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South Scandinavian Foederati and Auxiliarii? Grane, Thomas Published in: Beyond the Roman Frontier: Roman Influences on the Northern Barbaricum Publication date: 2007 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Grane, T. (2007). South Scandinavian Foederati and Auxiliarii? In Beyond the Roman Frontier: Roman Influences on the Northern Barbaricum (pp. 83-104). Quasar. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici. Supplementum, Vol.. 37 Download date: 08. apr.. 2020 Analecta Romana Instituti Danici Supplementum XXXIX BEYOND THE ROMAN FRONTIER Roman Influences on the Northern Barbaricum EdiTED BY THOMAS GRANE estratto EDIZIONI QUASAR ROMA MMVII Contents Foreword 5 THOMAS GRANE : Did the Romans Really Know (or Care) about Southern Scandinavia? An Archaeological Perspective 7 LISBE T H M. IMER : Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Northern Barbaricum 31 LINE MAJ -BRI tt HØJBER G BJER G : Roman Coins – Evidence of Possible Nodal Points? 61 MADS DREVS DYHRFJE L D -JOHNSEN : Roman Ideological Influences 67 THOMAS GRANE : Southern Scandinavian Foederati and Auxiliarii? 83 Ull A LU ND HANSEN : Barbarians in the North – The Greatest Concentration of Roman Weaponry in Europe 105 XENIA PA ul I JENSEN : Preliminary Remarks on Roman Military Equipment from the War Booty Sacrifice of Vimose, Denmark 131 KL A U S S. HVID : Reconstruction of the North Germanic Armies AD 200 137 XENIA PA ul I JENSEN : The Use of Archers in the Northern Germanic Armies. Evidence from the Danish War Booty Sacrifices 143 SVEND ERI K AL BRE T HSEN : Logistic Problems in Northern European Iron Age Warfare 153 Plates 163 Southern Scandinavian Foederati and Auxiliarii? by THOMAS GRANE Over the years, various archaeological remains a high percentage of Germanic fibulae and ce- have led scholars to speculate on possible mili- ramics indicate that a Germanic population tary connections between southern Scandinavia was closely integrated among the occupants of and the northern region of the Roman Empire. the castella and vici in certain periods. This paper attempts to clarify how this material Before I further describe the indications can be interpreted as such. The evidence for this of possible Roman contact with the southern reinterpretation is admittedly not decisive, but Scandinavian warriors, I will give an outline the indications derived are believed to be com- of the nature of Roman diplomatic contacts in parable in strength with other views. Obviously, general. there are few markers that signal “Roman mili- tary” in the material. Rather, it is the context of the examined material that is decisive. The indi- RomaN diPLomatiC CONtaCts AND the vidual objects that are crucial to a given interpre- USE OF FOREIGN MILitarY RESOURCES tation differ greatly depending on the date and circumstances of the find. As long as confirmed That the Romans had diplomatic contacts with knowledge of these matters is scarce, as is the peoples outside the Empire is well known and case here, archaeologists and historians must at- attested in the literary sources. At the begin- tempt to challenge the traditional theories and ning of the Principate, the primary strategy break out of self-reaffirming approaches. Hope- concerning the northern regions was one of fully, the current attempt can provoke new ideas military advancement, at first the conquest of and generate alternative interpretations. Germania between the rivers Rhine and Elbe. Two groups of material will be presented. In AD 9, the Cheruscan prince Arminius put a One group, labelled foederati, consists of a halt to such plans following his defeat of Varus number of graves from Denmark spread out and his three legions. From thereon, the strat- both geographically and chronologically. These egy shifted to one primarily of diplomacy. Why are graves of individuals representing diplomat- defeat the Germanic tribes at high cost, if they ic contacts, through which the Romans sought could be controlled by treaties? This strategy, of allies in the far reaches of Germania. Another course, had been used by the Romans in the Re- military contact was formed by individual Ger- publican period as well. For instance, Ariovis- manic warriors, who were employed as Auxil- tus, whom Caesar defeated at the beginning of iarii in the Roman army. That is the name of the Gallic war, had been acknowledged as rex the second group, which consists of finds from atque amicus, i.e., king and friend of the Roman the castella at Zugmantel and Saalburg in the Senate and people, during Caesar’s consulship Taunus Mountains. These finds are indications of 59 BC.1 The system of client kings consisted of a Scandinavian presence on the limes. Here of providing pro-Roman tribal leaders with the 1. Caesar Bell. Gall. 1.35.2. 84 THOMAS GRANE means to hold on to power, or to start with, to The purpose of the client king was manifold. create pro-Roman chieftains. One of the most An immediate advantage to the Romans would obvious examples from the early Principate be that no military resources were tied down by was the kingdom of the Marcomanni. The Mar- a conquest. A strong argument for participating comannic prince, Maroboduus, had been edu- in such an arrangement would be the threat of cated in Rome and had received Roman citizen- Roman military involvement, an argument the ship and equestrian rank. Upon returning from Roman commander Cerealis used when he ne- Roman service, he forged a kingdom with his gotiated peace with the Bructeri at the end of the tribe, the Marcomanni, ruling over neighbour- Batavian revolt in AD 70.5 The Romans would ing Suebian tribes as well, but alarming the Ro- obtain a friendly neighbour, who would protect mans at the same time. In AD 6, Tiberius was the Roman border and sometimes hinder other about to embark on the conquest of this Marco- tribes from attacking the Empire. They might mannic kingdom, the only part of Germania left also provide resources in the form of auxiliaries unconquered according to Velleius Paterculus. or grain. The king on the other hand would re- When a revolt broke out in Pannonia, a treaty ceive Roman support for instance in financial had to be made in haste with Maroboduus. This or agricultural form. Tribes would seek support arrangement must have been so much to Maro- or protection against others. boduus’ advantage that it kept him from joining These provisions given by the Romans, often Arminius against the Romans. Eventually Mar- referred to as subsidies or gifts, were not neces- oboduus was overthrown by Catualda and was sarily always given to client kings, whom one exiled by Tiberius in Ravenna, where he lived could describe as the strongest type of Roman for 18 years. Catualda soon suffered the same diplomatic contacts, but could also prove use- fate, and he too was settled on Roman soil at Fo- ful on an ad hoc basis.6 Another way of creating rum Iulii (Fréjus). This indicates that whatever barbarian auxiliaries was through peace trea- agreements existed between the Romans and ties. One such example comes from the Mar- Maroboduus in some form must have continued comannic wars. In AD 174, Marcus Aurelius under Catualda. The following power vacuum reached a peace agreement with the Iazygii/ was used by the Romans, who installed a new Sarmatians, with the outcome that the Sarma- king, Vannius of the Quadi. His rule lasted for tions supplied 8,000 horsemen, of which 5,500 30 years perhaps constituting what some have were sent to Britannia. When Commodus end- labelled the first real Roman client state in the ed the war in AD 180, the Quadi had to deliver north.2 This is supported by Tacitus, who says 13,000 men and the Marcomanni a little less as about the Marcomannic royalty: ‘sed vis et po- auxiliary troops.7 Little is known of how these tentia regibus ex auctoritate Romana: raro armis men were used. Practically no auxiliary units nostris, saepius pecunia iuvantur, nec minus were named after Germanic tribes living out- valent’ [i.e., but the power and strength of the side the Empire.8 Tacitus mentions such a unit. kings comes through Roman influence: rarely In the “Agricola”, he describes how a ‘cohors by our arms, more often they are supported by Usiporum per Germania conscripta et in Britan- money, which is no less effective].3 In the criti- niam transmissa’ [i.e., a Usipan cohort raised cal years after Nero’s death, this kingdom partly in Germania (one presumes, among the Usipi, supplied Vespasian with troops, while protect- who lived near the Rhine in the area between ing the Roman borders, as Vespasian had with- the rivers Sieg and Lahn) and sent to Britannia, drawn the legions stationed on the Danube.4 deserted and captured three Liburnian galleys]. 2. Tacitus Annales 2.63, 12.29; Vell. Pat.: 2.108-10; Aus- 5. Tacitus Historiae 5.24. tin & Rankov 1995, 24-25, 121-122; Goetz & Welwei 6. Tacitus Germania 42.2; Austin & Rankov 1995, 147-149; 1995, 126, n. 74; Southern 2001, 188-190; Wolters 1990, Braund 1989, 17-20; Mattern 1999, 118, 121, 179-181; 40-41. Southern 2001, 192-195; Wolters 1990, 35-7; 1991, 116- 3. Tacitus Germania 42.2. All translations are by the au- 121. thor. 7. Cassius Dio 71.16.2, 72.2.3. 4. Tacitus Historiae 3.5.1, 3.21.2. 8. James 2005, 274; Spaul 2000, 10-16. SOUTHERN SCANDINaviaN FOEDERATI AND AUXILIARII? 85 This they did after ‘occiso centurione ac mili- province as well as of neighbouring tribes and tibus, qui ad tradendam disciplinam immixti their attitudes towards the Empire. This source manipulis exemplum et rectores habebantur…’ however is the only one providing details of a [i.e., slaying the centurion and those legionary governor’s knowledge of his province.
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