the north and the need for greater protection against a Japanese strike.8 This uneven weave of impe- rial and national attitudes became even more apparent during the Pacific War. The new legation in Washington symbolized the search for a new 4 ‘It was not until 1941 that for the first time we established diplomatic relations with a foreign country – the United States.’ T. C. Larkin (ed.) New Zealand’s External Relations (New Zealand Institute of Public Administration) (Wellington and London, 1962) p. 32. See also New Zealand Institute of International Affairs, New Zealand in World Affairs Vol. 1 (Wellington, 1977) pp. 13–20. 5 Carl Berendsen (1890–1973) was Permanent Head of the Prime Minister’s Department 1932–43, High Commissioner for New Zealand in Australia, 1943–44, New Zealand Minister in the United States, 1944–48, and Ambassador for New Zealand to the United States, 1948–52. DNZER.2 p. 75 f.n.l. 6 An External Affairs Department had existed as far back as 1919 ‘but its duties had quickly become confined to the Mandate of Western Samoa and hence relations with the League of Nations’, New Zealand in World Affairs. Vol. 1 pp. 12–19, The Department estab- lished in 1943 was designed to fulfil a much broader role. 7 F. P. Walters, A History of the League of Nations (R.I.I.A.) (London, 1952) p. 686, and New Zealand in World Affairs. Vol. 1 p. 17. ‘New Zealand called for League action in support of China; New Zealand urged the League to take up the cause of Republican Spain. New Zealand banned the shipment of scrap iron to Japan as far back as 1936. The policy of appeasement as it was pursued during these years both in Europe and the Far East was vigorously opposed.’ Walter Nash, New Zealand, A Working Democracy p. 36. 8 For a recent survey of pre-war New Zealand-Japanese relations see M. P. Lissington, New Zealand and Japan 1900–41 (Wellington, 1972)..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bromley Cemetery Guide
    Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture
    New Zealand Journal of History, 40, 2 (2006) The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture THE 1940s ARE INTERESTING YEARS in the story of New Zealand’s consumer culture. The realities of working and spending, and the promulgation of ideals and moralities around consumer behaviour, were closely related to the political process. Labour had come to power in 1935 promising to alleviate the hardship of the depression years and improve the standard of living of all New Zealanders. World War II intervened, replacing the image of increasing prosperity with one of sacrifice. In the shadow of the war the economy grew strongly, but there remained a legacy of shortages at a time when many sought material advancement. Historical writing on consumer culture is burgeoning internationally, and starting to emerge in New Zealand. There is already some local discussion of consumption in the post-war period, particularly with respect to clothing, embodiment and housing.1 This is an important area for study because, as Peter Gibbons points out, the consumption of goods — along with the needs they express and the desires they engender — deeply affects individual lives and social relationships.2 A number of aspects of consumption lend themselves to historical analysis, including the economic, the symbolic, the moral and the political. By exploring the political aspects of consumption and their relationships to these other strands, we can see how intense contestation over the symbolic meaning of consumption and its relationship to production played a pivotal role in defining the differences between the Labour government and the National opposition in the 1940s.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Fraser
    N E \V z_E A L A N D S T U D I E S 1!!J BOOK 'RJVIEW by SiiiiOII sheppard Peter Fraser: Master Politician Fraser made more important decisions in more interesting times Margaret Clark (Ed), The Dunmore Press, 1998, $29.95 than Holyoake ever did. ARL!ER THIS YEAR I con­ International Relations at Victoria Congratulations are due to the E ducted a survey among University, the book is derived from organisers of the conference for academics and other leaders in their a conference held in August 1997, their diligence in assembling a fields asking them to give their part of a series being conducted by roster of speakers capable of appraisal of New Zealand's providing such a broad Prime Ministers according spectrum of perspectives on to the extent to which they Fraser. This multi-faceted made a positive contribu­ approach pays dividends in tion to the history of the that it reflects the depth of country. From the replies I Fraser's character and the was able to establish a breadth of his contribution to ranking of the Prime New Zealand history. Ministers, from greatest to The first three phases of least effective. Fraser's political career are It was no surprise that discussed; from early Richard Seddon finished in socialist firebrand, to key first place. But I was lieutenant in the first Labour intrigued by the runner up. Government, to wartime It was not the beloved Prime Minister and interna­ Michael Joseph-Savage, nor tional statesman at the the inspiring Norman Kirk, founding of the United or the long serving Sir Keith Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • 'About Turn': an Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's
    Newcastle University e-prints Date deposited: 2nd May 2013 Version of file: Author final Peer Review Status: Peer reviewed Citation for item: Reardon J, Gray TS. About Turn: An Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's Adoption of Neo-Liberal Policies 1984-1990. Political Quarterly 2007, 78(3), 447-455. Further information on publisher website: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com Publisher’s copyright statement: The definitive version is available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00872.x Always use the definitive version when citing. Use Policy: The full-text may be used and/or reproduced and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not for profit purposes provided that: A full bibliographic reference is made to the original source A link is made to the metadata record in Newcastle E-prints The full text is not changed in any way. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Robinson Library, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle upon Tyne. NE1 7RU. Tel. 0191 222 6000 ‘About turn’: an analysis of the causes of the New Zealand Labour Party’s adoption of neo- liberal economic policies 1984-1990 John Reardon and Tim Gray School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University Abstract This is the inside story of one of the most extraordinary about-turns in policy-making undertaken by a democratically elected political party.
    [Show full text]
  • A Diachronic Study of Unparliamentary Language in the New Zealand Parliament, 1890-1950
    WITHDRAW AND APOLOGISE: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE IN THE NEW ZEALAND PARLIAMENT, 1890-1950 BY RUTH GRAHAM A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Applied Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2016 ii “Parliament, after all, is not a Sunday school; it is a talking-shop; a place of debate”. (Barnard, 1943) iii Abstract This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori. Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’.
    [Show full text]
  • No 1, 13 January 1944, 1
    ·.fiumb. I • THE NEW ZEALAND GAZETTE • WELLINGTON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 13, 1944 Land proclaimed as Road, and Road closed, in Block XIII, Reefton Survey District, Block IV, Mawheraiti Survey Di~trict, and Block XVI, Maimai Survey District, Inangahua County [L,S.] C. L. N. NEWALL, Governor-General A PROCLAMATION N pursuance and exercise of the powers conferred by section twelve of the Land Act, 1924,.I, Cyril Louis Norton Newall, the Governor­ I General of the Dominion of New ·Zealand, do hereby proclaim as road the land described in the First Schedule hereto;. and also do hereby proclaim as closed the road described in the Second Schedule hereto. FIRST SCHEDULE LAND PROCLAIMED AS ROAD'." Approximate .Areas of the Pieces Situated in Situated in Coloured on of Land proclaimed Being Block Survey District of Shown on Plan Plan as Road. A. R. P. 0 0 12 1 0 12 _j Part provisional State forest .. XIII Reefton P.W.D. 115559 Yellow. 5 2 7 ' 0 0 32 Part provisional State forest .. IV Mawheraiti 0 1 4 Part Railway Reserve IV IV 1 2 36 Part Railway Reserve M~wheraiti .. L .. { XIII Reefton .. f 1 3 21 Part provisional State forest .. XIII Reefton Red. (S.O. 9269.) (Nelson R.D.) SECOND SCHEDULE ROAD CLOSED Approximate I Situated in Situated in Coloured .Areas of the Pieces Adjoining or passing through Shown on Plan on Plan of Road closed. Block Survey District of A. R. P. Maimai f Provisional State Forest and .. .. XVI 1. P.W.D. 115559 .. Green. 6 1 26 L Railway Reserve .
    [Show full text]
  • What the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act Aimed to Do, Why It Did Not Succeed and How It Can Be Repaired
    169 WHAT THE NEW ZEALAND BILL OF RIGHTS ACT AIMED TO DO, WHY IT DID NOT SUCCEED AND HOW IT CAN BE REPAIRED Sir Geoffrey Palmer* This article, by the person who was the Minister responsible for the introduction and passage of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, reviews 25 years of experience New Zealand has had with the legislation. The NZ Bill of Rights Act does not constitute higher law or occupy any preferred position over any other statute. As the article discusses, the status of the NZ Bill of Rights Act has meant that while the Bill of Rights has had positive achievements, it has not resulted in the transformational change that propelled the initial proposal for an entrenched, supreme law bill of rights in the 1980s. In the context of an evolving New Zealand society that is becoming ever more diverse, more reliable anchors are needed to ensure that human rights are protected, the article argues. The article discusses the occasions upon which the NZ Bill of Rights has been overridden and the recent case where for the first time a declaration of inconsistency was made by the High Court in relation to a prisoner’s voting rights. In particular, a softening of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, as it applies in the particular conditions of New Zealand’s small unicameral legislature, is called for. There is no adequate justification for maintaining the unrealistic legal fiction that no limits can be placed on the manner in which the New Zealand Parliament exercises its legislative power.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War by Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019
    Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War By Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019. RRP: AU$49.95 ISBN: 978-1-925801-68-2 Reviewed by C. Dimitris Gounelas and Ruth Parkin-Gounelas The conventional account of wartime relations between Greece, New Zealand and Britain is one of unwavering solidarity in the face of appalling odds, and few would question its truth as a general narrative. More recent approaches, however, have opened up the cracks in this tripartite relationship. Martyn Brown’s Politics of Forgetting contributes to the on-going analysis of these rifts, demonstrating through an impressive range of scholarly evidence the way the political situation in Greece triggered tensions which sometimes had far-reaching consequences. The need to maintain morale meant that differences were pasted over; wartime censorship and the destruction of compromising documents helped to maintain a narrative of unquestioning mutual trust. But with the gradual release of some previously-classified material, things have begun to look rather different. Brown’s focus is on the New Zealand Official War History Project, which appeared gradually after the war under the general editorship of Howard Kippenberger, who along with Bernard Freyberg played a dominant role in commanding New Zealand forces in the Mediterranean. Citing the French philosopher Ernest Renan, he argues that “forgetting” is crucial to any narrative of nation: we usually remember what enhances an image of something honorable and heroic. These qualities certainly applied to New Zealand’s immediate agreement to send troops to defend the small Balkan nation that at the time, in 1941, appeared to be the only country holding out against the advancing Axis forces on the continent of Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Life Stories of Robert Semple
    Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. From Coal Pit to Leather Pit: Life Stories of Robert Semple A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of a PhD in History at Massey University Carina Hickey 2010 ii Abstract In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources.
    [Show full text]
  • When It Rains, It Pours…
    When it rains, it pours… 14 MAY 2020 Top 5 Budget initiatives A $50 billion COVID-19 Response & 1 Recovery Fund; $20 billion left unspent. $3 billion to fund (unnamed) Linda Clark 2 infrastructure projects across the Partner Hayden Wilson country, in addition to the $12 billion Partner New Zealand Upgrade Programme. $1.1 billion to create 11,000 jobs in Grant Robertson’s rainy day Budget just poured 3 environmental initiatives. billions – with many more billions still to come – into $3.2 billion to extend the wage subsidy. saving and creating jobs. If the plan works (and it is still being developed to match rapidly changing 4 economic circumstances) then New Zealand’s $5 billion to create 8,000 new public or economy may be spared the worst of what the 5 transitional housing places. Prime Minister calls ‘dire global predictions’. Since the decision to go into lockdown in More spending in infrastructure was expected, late March, this budget has loomed as the and $3 billion of it arrived, with an additional $1.2 Government’s most critical test. The pressure billion going into rail investment, a favourite of New was immense, a fully formed pre-COVID budget Zealand First. More infrastructure spending will have a had to be thrown out the window, and a budget stimulus effect, including the promise to build 8,000 for a vastly different world had to be delivered at new state and social houses. Of course, with housing, speed and with so much uncertain. It was essential the ‘can they build it’ question has to be asked.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformation of the Welfare State in New Zealand with Special Reference
    Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Transformation of the Welfare State in New Zealand with special reference to Employment A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of the Doctor of Philosophy in Economics at Massey University Anne Marguerite de Bruin 1997 Acknowledgements I am grateful to Professor Rolf D. Cremer, who as Head of the Economics Department, had high expectations for career development of staff of the Department. This provided the initial stimulus for my undertaking PhD study. I sincerely thank my supervisors, Professors Rolf D. Cremer and Ian F. Shirley for their invaluable guidance and assistance. I also thank them for their understanding which made the whole process easier, yet challenging. My sincere thanks also to my friend and colleague, Ann Dupuis, for her advice and constant encouragement. I am particularly thankful to her for always providing a listening ear during my ups and downs and for introducing me to Bourdieu and Gramsci. I wish to thank Massey University for the financial support I received through the Research Award for Academic Women. This made possible a freeing up of some of my time from teaching duties early in 1997, enabling the completion of this thesis. I am indebted to Enterprise Otara and several others in the Otara community who welcomed me into their community, willingly shared their knowledge with me and were also appreciative of what I had to offer to the community.
    [Show full text]
  • Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence
    Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence Editor Dr Claire Breen Editor: Dr Claire Breen Administrative Assistance: Janine Pickering The Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence is published annually by the University of Waikato School of Law. Subscription to the Yearbook costs $NZ35 (incl gst) per year in New Zealand and $US40 (including postage) overseas. Advertising space is available at a cost of $NZ200 for a full page and $NZ100 for a half page. Back numbers are available. Communications should be addressed to: The Editor Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence School of Law The University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton 3240 New Zealand North American readers should obtain subscriptions directly from the North American agents: Gaunt Inc Gaunt Building 3011 Gulf Drive Holmes Beach, Florida 34217-2199 Telephone: 941-778-5211, Fax: 941-778-5252, Email: [email protected] This issue may be cited as (2008-2009) Vols 11-12 Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence. All rights reserved ©. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act 1994, no part may be reproduced by any process without permission of the publisher. ISSN No. 1174-4243 Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence Volumes 11 & 12 (combined) 2008 & 2009 Contents NEW ZEALAND’S FREE TRADE AGREEMENT WITH CHINA IN CONTEXT: DEMONSTRATING LEADERSHIP IN A GLOBALISED WORLD Hon Jim McLay CNZM QSO 1 CHINA TRANSFORMED: FTA, SOCIALISATION AND GLOBALISATION Yongjin Zhang 15 POLITICAL SPEECH AND SEDITION The Right Hon Sir Geoffrey Palmer 36 THE UNINVITED GUEST: THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN AN OPEN DEMOCRACY Karl du Fresne 52 TERRORISM, PROTEST AND THE LAW: IN A MARITIME CONTEXT Dr Ron Smith 61 RESPONDING TO THE ECONOMIC CRISIS: A QUESTION OF LAW, POLICY OR POLITICS Margaret Wilson 74 WHO DECIDES WHERE A DECEASED PERSON WILL BE BURIED – TAKAMORE REVISITED Nin Tomas 81 Editor’s Introduction This combined issue of the Yearbook arises out of public events that were organised by the School of Law (as it was then called) in 2008 and 2009.
    [Show full text]