© Kamla-Raj 2012 J Biodiversity, 3(1): 1-43 (2012)

Social Organization, Continuity and Change: The Case of the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung of North Sikkim

Veena Bhasin*

Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi, India

KEYWORDS Environment. Agriculture. Animal Husbandry. Barter. Transhumant Production System

ABSTRACT All societies are involved in the process of social change. The study of socio-cultural change is the systematic study of variation in social and cultural change. However, in societies there are structures and processes which are more prone to change while there are others that are resilient to change. The structures which do not change are social continuities. The efforts to improve or bring development cannot ignore culture. T he very process of socialisation is one in which cultural knowledge is constantly transmitted, acquired, and produced. Cultural beliefs and values shape what occurs within formal education systems. Economic and political changes are often expressed in cultural terms. Meanwhile, culture also works as a force to reshape the environment and therefore influences economic and political systems. Anthropological perspectives on cultural continuity and change can thus make critical contributions to more informed and enlightened policies and practices in the new millennium. The study centres on the two prominent groups of the Bhutias- the Lachenpas and Lachungpas who are settled in two river valleys of Lachen and Lachung of North Sikkim. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung practiced marginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goat rearing as a part of their subsistence. Maintenance of such herds was possible only through a skillful organisation of the migratory movements to avail pastures in certain niche or at certain times in the particular environment of the region. High up on the northern borders, marginal agriculture and animal husbandry was not sufficient to sustain the population, so the people of Lachen and Lachung indulged in marginal trading activities with Tibetans across the borders. The barter of timber, wood, dyestuffs and dairy products of that region for Tibetan salt and wool formed the basis of this trade. The people of Lachen and Lachung pursued it as an occupation intimately interwoven with their pastoral activities. Thus, as long as trade was unhampered by political restrictions, it enabled them to remain economically independent. However, with the closing of the Tibetan border in 1962, social life changed for these people. Since the closure of the trans- border trade they are facing several problems. The Bhutias have tried to solve these problems with their traditional social organisation. The key aspects of social organisation, transhumant production system, continuity and change among the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung have been discussed in this study. Units such as the household, the village or busti, encampments, and dzumsha defined by predominantly local interaction patterns between kinsmen and friends are the most important institutions which anchored theses Bhutias to a specific community and territory. This traditional organisation (dzumsha) has a formal set up to show an example of social cohesion between the people with range of activities. Dzumsha, which has been under operation for over 600 years, controls resources and looks after conservation of resources, pasture management for grazing, conflict resolution, social and community mobilisation, traditions and local governance.

INTRODUCTION All transhumant societies have strong social organisation to solve the consistent problems This study deals with the social organisa- of articulating herds with their sustaining re- tion, continuity and change among the transhu- sources of pastures and water. The specialised mant Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung of North socio-economic niche of transhumance requires Sikkim. Transhumants present not only differ- adaptation through complex practices and dis- ent living lifestyles and means of subsistence tributed practical knowledge specialties. The task but also various types of social organisation. and knowledge structures of transhumance re- quire a high degree of network integration, not Address for correspondence: only internally but externally as well (Barth 1972). *Dr. Veena Bhasin Along with the practical knowledge, the tran- Professor (Retired) shumant society must have management and Present Address: B-2 (Ground Floor), utilisation of herds by different members of so- South City II, Gurgaon, ciety, which requires social mechanisms-division Haryana, India of labour, economic transactions, rule of trans- 2 VEENA BHASIN ference and inheritance. In all agro pastoral so- a skillful organisation of the migratory move- cieties, a range of redistributive mechanism and ments to avail pastures in certain niche or at institutions exists through which resource flows certain times in the particular environment of between households are managed and main- the region. High up on the northern borders, tained. During periods of relative stability or pros- marginal agriculture and animal husbandry was perity households are likely to invest in these not sufficient to sustain the population, so the institutions (through gift giving etc.) as a means people of Lachen and Lachung indulged in mar- of confirming social status and determine their ginal trading activities with Tibetans across the right to make claim against them in times of cri- borders. The barter of timber, wood, dyestuffs ses or needs (Swift 1989). and dairy products of that region for Tibetan All societies are involved in the process of salt and wool formed the basis of this trade. The social change. The study of socio-cultural people of Lachen and Lachung pursued it as an change is the systematic study of variation in occupation intimately interwoven with their pas- social and cultural change. Things do not re- toral activities. Thus, as long as trade was un- main the same. Social continuity cannot be de- hampered by political restrictions, it enabled fined as absence of change. However, in societ- them to remain economically independent. How- ies there are structures and processes which are ever, with the closing of the Tibetan border in more prone to change while there are others that 1962, social life changed for these people. Since are resilient to change. The structures which do the closure of the trans-border trade they have not change are social continuities. It happens been facing several problems. It deprived Bhu- that social continuities like family, religion and tias of their livelihood and had an adverse effect law also undergo changes. The family has al- on their traditional crafts. As long as Tibetan ways been the basic foundation of society, its wool was imported in large quantities, weaving structure and composition may vary or go un- flourished and they produced a variety of wo- ven articles. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung der change. The efforts to improve or bring de- were sufferers in another way because of the velopment cannot ignore culture. The very pro- closure of the border. The Chinese seized many cess of socialisation is one in which cultural of their yak and sheep herds in 1962 during their knowledge is constantly transmitted, acquired, seasonal migration under the traditional trans- and produced. Cultural beliefs and values shape border pasturage usage arrangements. The Bhu- what occurs within formal education systems. tias of Lachen and Lachung, were among the Economic and political changes are often ex- isolated Buddhist colonies whose traditional pressed in cultural terms. Meanwhile, culture also links with Tibet, were severed by recent political works as a force to reshape the environment events. This region saw number of changes with and therefore influences economic and political major consequences for the Lachenpas and La- systems. Anthropological perspectives on cul- chungpas, the transhumants of the area. In tural continuity and change can thus make crit- North Sikkim, the Dzongu area was declared a ical contributions to more informed and enlight- Lepcha reserve and has remained isolated for ened policies and practices in the new millenni- many years. This political isolation (intended to um. The paper will discuss the key aspects of maintain ethnic balance) was accentuated by the social organisation, transhumant production geographical position of the area. No such re- system, continuity and change among the Bhu- serve was declared for the Bhutias of Lachen- tias of Lachen and Lachung. Lachung inhabiting two river valleys that domi- The study centres on the two prominent nate North Sikkim. However, these areas are es- groups of the Bhutias- the Lachenpas and La- pecially ‘reserved’ ones where the right to settle chungpas, who are settled in two river valleys or own land is not allowed to outsiders, irre- of Lachen and Lachung of North Sikkim. Each spective of their ethnic origin. The inhabitants valley has mountain passes to Tibet and pro- of theses valleys do not conform to the general vided the main link to the trade route till 1962. pattern prevalent in Sikkim, even among Bhutia The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung practiced communities in other parts of Sikkim. The Lachen marginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goat and Lachung have a special status with regard rearing as a part of their subsistence. Mainte- to settlement, land revenue and local adminis- nance of such herds was possible only through tration. BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 3

SIKKIM STATE to the Tibetans, so the project never materia- lised. However, after the occupation of Tibet by Sikkim, a small mountainous state has wit- China in 1962, this sensitive frontier area be- nessed great changes in its political structure, came highly important. Invasion of northern re- social structure, economic life and cultural val- gions by Chinese forces induced the Govern- ues during the past hundred years. The process ment of India to improve transport and commu- of change was quickened from four different nication in this area. Army station units were directions, resulting in multiform ethnic mix. Sik- established in Lachung valley. A fair weather kim is bordering Nepal, China and Bhutan in the road joining the State capital Gangtok with Indian Himalayas with stridently defined and Lachen-Lachung was built. The development of exceptionally steep watersheds. Sikkim, situat- defense establishment brought about significant ed in the inner Himalayan mountain range, how- changes in the economic and social environ- ever has varying altitudes ranging from 300 to ment of the area. The stationing of many civil 8,400 meters (Fig. 1). Sikkim is a former Himalay- servants as well as military units has also in- an mountain kingdom, that was, until recently, creased the demands on the natural resources geographically and culturally isolated. It was an- nd of the area. nexed by India in 1975, becoming India’s 22 Environmental conditions impose effective lim- state. Before its assimilation into the Indian its on mode of livelihood, which in turn determine Union, it was ruled by a hereditary Maharajah, the dominant values of the people and strongly who was assisted by large landowners, kajis, in influence the social organisation. The Bhutias have the administration of the State. Sikkim has been a subsistence economy with a rudimentary differ- strongly influenced by Tibet in its religious and entiation of productive labour and with no ma- cultural life. Maharajah was Buddhist and Bud- chinery for the accumulation of wealth in the form dhism flourished during that time. By virtue of of commercial capital. If wealth is accrued, it is in being a protectorate of India until 26 April, 1975, the form of consumable goods and amenities or is it has been politically and economically inclined used for the support of additional dependents. towards India. Sikkim with its total geographical area of Geographically separate, both Lachen and La- 7096km2*, lying within 270 04’ to 280 o7’48" N lati- chung have separate social identities. The perma- tude and 88000’ 58" to 880 55’ 25" E longitudes, is nent residents identify themselves and are identi- administratively divided into districts: North, fied by outsiders. The distinctiveness of the busti East, West and South. North district is the larg- is fostered by the ethnocentric prejudice and pre- est in area and least populated. It is a completely served by the high rates of local marriages. land-locked upland area that opens towards the West Bengal at the end of the Teesta river basin, STUDY AREA AND SETTLEMENT with variations in latitude ranging from 300 to 8586 metres amsl. Sikkim is the drainage basin of Lachen and Lachung are located in the south- the river Teesta, which is fed by numerous trib- ern slopes of western half of the eastern Himala- utaries. The brown and red hill soils are fine loam, yas across 27" and 28" N latitude and 88" and acidic and low to medium in fertility. 89" E longitude, within the temperate zone not The field work was carried out from Septem- far from the tropics, yet the climate is influenced ber 1981 to December1983 in Dzongu and Lachen by the high Himalayas to the north and the and Lachung in North Sikkim. No anthropolog- Gangetic plain to the south (Fig. 2). Sikkim itself ical studies had been carried out in Sikkim after lies within the watershed of the river Teesta. its integration with India. An effort was made to Plants grow perennially as there is ample water. record the complex pattern of the Bhutia culture There are two seasons, a short dry season last- in North Sikkim. Until that time, no ethnographic ing from January through April, and a long wet accounts were available and few narratives that season from May through December. were available were generally travelers’ ac- The temperature varies with altitude and counts. Negotiations between the British gov- slope aspect (generally 6 to 10p c per km). The ernment and Tibet were started (1889-1907) for temperature decreases with an increase in the the construction of a road through this area to altitude. Lachen valley in the west is wider where- facilitate trade. But the terms were unacceptable as Lachung valley in the east is rather short. 4 VEENA BHASIN

CHINA TIBET

BHUTAN

Fig. 1. Sikkim - Administrative divisions BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 5

LACHEN & LACHUNG

CHINA TIBET

DISTRICT INDIA

CHINA TIBET

Fig. 2. Sikkim - Lachan and Lachung 6 VEENA BHASIN

Due to inhospitable climatic conditions and ter- climate of the area is suitable for horticultural rain, the area is sparsely populated. development. Cultivation is restricted to limited In the Lachen (Big pass) and Lachung (Little regions which are either below the village or much pass) valleys, the climate is cold and compara- above the residential area. People grow small tively dry. The annual precipitation regime is quantities of barley, wheat, maize and buckwheat characterised by heavy rains during the sum- (Fagopyrum tatraricum). They raise yaks and mer. Annual temperature and relative humidity sheep to supplement their subsistence econo- in Lachen is 13.1 (maximum) and 2.3 (minimum) my. The vast open spaces between 4,483 and and 76 at 8.30 in the morning respectively. 5,824 metres altitude are used for raising yak Two streams Lachen-chu and Lachung-chu (Phoephagusgrunniens)-robust animal that re- are the sources of water in Lachen and Lachung, quire little care and are perfectly adapted to high respectively. These two streams join Teesta at altitudes. The yak provides its owner with milk, Chungthang which arises from Zemu Glacier. meat and wool (for saddle padding, blanket mak- The Lachenchu has many tributaries of its own, ing) and transportation. and the Zemu in the west is a combination of There are different types of land belts in ara- many small streams. The area comprising these ble areas attached to Lachen and Lachung:- two river valleys is comparatively dry, and is in Leezshieng (apple belt); Kenchongshieng many ways different from the rest of the State. (maize field); Tshowshieng (wheat field); Gnaw- The slopes here are gradual and valleys are shieng (barley); Keeshieng (potato field); Lap- broader compared to other valleys.The terrain shieng (raddish field); Pyoshieng (buckwheat being hilly, with frequent occurrences of land field); and Yugshieng (turnip field). Apart from slides, major irrigation projects cannot be un- these there is a common land mangsa. dertaken easily. There has been minimal exploi- The vegetation of the area consists of fod- tation of surface water. Apart from this, there is der plants, oaks, firewood and dye yielding drainage problem in Lachen as the village is so plants. The oaks are used for house building, situated that considerable amount of slush ac- though people have no right to cut them. Around cumulates, in rainy season and when it snows. Lachen village, there is abundance of panisej These conditions cause hygiene problems and (T. mynocarpa) a plant used for firewood. The pollute the otherwise healthy environment. Lachenpas do not have to walk for long distanc- The region is covered under the trans-axial es in search of firewood as the people of La- belt and had not been properly investigated. chung have to do. Dye yielding plants in the Geologically, it has mobile belts and weal struc- vicinity provide other sources of income to the tural features which are known to be the cause local people. They collect the plants and sell of thermal springs, present in this region. Impor- them to cottage industry authorities at the rate tant hot springs are at Lachen (Tarun hot spring), of Rs. 3 to 4 per kilogram. The Lachen forests Lachung and Yumthang. mainly consist of trees, shrubs, herbs and orna- The valleys of Lachen and Lachung were the mental plants. The mountain side are clothes private estate of the Queen at the time of Camp- with eight to ten species of brilliantly coloured bell’s visit, but later it was reported by Das (1896) rhododendrons. The area abounds in Sea buck- year that these were assigned to the Dewan. In thorn (Hippophae salicifolia), a species that has the administrative reports of 1911-12, it has been great potential for improving ecological and eco- mentioned that these valleys were put under the nomic development in this area. The plant is charge of Jerung Dewan of Chakung by the Brit- found naturally in altitude ranging from 2,337 ish political officer. As the people of the Lachen and 3,093 metres on riverside area where geo- and Lachung were not happy with his adminis- physio-chemical parameters like aerial tempera- tration the valleys were returned under the rule ture , aerial moisture, soil ph, soil, soil moisture of Maharaja Kumar of Sikkim (Sikkim 1912: 2). varies significantly (Basistha et al. 2009). The Lachung forest consists of both tem- LAND USE AND VEGETATION AT perate and tropical plants. Some very wild grass- LACHEN AND LACHUNG es grow there. The Lachung forest abounds in dye-yielding plants; important ones are Jugla- On account of high altitude and extreme na regia (Walnut), Rubio cardifolia, Rumux cris- weather conditions, land use is restricted. The pus, “chucha” which yield dyes of different BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 7 colours. People collect leaves and sell it to offi- In 1892, the Scandinavian Alliance Mission cials. Many medicinal plants like Acantum fer- which was founded in America in 1890 estab- ox, Acorus calamus, Butea monosprms are also lished three mission stations, one at Lachung, found in the region. People collect them while the other at Mangan and third at Lachen. In pasturing their animals and sell them at Mangan 1894, two Swedish women were sent to Lachung market. Besides these, this area harbours many by the authorities of the Mission. They brought endemic and threatened species like Acer hook- apple saplings and Christianity. Apple plants eri, Anaphilis hookeri and Cypripedium hi- flourished here but due to Buddhist societal and malaicum. familial pressure the Christianity could not flour- The ecological milieu of these people is de- ish in Lachen and Lachung and the Missions termined by high altitude, comparatively less had to move to other areas. rainfall (than in other areas of Sikkim) and vio- lent local winter winds. The steppe vegetation BHUTIAS OF LACHEN AND LACHUNG is characterised by small shrubs. The Teesta cuts across North Sikkim with its tributaries, namely The two high valleys of North Sikkim- the Lachungchu, Lachenchu and Lhanak etc. Lachen and Lachung that form part of this study and divided the region into separate valleys. On are inhabited by the Bhutias who are referred to the Lachung side, the valley opens up to the as Lachenpas and Lachungpas respectively. The pasture of Momo-Samdong and Yume-Samdong. families sharing the same family name are not Lachungpas fellow a reverse cycle, they move necessarily relatives. The Bhutias of Lachen upstream for grazing only and come to Khedum and Lachung are called Ha-Pa. Like the people (below Lachung) for cultivation to their summer of Chumbi Valley in Tibet they claim descent quarters. from immigrants from Ha in Bhutan and follow a The Lachen area has not been surveyed. In mixed agro pastoral and trade economy. They claim themselves to be of the Lopon Lhumdrub Lachung though cadastral survey has been caste. They are more like Tibetans then the Hlo- done, the results have not been finalized. The pa (south people of Bhutan) or other Bhutias of figures provided are only estimates. Forest ar- Sikkim. The exact date of their arrival in Sikkim is eas for Lachen and Lachung are not surveyed, not known; though it must have been during so no details are available. The Lachung valley one of the many invasions by the Bhutanese. In is rich in ground flora such as primulas, potentil- 1676, the Bhutanese invaded the Chumbi valley, las, larch, junipers and maple as well. Forty-three Sikkim and the area south of Sikkim. The Lepcha square kilometre area at the altitude between chief was killed, and in retaliation and the Tibet- 3,048-4,575 metres has been declared as Singba an Government arranged the invasion of Bhu- Rhododendron Sanctuary in Lachung valley. tan, perhaps the most powerful undertaken dur- The sanctuary is bounded on its southern pe- ing the reign of the 5th Dalai Lama. At one time riphery by the Yumthang valley known for its the Ha-pa were amongst the richest people in alpine meadows and hot spring. The Yumthang Bhutan, but, as Eden relates, they took to evil River flows through the sanctuary, which is ways and fell on bad times. They were living in known for its unique abundance of Rhododen- robber caves- Pyak che and Au-pyale-and used dron trees and shrubs, 40 species of which are it as a base from which to issue orders to rob recorded for Sikkim alone. and terrorise peaceful merchants (c.f. White 1887- Floriculture has a tremendous potential but 1908: 113). the State has yet to seek breakthrough. Flowers The language of the Bhutias of Lachen and are perishable and need special arrangements Lachung is den-jong-ke. It is a Tibetan dialect for transport and marketing as the consumer and is spoken in Ha valley of Bhutan. It belongs centres are located in far off places. The State to Tibeto-Burman family. However, nowadays, does not have quality planting materials for large the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung also speak scale production. Multiplication through con- Hindi, English and Nepali. ventional methods is slow due to limited resourc- The traditional dress of the Bhutias is “ba- es, and tissue culture laboratories in both public khu” which is a loose cloak type garment with and private sectors are still unable to meet the full sleeves. It is fastened at the neck on one requirements. side and near the waist with a cotton belt. Male 8 VEENA BHASIN

Bhutias put bakhu with a loose trouser. The la- instead of a separate animal shed. Kitchen is the dies use bakhu with a silken full sleeve blouse epicentre of the Bhutia’s household. It acts as called “honju” a loose gown type garment fas- their hall, dining room, a place where families tened near the waist tightly with a belt. In the socialise and entertain guests. They have a real- front portion they tie a loose sheet of multi co- ly large kitchen completely encircled with pots, loured woolen cloth made of special design. This pans, kettles, cutlery of all shapes and sizes. is called “pangdin” and is a symbol of a married There are many vessels of all shapes and sizes. woman. The ladies are very fond of heavy jewel- Lachen and Lachung have their own tradi- ry made of pure gold. Many Bhutias still wear tional local government system. The provision traditional dress but youngsters put on jeans, of the 1965 Panchayat Act does not extend to pullovers and jackets. this area. For centuries they had grazed their The villages of Lachen and Lachung are the herds in Khama Dzong section of the Pahari dis- headquarters of their respective valleys. As the trict in Tibet during the summer and fall months. two valleys are separated by high mountain fea- Marginal agriculture and animal husbandry was tures, they lead a more or less independent ex- not sufficient to sustain a large population, so istence. The presence of lush meadows in the the people of Lachen and Lachung indulged in vicinity of Lachen, facilitates pastoral activities. marginal trading activities with Tibetans across They rely on common property resource (pas- the borders. Thus, as long as trade was unham- tures, forests and natural waters). The produc- pered by political restrictions, it enabled them to tivity of this region is both marginable and vari- remain economically independent. However, with able, and therefore has a benefit-cost ratio that the closing of the Tibetan border in 1962, social discourages investment in exclusionary, private life changed for these people. It deprived the mechanisms. Livestock mobility is one of the Lachenpas and Lachungpas of their livelihood major ways in which the Bhutias have managed and had an adverse effect on their traditional uncertainty and risk in such environments. The crafts. Such partial transformations of economy mobility of the animals provides transhumant have led to many changes in the Bhutia society. with effective ways to meet many needs. Mobil- The situation of the Bhutias is unlike that of ity can take care of socio-economic objectives, other ethnic minorities and it does not conform such as access to a diverse range of markets, to the usual pattern of integration into larger symbiotic interaction with the farming commu- economic and political systems. Political events nities (for example exchange of manure for left beyond their control have led to the transforma- over fodder in the fields) and culturing gather- tion of their traditional economic system, forc- ings where livestock are part of the socio-polit- ing them to reorient it. Variation in economic strat- ical transactions, but in Lachen and Lachung egies of Lachenpas and Lachungpas emerge the mobility is necessitated for growing crops at from several factors, showing interrelations of different altitudes besides taking their herds for ecology, technology and social organisation. grazing in different season. Though the Bhutias Limiting factors operating in the subsistence of Lachen and Lachung are found at a height of economy of the region are elements of the phys- nearly 3,000 meters, but as these people lead a ical environment. transhumant type of existence they travel from one ecological zone to another. They inhabit dif- Lachen ferent climate zones varying from temperate (2,000-2,700 metres) to sub-Alpine (2,700-4,000 Lichen village is located at 2,700 m above metres) to Alpine (4,000-5,000 metres) and very main sea level on the right bank of the Lachen high hills with Alpine climate above 5,000 me- Chu, the main feeder of the river Teesta. Village tres. Lachen with an area of 3,635.75 ha. is inhabited The Bhutias live in houses of stone and by 2,923 persons (Census of India 2001). The wood. The rooms in the Bhutia households are density of population is less than 1person per usually spacious since they prefer to have their ha. Though Lachen is a scheduled tribe village, hearth, altar, and lounge, dining and sleeping the scheduled tribes account for a less than half areas in one big room. They prefer to live in two- (49.2percent) of the total population (Census of storied houses built on stone foundations and India 2001). It is largely due to the presence of keep their domestic animals on the ground floor Refugee Tibetans and the government servants. BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 9

The number of scheduled castes in the village is to eighty feet long. All are built of upright strong negligible. Lachen revenue block is connected pine-planks, the interstices between which are to Mangan headquarters by a 58 kilometre long filled with yak-dung. The only window is a slit metallic road along the Lachenchu. Lachenchu closed by a shutter. On account of damp cli- is a gusty torrent and turbid from the vast amount mate, they are raised above the ground, and are of silt which it carries along has to be crossed tied with shingles; the roofs are either of wood by three bridges to reach Lachen from Chungth- or bark, held together by large stones. ang. Motorable road beyond Lachen extends For conducting religious ceremonies, there up to Thanggu via Zema. Jeeps and trucks are are two gompas. One is the main gompa and the the chief modes of transportation in the area. other is manilhakhang or Nyama Laghang. Nya- Mules and yaks are also used to maintain com- ma Laghang has big water driven prayer wheel. munication with areas where motor vehicles can- The prayer wheel has a hollow cylinder about not reach. Due to bad weather, the road remains three metres in height and one and a half metres blocked sometimes, for days together. At such in diameter filled with about four tons of written times Lachen can be reached through a hill track. prayers. It is fixed to a perpendicular shaft of Lachen is a rectangular shaped place, sur- wood, to the lower end of which horizontal flap- rounded by giant ridges- which protect it from pers are attached, against which water is direct- high winds and give a feeling of security. The ed from a shoot; the end is shod with iron, and Bhutia houses called khin are usually rectangu- revolves in an iron socket driven by the force f lar in shape. The houses are clustered but are the stream. With each revolution the prayers are not adjoining. Sometimes, it rains for 7-15 days believed to be performed for the benefit of the continuously, causing landslides. In times of builder of that particular wheel. Women and old calamity, people need each other and this justi- men come here to pray. The main gompa was re- fies their clustering of houses. There is a small roofed in 1923-24 with corrugated sheets and courtyard in front of each house. There are no additions and alterations were made. lanes but only shranga (foot path). Surround- Since 1922-23, two state village schools were ing the house is a small kitchen-garden and a functioning, one at Lachen and the other at La- few apple trees. During 1982-83, Lachen reve- chung. The students were taught only Tibetan nue block with 234 houses was inhabited by 919 reading and writing at Lachen School while pu- Lachenpas, out of which 474 were males and 445 pils at Lachung were taught English, Hindi and females (Fig. 3). It was the headquarters of the Tibetan. Lachenpas who moved up and down the stream Though, Lachen is far off from the district for their agricultural and pastoral activities. The headquarters, and has difficult terrain and harsh total length of their migratory route was about weather conditions, the winds of change had 25 kilometres. Families of the Lachenpas accom- reached the area even in 1980s. There were two panied in these migrations. They locked and primary schools and one adult education centre sealed their doors. One member of the family and one primary health sub-centre. People were would return after one month to check the prop- also availing the postal facilities. At that time erty. there was no electricity in the Lachen revenue Water comes from two springs-one on the block. Few poles had been erected, but the con- northern boundary of the village and other on nections were yet to be given. At present, the the south-eastern boundary. Two kholas run area is electrified and village has regular electric through the village. Water is brought to individ- supply. Lachen Micro Hydel project with an in- ual households by polythene pipes. It is not stalled capacity of 0.10 (MW) was started in 1989- used for drinking but only for household work. 1980. Another Lachen Hydroelectric dam is be- Houses in Lamteng (Lachen) village which ing constructed on the confluence of Zemu Chu stands on a grassy and bushy flat are surround- and Teesta. The new power house near village ed by a little cultivation of buckwheat, radishes, Bonsoi shall have installed capacity of 210 MW turnips and mustard. There is drainage problem to generate 865.94 MU of energy. The Govern- in Lachen as the village is so situated that a ment has started one Cottage Industries Train- considerable amount of slush accumulates dur- ing Centre to encourage the arts and crafts of ing the rainy season, and also when it snows. Lachenpas. Telecommunication facilities are The houses are ten to twenty feet high and forty available at the army post at Chhaten, located at 10 VEENA BHASIN

SIKKIM: NORTH DISTRICTS

LEGEND Block Boundary Pucca House (Residential) (Non-Residential) Pucca Road Kuccha Road River of Chi/Spring Gompa

Fig. 3. Sikkim – North District - Lachen Revenue Block BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 11 a distance of about 5km from the village. Lachen lies, owing to fixed jobs at Lachen do not culti- has post office, police check post and an old vate their fields. As a result, vast stretches of PWD inspection bungalow. Besides, there is a land lie uncultivated. The transhumant villagers hall for dzumsha (local self governing body) move back to Lachen after the harvest of crops, meetings and a government handicraft centre. mainly potato, radish and cabbage, and some of Lachen has advantage of certain amenities due them make a second move to warmer places to its location near the army headquarters of down south, viz. to Chungthang, Mangan or Mountain Brigade 112. even Gangtok to avoid the uncomfortable win- Lachen has moderately shallow, excessively ter months at Lachen and to sell the crops and drained, coarse loamy soils on moderate steep dairy products. The people of Lachen are hard slope with gravelly loamy surface and slight ston- working and many of them pursue multiple oc- iness. Cultivable land at Lachen is almost negli- cupations as farmer-cum-trader-cum-transport gible. Neither is there much land for cattle graz- operator. The main and marginal workers of ing. However, stall-fed cattle are reared in al- Lachen account for 60.35percent and 7.53per- most every household. There is no apple belt as cent respectively, while the non-workers account such, though a few apple trees can be seen. At for 32.12 percent of the total population. Unlike Latong, all the land has been distributed equally Lachung, Lachen does not attract many tour- for a long time. There is no temporary land for ists, but some of the adventure tourists and pil- future generations in Lachen. In this case, pub- grims make a stopover at Lachen on their way to lic land beside roads is allotted to landless needy the plateau, glaciers and sacred lakes located people at nominal rates. The money from the further north. The village wears somewhat di- sale of land goes to a mongngu (Public fund) lapidated look, as most of the villagers do not maintained by the phipun. This fund is used at live in the village continuously. Of late, a few the time of some V.I.P. visit or any other general prosperous villagers have introduced modern purpose. There is an area of two hectares of living in private houses, lodges and hotels at public common land-mangsha beyond the Dak Lachen and Thanggu. In spite of economic pros- Bunglow, but it is useless and used only as waste perity of the villagers, the quality of life at Lachen land. The Lachenpas have less fertile land at the is apparently not stress-free due to harsh cli- places of migration also. It has been cultivated mate. The place requires energy resources and for the last 30-40 years without the addition of judicious planning to make it a more habitable manure or other fertilizers. Nowadays yield is place round the year. much less than what it used to be. The Lachen- They grow potatoes, turnips, radishes, cau- pas are less enthusiastic about cultivation here. liflowers and buckwheat. The cultivation of bar- As such, the land is divided by the phipun and ley, maize and buckwheat is restricted in Lachen council members according to people’s needs. up to 2.745 metres but root crops like reddish Childless couples receive much less than cou- and potato are grown well up to 3,660 metres as ples with children. There is no demand for more a summer crop. Till 1903, agriculture was practi- land at the places of migration because it does cally unknown, and the people devoted them- not yield good crops without the application of selves to their yaks and cattle. In 1903, there manure. People prefer local manure (mal) and do were 400 yaks, 40 cows, 100 ponies and 30 goats. not use government provided fertilizers. The land However, they grew potatoes, turnips and a lit- here is used for grazing. Cultivation is around tle buck wheat (Freshfield 1903: 94). While a few the houses in Lachen, and in the maize belt in Latong. houses have been erected here, rest of the Lachenpas stay in their tents. The mean temper- The Lachenpas are transhumant. The villag- 0 ers leave Lachen during the rainy season and ature of Thanggu in July is little above 9 C. The move to Thanggu (3,900m above mean sea lev- Lachenpas gradually descend to their own val- el) where they have their agricultural and pas- ley as the winter season advances to Denga, ture lands. For at least four months in a year grazing their flocks on the way at Tallum, Sam- (June-September) the Lachenpas live in farm- dong, Lachen or Lamteng and Latong. houses or yak-tents in the plateau. Most of the There is no social hierarchy among Lachen- Lachenpas own extensive farmlands in and pas. They do not have artisan class. There were around Thanggu. These days some of the fami- 15 sichepa (Tibetan refugee) who substituted 12 VEENA BHASIN for artisans. Previously, the some sichepas were Postal facilities are also available but are not making utensils and agricultural implements for used much. Lachenpas with raw material exported from Ti- The Rural Management and Development bet. These sichepa were paid in kind and given Department (RMDD), Government of Sikkim is food. Nowadays, utensils and agricultural im- shortly initiating the installation of Solar Water plements are available in Mangan market. Now Heaters at Lachen in North Sikkim. Sikkim Re- they are attached to some wealth Lachenpas. newable Energy Development Agency (SREDA) They reside near their houses and work for their will be implementing this programme in the con- benefactors. These sichepas also worked for formity of dzumsha. General Road Engineer Force as labourers. One In this pilot project, 100 water solar heaters sichepa was working as tsemzopa (cobbler). At will be installed at Lachen. The objective of the that time, he was 80 years old and was too old to proposed project is to reduce wood use and im- work. For the last 7 to 8 years, a Nepali carpenter prove the quality of live of the Lachenpas. had been living in Lachen. He had come for the Lachenpas have high fuel wood consumption construction of gompa, and decided to stay in at household level and the farm level produc- Lachen till the completion of the work. He was tion of fuel wood is negligible as compared to making and repairing shoes for the Lachenpas. the other nearby villages. Later on the Lachenpas started buying shoes from Mangan market. The cobbler started mak- Lachung ing bakhus of yak hair and thus serves as tailor also. Otherwise Lachenpas weave and sew their The Lachung revenue block is situated on own clothes. east bank of Lachngchu at 2,745 metres. It is Previously, Lachenpas refrained from butch- connected to Mangan town by a 51 kilometre ering animals as it was looked down upon1. One metalled road. Lachungchu is neither deep nor sichepa worked as shempa (butcher). He was rapid and is only 13 metres broad. The average paid Rs.5 for slaughtering a sheep and Rs.30 for altitude of the village is 2,600 m above mean sea a yak. The shempa stayed with his family at level. 2,805.82 ha. of village area is inhabited by Menshithang. None of his family members have 2,800 persons. The density of population is only become shempa. The Lachenpas could visit his 1 person per ha. About 50 percent of the resi- house, but could not take food etc. at his place. dents of Lachung is scheduled tribes. The num- The shempa is not allowed in the houses of ber of scheduled castes in the village is negligi- Lachenpa; he can come only up to the door. The ble. Approach to the village is by metalled road shempa never cuts pork, which only young boys although bus service is suspended for months do. He was not welcome at social events. If he (as of May, 2002). However, there is regular taxi was invited, he would sit separately. (jeep) service to and fro Lachung-Chungthang, Every three years, the Lachenpas have to Lachung-Mangan, Lachung-Gangtok and if present a healthy yak for sacrifice to the Mandal weather permits, Lachung-Yumthang. The vil- of Chungthang as a customary gift for grazing lage has one primary health sub-centre, two yaks in and around Menshithang area. This cus- schools of which one is secondary and the oth- tom is known as Chareen or payment of grass. er primary, a post office, a forest range office The yak is sacrificed and divided equally among and a forest bungalow. The village monastery is the villagers of Chungthang (Tsungthang). located on a spur across the Lachung Chhu. The Lachenpas have not been able to take full advantage of education programmes because The village extends on either side of Lachung of their migratory habits. From June to Novem- Chhu and the part of the village on the other ber the Lachen area is totally deserted. Govern- side of the river is known as Shertchu. Both the ment started migratory school, that is teachers sides of the village are connected by bridge. were also migrating with the Lachenpa families. The village gets electricity for a limited period of Open air classes were held without any black- time but has no access to telephone. There is no board etc. supply line of drinking water but potable water Likewise these people have not been able to is available from natural springs. Village has a avail of the facility of the Primary Health Centre video parlour. situated in Lachen. They have their own system Lachung is muddy, filthy and intersected by of looking after the sick and treating illness. small streams whose beds make shift the roads BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 13 and at the same time the common sewers of the Out of the total area of 2814.82 hectares, only people. The Lachung revenue block is divided 593.86 hectares are cultivable without irrigation. into three busties Shertchu, Singring and Beech- The Bhutias have adopted culturally to disverse chu. About thirty years ago it was struck by a natural landscapes and have established settle- terrible flood and afterwards the area was divid- ment patterns and production activities tailored ed into three parts-Shertchu-the highest area; to the limitations imposed by the region. Three Singrig-the middle area which is a flat piece of major biogeographical provinces of human land land two kilometers below Shertchu; and Beech- can be identified in Lachung: chu which is the lowest. (i) Fields and pastures at higher altitudes The settlement pattern is controlled by the (5173 metres to 5824 metres). physiography of the area. Out of three busties, (ii) The houses and small gardens in front of Singrig and Beechchu are situated on road-river houses at Lachen and Lachung. side and Shertchu is across the river on a small (iii) The valley floor, peripheral valley bottom hillock. Houses are clustered in busties, but are at lower altitudes. not adjoin. There are no lanes. Houses are con- Cultivation is restricted to limited regions nected by shranga (footpath) (Fig. 4). Recently which are either below the village or much above a road has been built in Beechchu, for the mili- the residential area. tary trucks. Production land is limited to clear- Conditions in the Lachen and Lachung are ings in the narrow, rugged mountain valleys at suitable for the best quality apples. There is large different places at lower altitudes. At the time of crop every year particularly in Lachung at an field work Lachung revenue block with an area elevation of 8,610 feet. Apples are one of the of 2814.22 hectares was inhabited by 328 house- main sources of cash income. Large quantities holds having 1,508 people of whom 787 were are taken to the markets in India. Previously, the males and 721 females. This population includ- apples were taken to the markets of Tibet in Shi- gatse and Yatung along with butter. ed institutional and household population. Out The main cultivation area of seed potato is of these only 647 males and 673 females were at higher elevation above 1800 metres. It is plant- Lachungpas, 6 males and 3 females were Nepa- ed in February- March using previous crop lis scheduled castes, and the rest were govern- seeds and harvested in August-September. They ment officials. prepare the compost by using collected forest litter, animal bedding and animal excreta. The Land Use in Lachung compost is applied at the time of seed planting on furrows or pits. Pea is intercropped with it Exact statistics of land use for these regions and harvested in May-June. Cabbage is culti- were not available. People have houses and vated at higher altitude as off-season vegeta- house gardens in the revenue village. In Lachung ble. there were small fields and some apple orchards. The Lachungpas live in two-storied wood- The apple orchards were spread over 115.28 en houses with four to five rooms. The main hectares. Some statistics for Lachung were avail- room of the house serves as kitchen-cum-family able. These are presented in Table 1. room. For daily cooking the family normally uses gas but firewood is also used occasionally. Dur- Table 1: Land use in Lachung ing winter months, firewood is used both for Type of land Area in cooking and heating purpose. Although they hectares have electricity connection, they cannot use it for heating, as the voltage is too low. The La- Total dry fields 593.86 chungpas use traditional pit toilet as flush toi- Banjo (Fallow) 69.50 Total area of Bustiwala 663.36 lets are considered luxury. Total Government uncultivable 2150.86 Settlements of the Bhutias are threatened by land is Lachung landslides, avalanches, and rock fall due to the Bustiwala + Government Land = Total area in nature of local slopes, climate, and geology2. Lachung The danger of the natural calamities has been 663.36 + 2150.86 = 2814.82 accentuated by deforestation and grazing. Seis- hectares mic activity, mountain torrents, glacial lake out- 14 VEENA BHASIN

Fig. 4. Sikkim – North District- Lachung Revenue Block BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 15 bursts, and other geomorphologic hazards HABITAT AND ECONOMY unique to highland regions may influence set- tlement and land-use patterns. And extreme alti- The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung prac- tude may also affect human physiology, influ- tice marginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goat encing fertility and diet requirements in ways rearing as a part of their subsistence. Forest, that also have repercussions on lifestyles and land, livestock, manpower and the considerable basic subsistence requirements (Moran 1979: knowledge of the skills necessary to exploit them 142, 147-161). effectively are the principle economic resourc- Like the Lachenpas, all the Lachungpas be- es. Supplementary but nonetheless of consider- long to one caste. There are no groups or divi- able importance, is the income from trading and sions in their society. There were no artisan non-traditional resources. Traditionally, animal castes among Lachungpas. Some Tibetan refu- husbandry was a way of life, and the Bhutias’ whole gees (gava) used to make utensils and agricul- existence revolved around the migration of their tural implements for these people. Now, these flocks in search of pastures. Their production sys- entire things can be procured from Mangan mar- tem involved raising yaks, sheep, goats and hors- ket. The gava were there but had changed their es; harvesting their products; paying a portion to profession. They were working as labourers but gompa as taxes; consuming a portion; and barter- still worked for their landlords free of charge. ing yet another portion to obtain grain and other One of them worked as the shempa (butcher). necessities like tea and other consumables. Ani- He was paid in kind. The Lachungpas believed mal husbandry is still a way of life but equal impor- that if animals were slaughtered by the shempa, tance is given to subsistence agriculture and other they are not tortured after death. In case of pig non-traditional ways of earning money. The killing, he was paid according to the length of younger generations are shifting towards alterna- the tail, the bladder and some other internal or- tive sources of livelihood like government jobs, gans. He was given chhang (millet beer) and transportation, hotel business and other activities rice. related with tourism. The Bhutias follow a number There was one big gompa in Shertchu and of conscious strategies which aim at coping with two small ones between Singrig and Beechchu. the hazards of agro pastoral life and survival in the The monks attached to gompa live on alms and cold climate. Animal husbandry and agriculture in donations by the Bhutias of Lachung. The do- Lachen and Lachung is found effectively exploit- nations were earned by monks during sickness ing the single short growing season during which, and death ceremonies of the Bhutias. high-velocity winds are common. In Lachen and There were two primary schools, one Adult Lachung valleys green foliage appears in late April Education Centre, one Child Welfare Centre and or early May on snowmelt or spring-fed wet mead- one Primary Health Centre in Lachung Chu. A ows, riverbanks or lake banks that forms grazing Cottage Industries Training Centre was work- areas. ing in Lachung since 1976. Lachung and other Ecological factors and extreme weather con- small streams pass through the busites (ham- ditions of Lachen and Lachung restrict land use. lets). Water is transported to individual house- Steep hills, valleys, grasslands and tableland holds through water pipes from small storage plateau however, well suitable for mobile pastoral- tanks. Postal facilities are also available to these ism and is being managed by the Bhutias as such. people. Like all societies, the Bhutias also have a set of In recent years, Lachung has gained promi- institutions that combine natural resources, tech- nence as one of the major tourist destinations of nology and labour to produce foods and goods. Sikkim. As a result, there is a profusion of lodg- Division of labour, co-operation and labour play es and hotels in and around Lachung. This has their part in the production of food and goods. facilitated infrastructural development in the vil- The climate, the flora and fauna, water supply lage and has brought affluence to the villagers and vegetation are the controlling factors of who joined tourism industry as lodge-owners, agro-pastoral economy, which are used accord- taxi-owners and tour operators. The newfound ing to the cultural sanctions. Resource manage- prosperity of the villagers has improved the qual- ment in a risky environment illustrates the skills ity of life and raised their aspiration level. of the Bhutias for survival. 16 VEENA BHASIN

Small-scale agro-pastoral production in the This landscape may have been modified by Lachen and Lachung is oriented toward guaran- military settlement in the vicinity and introduc- teeing a subsistence livelihood by efforts to at- tion of roads etc. but it cannot be altogether tain self-sufficiency in food production and to transformed. The natural environment sets lim- reduce environmental risks. Production strate- its to human intervention. To utilise the meagre gies involve the simultaneous use of several natural resources, the people have created insti- ecological zones each with characteristic crops tutions based on sharing instead of competi- or types of pasture. Households are the basic tion. units of production which allocate land, labour, In this region two major patterns of adapta- and capital at their disposal to meet short-term tion in subsistence are found –one regional, and production goals. The Bhutias have communal the other local. The regional pattern is one of pastureland with strong community regulation integration of several diverse agro-climatic belts of land usage. The headman (pipon) manages which are identified by climate and altitude. Be- communal pastures and agricultural lands by cause the belts are altitudinal arranged this type scheduling agro-pastoral activities and enforc- of integration may be termed “vertical control”. ing rotation schedules, This vertical ecological control is exercised by The forest still plays an important role in their communal ownership and a pattern of extended economic life and subsistence economy. It pro- migrations. These two autonomous villages base vides them with wood for houses, fuel, fodder their subsistence from their isolated valleys and a few edible items. In Lachen and Lachung through community control over local resourc- forests and hillsides herbage supports the flocks es. and herds, which in turn sustain the population The pattern of adaptation to the environment of the area. The Bhutias have neither crop-resi- may be understood as local response to such due option nor any institutional arrangement environmental constraints as low energy avail- with other communities for grazing their animals. ability and cold. The most important cultural They have only access to their traditional graz- adaptations to environment constraints focus ing in different valleys in summers and winters. upon the subsistence system: crops, animals, Single resource competitors always have frame- agricultural and pastoral techniques designed work to overcome scarcity and conflicts due to to yield and adequate diet with local resources. internal pressures (population growth, growth The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung follow Alp- in herd size and change of activity) and external wirtschaft type of strategy, associated with the pressures (climate changes, political factors and movement of peoples and animals in vertical space, environmental degradation) as their resources communal control of land and pastures with social are limited. Spatial mobility is required to achieve institutions that schedule the complex movement a balance between man, animals and pastures. in time and space. During the summers, yaks are The organisation of spatial movements is im- set free in mountain pastures. The female yaks (bri) portant in pastoral communities. Among the ewes and female sheep and goats are kept with Bhutias these movements are regular and cyclic households and taken out each day for grazing. between the areas of summer pastures and win- The winters are difficult times for human as well as ter pastures. livestock population. The Bhutias rely almost en- Poor soil, steep slopes, and hilly terrain in tirely on standing forage during winter at lower the absence of irrigation make agriculture a diffi- altitude. The livestock are fattened as much as cult proposition. Because of poor technology, possible during the summer, so that they can with- intensive cropping is difficult. Yields are always stand the long winter with only scant vegetation, low. No well-kept terraces, no crop rotation and supplemented by fodder that has been cut locally weeding is to be seen in most areas. Because of or purchased ahead of winter. Different animals this limited potential for energy extraction, the also provide diversified products for self-consump- population of the area has adjusted to circum- tion or sale. In terms of productive roles, yaks are stances by seasonally migrating to different al- main milk producers as they have long lactating titudes at different times of the year. This tradi- period. Goats and sheep are kept mainly for wool, tional social structure is an adaptation to the meat and barter. Only during difficult times, they climatic and geomorphologic limitations of the resort to selling sheep. They slaughter animals from high altitude environment. the flock before the winter, so as to avoid wasting BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 17 scarce fodder on animals which have outlived their ferent activities like agriculture, pasturing, trade usefulness. and collecting minor forest produce. In Lachen Crop production of the Bhutias of Lachen it snows from November to April. After April, and Lachung is intimately linked to pastoralist only young men and women migrate to higher even for those families who own little or no live- villages of Zemu, Tallum, Samdong, Yakhang, stock. Annual fertilization of potato fields is an Kalep and later to Thanggu (Table 2). Almost essential activity of the Bhutia agriculture. Ev- every family of Lachen has a piece of cultivable erything from composted weeds, forest-floor lit- land and a semi-permanent residence. They live ter and animal manure is added to the fields. The in houses made of wood of Rhododendron from availability of fire wood (from the forest) makes the surrounding forest (Fig.5). During the sum- it unnecessary to use dung for fuel as is done mer months when the ground snow melts, among Changpas of Changthang, Ladakh. An- Lachenpas sow potatoes, radishes and leafy imal manure is so important that the route and vegetables. The herd owners move even further timing of herd movements is decided in part on north in search of fresh pastures. This month is the basis of where household fields are located not suitable for the migration of children and old and when the optimal times are to supply them members of the family, so after sowing the pota- with manure. Families without sufficient live- toes they come back to Lachen and then in the stock of their own either scour the slopes for late May, the entire village migrates to upper dung or spend cash to purchase it. Crop pro- ranges to their respective destinations. The mi- duction in turn contributes to pastoralist. No gration takes places in two different stages, the fodder crops are grown although chaff and stalks first stage at 4,000 metres, and second stage at are occasionally fed to them. The animals sub- 4,500 metres along the different tributaries of sist on wild fodder, which they forage from the Lachenchu. forest trees, brush and grasslands. Thus ani- At their first halt, they occupy Yakthang, mals are crucial link in the mountain ecosystem. Samdong, Tallum and Kalep villages on the trib- “ In effect, the animals broaden the food resource utaries of the Lachechu at 3,660-4,000 metres, base of human through the ability to ingest and while flocks graze, women cultivate root crops convert vegetal materials which humans can- like reddish and potato (from May to July) and not assimilate into forms they can assimilate” gather wood with the help of children. Men col- (Andress 1966: 214; c.f. Berreman 1978). They lect minor forest produce. From these villages, do so by transforming wild fodder into food for migration starts after the 15th of July to the next people: stage of migration at Thanggu area at 3,965 me- (i) Production of manure for good yield of tres. The Lachenpas occupy five different vil- crops, lages-Byamzay, Toga, Tseguk, Chopta and Divu (ii) cultivation and thrashing (by providing Thang along the tributaries of the Lachenchu. energy for traction), Cultivation of root crops is possible in Lachen (iii) providing milk and meat, and valley up to this altitude. From August to No- (iv) earning money from sale of wool(food and vember, the Lachenpas inhabit this area. As they other goods can be purchased). do not apply manure to the fields the yield is not good. Again women and children collect wood Lachen Economic Cycle and men collect minor forest produce. In No- vember, they start migrating back to Latong, The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung have Denga and Geuma. permanent houses at their respective villages, Thanggu is the meeting place of migrating but they also use byah (tents) made of yak hair Lachenpas as they have a yak-tent gompa and a during migrations to high altitude pastures. The communal tent kitchen for feast. Dzumsha meet- village Lachen at 2700 metres serves as head- ing takes place twice a month at Thanggu. It is quarters of the Lachenpas, from where their mi- compulsory for all Lachenpas to attend these grations are directed through community organ- meetings. After harvesting in early October they isation. Lachenpas migrate seasonally and have come down to Lachen for the remaining months. encampments at different places. The duties of household members keep on From May to October-November, they stay changing with the changing economic situations in higher region and engage themselves in dif- and activities. 18 VEENA BHASIN

Table 2: Stages of migration of Lachenpa of traditional culture and modern lifestyle. The table 2 gives details of the number of houses Name of Encampments Cultivable and area of cultivable land. the place No. of houses landarea in hectares The North-South movement of people is not a strategy resulting only due to inadequate lo- First Stage of Migration at 4000 metres cal pasture, but climatic conditions also play part Yakthang 2 2 6 Tallum 2 1 8 in the movement. Samdong I 1 5 2 Samdong II 3 0 Lachung Economic Cycle Kalep 1 6 3 Second Stage of Migration at 4500 metres Among Lachungpas there are no encamp- Toga 2 1 7 Tseguk 7 2 ments as the families do not migrate seasonally. Chopta 2 1 The Lachung revenue block is divided into three Dirvu-thang 1 6 4 busties (hamlets) Shertchu, Singrig and Beechu- Thanggu 1 5 - chu. The three busties (hamlets) of Lachung rev- enue block have cultivable lands at Khedum, They migrate to lower altitudes during win- Leema and Lothen. ter months (from second week of November till Lachung is chiefly a farming village. At the the onset of summer). In the months of Decem- time of Hookers visit “Rice was once cultivated ber and January they come down to Latong, at this elevation but the crop was uncertain” Denga and Geuma for grazing their animals and (Hooker 1855: 119). Most of the Lachungpas cultivating their fields. The Lachenpas cultivate own farmland. Out of the total area of 2,086 ha, maize and wheat in small fields. As a rule, young 660.13 ha are cultivated (unirrigated), 878.17 ha people accompany their herds to grazing area are culturable waste (including gauchars and (dekko), but some of the Lachenpas do take their groves) and 1,267.52 ha are not available for cul- families along as they have built houses there. tivation. In Lachung, there are three types of They go down to Donking and Mensithong land: (1) Land in the apple belt; and (2) land in where 20 families of sichepa (Tibetan refugees) the maize, wheat and millet belt; and (3) tempo- are residing who look after the Lachenpas flocks. rary land. Land in the apple belt and maize, wheat, They are paid in meat and liquor. Simultaneous- millet belts are permanent. The agricultural lands ly, the Lachenpas collect fire wood and grasses. of Lachungpas are at Khedum, Leema and Loth- They remain here up to the second week of Feb- en about five kilometers away at lower altitude. ruary. After sowing the fields, they come back to The 45 households of Shertchu and 33 of Sin- Lachen. They inhabit Lachen from middle of gring have cultivable land at Khedum and Loth- February to middle of May (Fig. 6). en, while inhabitants of Beechchu have agricul- They have no grazing rights and pay a nom- tural land in Leema and Khedum. All these plac- inal payment of Rs.1.50 per yak and 0.50 per sheep es are nearby and the total cultivable land is to the State Forest Department. These sheep about 13-16 hectares. The village of Khedum is graze in the open pasture during the day and are situated on a flat terrace several hundred feet enclosed in the stone fenced barns during the above the river at an altitude of 2,135 metres night. Fodder is scarce during the winter months. above sea level. There are about 50 to 60 hous- Till a few years back the entire village would es. The crops cultivated are maize, wheat, bar- migrate from Lachen to Thanggu during the sum- ley, kodo, kouni, plantain, potatoes, peaches, mer months. However, now due to more settled and peas. Lothen has a splendid pasture. There are about 50 to 60 houses inhabited by these life, few herders go to Thanggu. Some of the people. Leema has about 40 to 50 houses and Bhutias go further down to comparatively warm- agricultural land. Surplus production and export er places where they own cardamom plantations. of potato and cabbage have brought prosperity They also indulge in trading activities when they to the village, especially after the introduction are on move. Their mercantile includes raw wool, of regular vehicular traffic. The cool temperate blankets, rugs, churpi and other dairy products, climate of Lachung is also favourable for the potatoes, cardamoms and a host of consumer cultivation of a variety of temperate fruits, apple goods that they collect during their visits to in particular, and if grown on a larger scale, ap- towns. The wealthy Bhutias prefer combination ple can be a major cash crop of the region in a BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 19

Stone wall boundary

Fig. 5. North Sikkim – Bhutia: House Type (at Migration place) 20 VEENA BHASIN few years’ time. A section of villagers tradition- wards migration starts. The family members stay- ally graze yak, sheep and cattle. The alpine pas- ing at Lachung move towards Khedum, Leema tures in and around Lachung facilitate animal and Lothen to make preparations of sowing of grazing. The people of Lachung are hard work- wheat and barely. Maize is harvested. Maize ing and active. The main workers in the village grown here is not of good quality and is used account for 69.18 percent of the total population for animal consumption. Apple harvesting takes while 9.28 percent are marginal workers and 21.54 place at Lachung. The males and animal herds percent are non-workers. As farmers the Lachun- come down during the last week of August and gpas are well-off. They grow and sell potatoes, the middle of September. The harvesting of wheat cabbage and apples in nearby towns. They also and barely is over; the butts of the harvested sell processed dairy products derived from the crops can be enjoyed by the animals. During the milk of yak. On average a household owns 15-20 next four months, the animal herds move further yaks, one-two dzo and pigs. Many of the La- down to Mangan forest to utilize pastures. In chungpas own Jeep and other vehicles and take January-February, they start moving upwards their agriculture and dairy produce to nearby towards their own village and the cycle starts markets themselves. During tourist season they afresh. transport tourists to and from Chungthang and A family that has fewer animals, and cannot Mangan spare a person to accompany the herd, can keep During the months of November-December, the animals in the village and stall feed them male members go with animals beyond these plac- with the pipon’s permission. A person has to es. While grazing they collect grasses and fire- pay compensation of Rs. 60-70 per month to the wood. They stay there for two months and pre- dzumsha for using the communal grazing land. pare for wheat sowing. Some stay there until The chief cash crops of the area are apples, March-April for harvest, while others come back potatoes and vegetables. A few varieties of peas, to Lachung. In May they take their animals to peaches and cherries have been introduced. On high altitude pastures halting at Yumthang 115.23 hectares of land, there are about 36,820 apples trees, out of which 3,065 are old, 18755 (3,660metres), Yume Samdong (4,880metres) and young and new plantation is above 15,000 sap- Chholhamo. Lachung is more developed than lings. Apple production has come down for the Lachen. Thus the Lachungpas migrate 6 kilome- last two years because of Black spot disease. tres up the Samdong up to Chholhamo and 6 The healthy harvest of the area usually is around kilometres below Lachung to Khedum, Leema 1.75 lakhs kilogram (1979-80). In 1981-82, the and Lothen (Fig. 6). harvest was around 1.50 lakh kilogram. Govern- They cultivate wheat, barley, maize, peas, ment has opened a buying agency at Lachung turnips, potatoes and other vegetables. Wheat itself. Apples of the area are graded according and barley is planted in November-December. to the variety as A, B, and C. The rates for these Maize is planted after this, in areas in Lothen are Rs.1.60/kg Rs. 1.35/ kg and Rs. 0.75/kg, re- where apple harvesting has taken place. Maize spectively. does not grow at higher altitudes in Lachung. Marketing problems have hindered the de- Pumpkins and cucumbers are planted between velopment of horticulture. The means of com- rows of maize and squash vines are grown on munication and transportation pose problems. the trees as well as on the poles. Towards the The apples undergo considerable damage on end of April, other vegetables such as cauliflow- account of carriage of the produce. Due to rain er, onions and tomatoes are planted. Nettles, big and landslides, the road gets blocked for days sources of food grow wild here, but are trans- together. planted into fields. Lachungpas have adopted It can be observed from the Lachen and La- new ways of growing grains and vegetables, chung economic cycle that though both the com- which have been introduced by the agricultural munities carry out more or less similar economic department. The better qualities are grown, activities, but their movement is in opposite di- which give better yield. With the change of sea- rection. The opposite directions of movement sons, they start moving up wards and go above also explain some of the differences in the agri- the Lachung up to Yume Samdong. Those Lan- cultural produce and harvesting times of the two chugpas who do not have houses here stay in areas under study. The Lachung people are on yak tents. By the middle of August, the down- the move for the whole year. They do not move BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 21

Fig. 6. Lachen -Lanchung - Transhumance pattern. 22 VEENA BHASIN along with their families as the Lachenpas do. ing unit. There is common ownership of grazing Their families are dispersed, fulfilling their allot- and forest land for the use of the villagers. The ted duties. The interesting offshoot of this is sowing and harvesting are synchronised at meet- that their movement for fuel and grazing is also ings of the dzumsha so as to utilise the fallow in the opposite direction- Lachenpas going land as common pastures. As encampment or- down and Lachungpas going upward. ganisation is looked after by the dzumsha, the This movement is necessitated by the fact individual Bhutia’s economic organisation is that there is no arable land available in Lachen managed by the family members with their divi- and Lachung. Out of 2817.22 hectares of La- sion of labour. chung, 666.36 is unirrigated land available for The Bhutias’ women have adapted them- cultivation and 2150.86 hectares is not available selves to play multiple roles as producers, re- for cultivation. producers and consumers. For this they devel- Even the season for each crop varies with oped and maintained their integrative abilities altitude, soil, temperature and rainfall. Potato is to deal with complex system of household and harvested in September in the high zones of migration, community and environment. Lachen valley, while it is harvested in the valley of Lachung only in July. Crop rotation is anoth- Economic Development er feature of the Lachung valley which is absent in Lachen. In winter, the Lachen valley has prac- The agro-pastoral production system of the tically no agricultural production, but in La- Bhutias, with its adaptive strategies, is a highly chung, maize is followed by barley and buck- well-organised response to the insecurity of their wheat as winter crops. Due to low temperatures unpredictable natural environment. The aug- both the crops cannot be harvested within a mented menace is not related to climatic chang- single year. They take more than 15 months to es, as often has been stated in the past, but is mature, and after two crops the land is kept fal- more a result of events that took place in last low for a few months. fifty years. The economy was at subsistence level. The incorporation of Sikkim in to national Two pipon look after the affairs of these en- streamline called for designing of developmen- campments, which are primary communities of tal interventions in Lachen and Lachung. Bhutia society. Since 1954, development programmes fi- A pipon holds his encampment together by nanced and largely administrated by the Gov- exercising his influence in establishing and for- ernment of India were put in to effect. The de- mulating unanimous agreement within the en- velopment in Sikkim was set in motion after 1962 campments on dates of migration and begin- by the government agencies. The emphasis was nings of agricultural activities (Bhasin 1989, on communications and introduction of essen- 1996). tial services for the people. In the wake of con- In the arable areas, agriculture and pastoral flict between India and China, this area being of land are close together. Agriculture is carried strategic importance caught government atten- out in the valley areas while the mountains sup- tion and was exposed to high military activity. ply pastures for the yaks and sheep. The nearby Military posts were set up and roads were forest fulfils the fuel needs of the people. It is constructed for easy movement of heavy ma- well known that in agro pastoral economy, tech- chinery and troupes. Construction of roads, nology involves an adaptation to different cli- improvement in the means of transportation mate and biotic belts, agricultural technique and and opening up of Sikkim for tourists has con- settlement. tributed to the exposure of these people to out- The organisation of the Bhutia migration and siders. land use pattern is facilitated by the dzumsha Literacy has increased from less than 5 (village council). The Bhutias follow their tradi- percent in 1950 to 50.6 percent in 2001. There tional routes in their seasonal migrations. They is notable disparity in the rates of literacy be- follow traditional schedule of departures and tween male and female and between rural and duration of occupations of the different locali- urban. The literacy rate among males is 55.5 ties. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung have percent while in females it is only 45 percent communal forest/ pastures and agricultural of (http://www. Sikenvis. Nic. In/ Repoortsper- land usage. The village is an important land hold- cent 20and 20percent Publication). BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 23

In Lachen and Lachung, the foremost objec- four days tours by tour operators from Gangtok tive of the government was development of animal and outside. Tourism has brought local people husbandry and subsistence agriculture. For de- in contact with outsiders.Tourism is a prominent velopment of animal husbandry, infrastructure like sector of earning money. The Bhutias of Lachen fodder banks and animal husbandry stations in and Lachung are part of it in a big way. Till 1997 different parts of North Sikkim have been started. Lachen and Lachung were traditional villages, Sheep Husbandry Department is helping with feed after that these high altitude villages were opened banks, lambing shed facilities and enclosures on to tourism. The North Sikkim Highway, built and the lines of tsapkaks (reserved pastures). The gov- maintained by Indian Army for security reasons ernment is seeking help and opinions of western has brought many opportunities for these peo- development experts’. The impetus to increase live- ple and hospitality trade is one of these. These stock productivity by scientific methods is strong traditional villages are changing fast with motor in Lachen and Lachung. However, intervening in roads, vehicles and traditional wooden homes fragile environments with complex ecological sys- (Tibetan style construction with colourful fac- tems is a difficult undertaking. eted window frames and carved doors) being However, all programmes for development replaced by concrete hotels. They have started and subsequent changes were largely centered making private boarding and lodging arrange- on Gangtok and other parts of east Sikkim. Even ments for trekkers and tourists who come pri- after five decades of independence, the plan- vately on motorbikes etc. A series of hotels with ning commission, central, state and district gov- basic facilities have sprung up in Lachen and ernments have not been able to find the precise Lachung. Though these hotels and lodges have development strategies for areas like Lachen and been started by the Lachenpas and Lachung- Lachung, where environment is harsh and pop- pas, they are being managed by the outsiders as ulation is scarce, scattered and mobile. It is diffi- local people are not trained in the hospitality cult to maintain education and health services trade. Many Lachenpas and Lachungpas have in these areas. converted their road side shanties into food stall to supplement their meagre incomes. New Sources of Income Lachungs on the other hand, is the base for tours to Yumthang valley. Almost the entire zone The Bhutias who cease to pursue their tradi- of North Sikkim comes under the restricted terri- tional occupation either become wage earners tory; foreigners’ visit beyond Thanggu is pro- or find government jobs like peons, teaching in hibited. Tourism in the region is at a nascent schools and in the military. They have opened stage and guests may not get the same level of small shops to supplement their incomes. La- service in north-Sikkim as they would in other chung has emerged as a tourist destination with parts of the region. The State Government de- the soaring popularity of Yumthang Valley which clared the Year 2010 as the Year of Tourism. Co- is just 25 kms from here. Yumthang is a summer inciding with the inauguration of International grazing ground, adjoining Singba Forest Re- Rhododendron festival in North Sikkim on 25h serve. The high altitudes destinations of Lachen April 2010, the Year of Tourism was launched. and Lachung- Gurudondmar Lake, Chopta val- The year witnessed a series of tourism activities ley Singba Sanctuary, Yumthang3 valley and all over the State. The inauguration of Interna- Hot springs with curative properties and heal- tional Rhododendron Festival on at Singbha ing power are attracting many tourists, trekkers Rhododendron Sanctuary Gate on 25th April as well as those on four wheels. Lachen is the 2010 was marked by flag off for biking at base from where tours to Guru Dongmar Lake Yumthang- Lachen and also other activities like and Chopta valley are organised. The populari- trekking, nature camp, bird watching, angling ty of Guru-Dongmar Lake is changing the for- and short treks amidst the forest. tunes of the Lachenpas. They have tourism sec- tor to themselves as outsiders are not allowed SOCIAL ORGANISATION to buy property in these restricted areas. Lachen now has about a dozen lodges and nearly 50 The social structure, social organisation and taxis, which are used to ferry tourists. These community life of the Bhutias has emerged out of locations are also visited by organised three- the needs of its individuals and social groups. A 24 VEENA BHASIN transhumant society like that of the Bhutias who dence. The house generally consists of two traverse the difficult terrain all the year long is rooms, one room serves as a kitchen and living bound to have social and functional groups to room and the other as the altar room. On ac- provide social security to all its members. Among count of damp climate, the houses are raised the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung, household, above the ground with lath and plaster walls. village/ busti/ encampment are a level of social The ground floor is generally walled in with organisation, which is an administrative and jural stones and is used for keeping goats, sheep and unit. Power and authority is diffused among mem- cattle. The kitchen is in one corner with a perma- bers. The different aspects of social organisation nent stove made of clay. In the kitchen, utensils and social control of the Bhutias of Lachen and are hung or stacked on sides. The altar room has Lachung are household, village and dzumsha (an several statues of Buddha, bowls of water, a lamp, administrative organisation). These are units of incense and other offerings of grain and butter. social organisation that are explicitly organised and Along with the religious objects is wooden pad- precisely defined by the Bhutias. The Bhutias are dle carved with figures of men and animals. bundled into units that are multi-purpose, but These figures are filled with a paste of flour and adjusted to meet different scales of uncertainty. water and after drying; they are taken out and The village or busti elders deals with local prob- used in exorcist ceremonies. It saves time to have lems, pipon-the dzumsha head deals with prob- a symbol of evil handy in the hour of need. These lems in larger area and with regional issues. images are taken out of the house and are placed Based on economic activities, the Bhutias have at crossroads. Both rooms have lofts with lad- functional groups like herding unit, group of house- ders made of a log with steps hacked out with an hold migrating together (friendship groups). At the axe. Bags of millet hang from the roof in bunch- time of crisis in the lives of the people, members of es to dry, to be used in preparation of chhang these groups which are a strong institution of re- (Bhutia beer). Many pieces of meat also hang ciprocal mutual assistance, extend help. An admin- from the roof. istrative organisation constituting pipon (head- Household goods and belongings signify the wealth of the people. Wealthier people have man), members and elders to look after the inter- better beddings and rugs. Many families have ests of transhumant, maintains relations with sed- expensive Tibetan rugs. In some houses, saddle entary societies and Indian administration apart bags and bridles, embossed and decorated, im- from resolving disputes, organising grazing pat- ported from Tibet during their many migrations tern and other community problems. These three are hung on the walls. Some possess beautiful aspects of social organisation and social con- silver and gold pitchers and teapots which form trol- the household unit, busti or encampment part of the household goods. The Bhutias of support network and the role of pipon-play an Lachen and Lachung cooked food in Tibetan important role in the social and economic life of pots of red clay. In addition they used to barter Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung. these for grain with Lepchas of Dzongu and sur- rounding areas. They acted as middlemen be- Household tween Tibet and lower areas. Cups and bowls were made of wood and bamboo. The village’s The Bhutias household is the smallest and only piece of iron was used together with a flint most important unit of social organisation. All to make fire which was shared by all households. families have a recognised head, which repre- Lachen’s main trade with lower areas was Tibet- sents the household in dealing with dzumsha an salt against grain, rice, maize, buckwheat be- and busti matters. In the joint family or incom- tween regular trading friends. This trade later plete family, the senior male is the head. Only expanded to include pins, needles and metal where there are not adult male member in the tools that came from Tibet as well as blankets household, a women is regarded as the head of and other dairy products that were produced in the household, till her son attains maturity. the valleys of Lachen and Lachung. Household is the economic unit, as well as Other items of material culture include mi- the unit of participation in all public, social and lang (a portable stove made of copper and is religious projects. Ideally, each household has a used for making tea and light beverages); separate house but when two families share a zhamow (a red clay pot used for cooking meat, single dwelling, the hearth symbolises indepen- soup and vegetables); thebu and dorjey (are BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 25 bronze objects used during rituals, thebu is a owing group. Though title to animals and some bell which is held in the left hand of worshipper other valuable items or moveable property may and dorjey in the right hand); chuming cherth- be vested in individual members of the house- up (is a bronze lamp used in rituals); Chuming- hold, the right to dispose of such is controlled cherthup podung (is used for making tea quick- by the head of the household, and the products ly, tea-leaves, yak butter and milk are mixed and of the animals owned by different members are stirred with a rak (brass ladle); and paheep (a not differentiated but used in the joint economy wood and silver pipe used for drinking chhang) of the household. In case of land ownership, etc. All these things have been imported from Bhutias have no title to land but have only the Shigatse- a town in Tibet. They travelled yearly right to use the fields. A family’s land and ani- to Tibetan towns of Shigatse, Khama-Dzong and mals are considered the property of the house- Gnantchi carrying on commercial and pastoral holder in whose name the house is registered transactions with the Tibetans, whose flocks and who is the member of the dzumsha. He is pastured on the Sikkim Mountains during sum- responsible for the payment of taxes. mer. To maintain the migratory mode of produc- As Lachen and Lachung are so high, many tion, in addition to the tent, the household needs things do not grow at this altitude. People own rugs, blankets for sleeping, pails and skins for land in different sections at different altitudes. milk, pots for cooking, and pack bags to contain They have a ‘second’ house at places of migra- all the equipment during migrations. Usually all tion. At Samdong area (Yak-thong, Samdong, these things are owned by individual house- Tallum and Kalep Busties) the houses are con- hold as lending and borrowing of such equip- structed of stones without any mud or mortar. It ment is minimal. is single storied, roofed with shingles, and con- The household is the commensal unit and sists of only one room. Some of the houses are possesses its own hearth and provides its own plastered with mud and all have a wooden door fare. The household depends for its subsistence and shutter windows, which are tied up and on the allotted fields at different altitudes and sealed when not occupied. It contains neither animals owned by its members. Among Bhutias furniture nor elaborate beddings etc. The beds each household has about 2-3 yaks, 6-12 mules are merely planks and their utensils are bamboo and horses and on an average about 200 adult churn, copper, bamboo and earthenware ves- sheep and goats. There is normally no loaning sels for milk, butter etc. of animals except for weaning purposes. At Thanggu, the houses of Lachenpas are very small being about two metres high. They Type of Families are made of stone with low pitched shingle roofs, over which a covering of pine-bark is laid, the The type of families which predominates in whole being held down by rows of stones. The the social scene among the Bhutias of Lachen shingles and battens are made of the wood of and Lachung are either joint or nuclear, supple- various kinds of pines and are prepared all along mented by some kin or widowed parent. All three the valley above Lachen. Those Bhutias, who types of marriage viz. monogamy, polygyny and do not possess houses, stay in yak hair tents. polyandry are prevalent among Bhutias of The black yak hair tents are hexagonal, stretched Lachen and Lachung. Traditionally, polyandrous over six short posts and encircled with a low households were the norm but with changes in stone wall, except in front. economic activities, changes in marriage and Apart from bamboos, copper milk vessels, family pattern are also apparent. There were no wooden ladles, tea churns, pots, goat skins, blan- nuclear families a hundred years ago. The nu- kets, the Bhutias carry two types of churn- an clear family unit could not carry out the neces- oblong box of birch wood in which cream is sary mixed economic activities. Ecological con- churned; the other a goat skin rolled about and straints restricted the cultivation of land and its shaken by four handles. The butter is made into division was not appreciated. The Bhutias were big squares and packed in yak hair cloth. The mostly engaged in pastoral and trading activi- curd is eaten fresh, or dried and pulverized. ties and were not at home the year round. The The household occupying a house or tent joint and polyandrous households had the size during migration is a commensal and property and composition to look after such diversified 26 VEENA BHASIN economic activities. Because of the nature of Division of Labour feudal labour U-lag (transportation service) the tax system, involving the need for male labour Patterns of gender division are location spe- to fulfil tax obligations, the duties of dzumsha cific and change over time. Among the Bhutias the basic adaptive strategy was to prevent land both the men and women share the economic fragmentation and to maintain a core of males in activities but they do not share the burden equal- the family. Fraternal polyandry and joint families ly. The men are responsible for herding and eco- were the means to achieve this end. With new nomic transactions and women are responsible sources of income outside the traditional realm, for agricultural production and looking after the there is no apparent need to stick to old cus- small animals kept at homestead. In the Bhutia toms, so brothers are opting out of the tradition- household, distribution of authority and divi- al marriage system and breaking up joint fami- sion of labour follows highly elastic pattern, de- lies. Land fragmentation and the nuclear family pending on the composition of each household have become extremely common and today the and the working capacities of its members as norm and fraternal polyandry is the exception. was observed by Niamer-Fuller (1994). Accord- In 1982, there were only three fraternal polyan- ing to him, the actual gender roles in livestock drous households in Lachen and four in Lachung production are not always rigidly defined, and respectively. Polyandrous households with four the women are called upon to perform male duties brothers are termed as jazhee, with three broth- more often than men are called upon to perform ers as jasoom and with two brothers as janey. female duties. The male Bhutias following orders Polygyny is not usual but is practiced when the of the pipon take decision about migration dates elder brother dies leaving behind a wife or the and the Bhutia females look after the needs of the first wife is barren. household members and help their spouses. Both the spouses and other adult members deal with Inheritance matters of kinship, marriage and socialisation of children. Decision to broaden their economic Among Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung the base and look for earning other means of earn- component households are economically inde- ing money is an individual family’s concern. pendent from each other. Possession of animals, Among the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung, fields, grazing rights by virtue of his dzumsha economic activities are clustered into following membership, household effects as well as the categories: domestic, herding, collecting, trad- house itself it normally vested in the household. ing and other miscellaneous activities. Men usu- Ownership of material property devolves jointly ally care for the herds of yak and flocks of sheep on a set of blood brothers. The eldest son inher- and women look after subsistence agriculture its the parental house. Ideally, land and other with the help of children. Women involved in wealth are equally divided among sons. The agricultural activities, are also responsible for daughters inherit two yaks, clothes and jewel- providing and managing the fundamental ne- lery. Among the Bhutias the father divides his cessities of daily life (food, water, fuel, clothing) property prior to his death. Marriage ceremony and are charged with health care, cleaning and acts as a pre-inheritance with both partners re- children in the home. ceiving share of livestock from their parents and The division of labour is by sex and age; but close relatives. The rights of disposal are pre- this is not a much formalised do the division, rogatives of the conjugal family and implicit usu- except women practice agriculture and weaving fructuary privileges are extended to close kin- and men the herding. Out of the labour to be dred. If there are no sons, adoption (puchop) of done it may be grouped in the following catego- a close relative or anybody from the village is ries: domestic, agriculture, herding, collecting permitted with the consent of the dzumsha. The and other miscellaneous activities. official adoption is done by a scroll of a paper The primary economic and co-operative unit khamza. In special cases where there are only is the nuclear family with every member taking daughters, they inherit the father’s property. on responsibilities as soon as he or she is old Heirlooms and other valuables are divided enough. In most households the husband and amongst all the siblings upon the death of the wife can efficiently do all the work, although it is surviving parent. not easy during the period when there are young BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 27 children who must be constantly watched by der structure results in changing labour avail- the mother until an older child is able to do it for ability and subsistence needs. her. A child of ten is considered capable of tak- All households try to optimise the ratio of ing sheep and goats to graze for the day or to people to resources and incorporate males to watch younger children. Infants are tied into a supplement the work force. The necessary bal- shawl and carried on the mother’s back while ance between labour and agro-pastoral activi- she weeds the crops, collects fuel and fodder. It ties is achieved in the subsistence economy of is also the job of the adult women and teenage the Bhutias. This balance is inherently unstable boys to clean the animal pens of manure and due to dynamics in human and livestock popu- take it to the fields. Almost all the women work lation. It is essential to maximise the adult labour in the fields. The only agricultural activity they force in order to accomplish both agricultural do not carry out is ploughing. and herding responsibilities and recently added The work within the household is generally tourism undertaking. Thus, decisions have to done by the women and the girls. This includes be made accordingly about the number of peo- food preparation, mending and washing the ple, ratio of sexes and ages and allocation of clothes and looking after the children. Men and duties to extract maximum from the available time women share the agricultural work. Herding is and resources. However, the Bhutias have cer- men’s job. It is true that women shepherds do tain mechanisms for gaining temporary balance. not exist here, however, women look after their The labour force can be maximised in these husbands and family and cook for them while patrilocal families by birth, adoption and incor- on migration. When yak milk is brought home, poration. Marriage is not a good option for in- women churn it and prepare butter, cheese etc. creasing the labour force among the Bhutias of Women and children collect arum-roots (tong) Lachen and Lachung, as it has the opposite re- and firewood. Firewood, grasses and minor for- sult. Subsequent to the marriage of the son, af- est produce are also collected by men when they ter some time the father has to part with share of are herding the animals. Both sexes participate the property to his married son, so that the son in the ceremonies but men shoulder the major can start a new household with his spouse. How- responsibilities ever, it is good for girl’s parents as the boy comes There is practically no task, other than mind- to do service for the girl’s parents for specified ing small children, which does not require co- time period. To keep labour force in the family, operation of both sexes. In the fields the duties incidences of delayed marriage and delayed sep- of the males include preparing soil, digging, aration of offspring from parental households ploughing and sowing seeds. While women help were observed among the Bhutias of Lachen the men by beating soil after ploughing, manur- and Lachung like the Malian Tamasheq (Randal ing, weeding, reaping and winnowing. and Winter 1986), the BaKgalagadi of Botswana Instability is relatively constant in the bal- (Jerve 1981) and the Gabra of Kenya (Torry 1977). ance between the Bhutias and their livestock. Incorporation of young male relations and prac- As Stenning noted: Within the life-history of a tice of bride-service, whereby the bridegroom is family and its herd ... [T]here arises a whole range obliged to perform bride services, such as tend- of temporary, partial or potential disequilibria ing livestock, for the wife-giving family for a which require resolution. (1958: 10). In Lachen specified period. When a wife is infertile, polyg- and Lachung, the different biological character- yny is a means to seek an heir; when a woman is istics of herd or flock species; each species re- widowed, polygyny (through the mechanism of quiring particular kinds of human management, levirate that is, the fraternal widow inheritance) has certain biological limitations and advantag- is a means to provide her a husband within the es. The social prescriptions and practical con- family retaining her labour and avoiding her sep- siderations that govern the division of division aration from the children she has produced from of labour, the organisation of labour with regards the previous marriage. In case of barren mar- to livestock is also affected by another set of riage, adoption (puchop) is allowed in Bhutia biological and social factors, which being time- society. A couple may adopt a close agnate of dependent, are continually in flux both internal- the husband with consent of dzumsha. Children ly and in relation to each other. The family de- are adopted from relatives or close friends. These velopment cycle, with its shifting age and gen- devices serve to maintain the isolated individu- 28 VEENA BHASIN al household as viable unit by supplementing are based on elementary families. A woman joins its labour pool from outside sources. This also her husband or husbands upon marriage and solves the subsistence problems of those with lives with her in-laws. But the new couple’s pe- many children and fulfills the labour requirements riod of residence is usually brief and rarely ex- of those without. Apart from the need to retain tends beyond the birth of the first child. After labour in the household, these social institu- this they establish themselves in separate house- tions effectively delay the splitting of a family hold. As such they form an independent eco- through bride price and pre-inheritance which nomic unit, and to be viable as such they must typically results in imbalances between labour possess the productive property and control the and livestock. necessary labour force to pursue the different However, to facilitate herding and tending economic activities. The Bhutia society makes flocks, functional groups, which migrate together arrangement whereby productive property in the to the same place, are formed. The members of a form of land, herds and equipments and addi- functional group held each other in economic tional labour force are provided to secure the and social activities. The tents or houses of such viability of newly established incomplete ele- a herding unit are side by side. It is with such mentary families. close neighbours that Bhutias have friendship A family’s land and animals are considered and constant interaction. These groups may the property of householder in whose name the contain friends, near relatives or distant ones. house is registered and who is the member of These groups are based on interfamily relations dzumsha. All sons inherit equally. The land in- and its pattern keeps on changing as there are heritance pattern is such that a father’s land is no institutionalised cognatic groups or segmen- divided equally among his sons and their’s tary system based on nestling principle. Mar- among their sons. Though the herd of a house- ried sons initially tend to retain their flocks in hold is administered and utilised as a unit, indi- the old herd and stay in the herding unit of their vidual members of the household, usually hold father but these are freely broken at any time. separate title to the animals. When things are Distribution of authority and division of la- going good, fathers frequently give a few ani- bour among the member show a highly elastic mals to their sons and daughters. pattern, and it is characteristic that few features Marriage is an important event in the life of of organisation are socially imperative and com- Bhutias, and indeed a financial problem for par- mon to all, while many features vary, and reflect ents, who lose their children’s labour, have to the composition of each household and the finance their weddings and give them their share working capacities of its members. Sperling has of property. The expense of contributing direct- shown that the birth order of females and males ly, of setting up the new household is carried by in a pastoral family has a critical influence on a the groom’s father, who provides a cash bride- family’ s access to appropriate labour at the right price which the bride’s father is expected in part time, given that livestock management is gender to use to equip his daughters with bakhus and age-specific (1985). The redistribution of (gowns), rugs, blankets, jewellery and house- labour is mediated through specific forms of hold utensils. social and economic organisation which also In cases where there are no sons, female in- acts as mutual support system. heritance is common. In the absence of male heirs, a female is kept in the natal family and an Family Formation adaptive bridegroom is brought in (uxorilocal marriage). In normal situation, females who mar- New families are formed and old families ry out receive a portion of their family property change in type when family members adopt new in the form of a dowry or share. This share how- arrangements. Families change in type through ever does not include immovable property such demographic changes. The gain or loss of mem- as land. bers as the result of births, marriages and deaths These customs contribute to the setting up often change a family type. The crucial problem of the married couple in a separate house; but of the continuation and replacement of the they do not provide the new household with the household units as a process spanning the gen- necessary flock. This is achieved by anticipato- erations is that the household units of Bhutias ry inheritance, whereby the sons at marriage re- BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 29 ceives number of animals from his father’s herd even close matrilateral bonds. The affinal rela- which he would receive as an heir after the death tion in a sense implies shared rights in the wom- of his father. In such division, the right of widow an herself. A women’s father or brother have and unmarried children is recognised; otherwise certain residual rights over her for example, in only sons are considered. A man often keeps for case of widowhood, she can return to her paren- himself a share equal to that allots to each son. tal house. Her kinsmen thus retain interest in a After the death of the father, the remaining married woman and maintain good relation with estate is divided. If the old man was living with a her husband. They are: agnatic kinship in a ram- married son, or even a married daughter, all house- ifying descent system, and matrilateral and affi- hold property is regarded as the property of the nal relations. resident spouses. Heirlooms and other valuables are divided amongst all the siblings upon the Marriage death of the surviving parent. If a household is dissolved by the death of its head, his heirs di- Among Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung, vide the property. marriages are locally endogamous, but marriag- In addition to flocks and household proper- es with closely related individuals are prohibit- ty, the land is passed on while the owner is alive, ed. Few marriages have been conducted with but is divided by his heirs on his death. The non-local women. Tradition prohibited marriag- married couple can claim the land which is not es between close kinsmen-a custom that appears already divided and kept for the future genera- to have been honoured till now. Thus minimal tion. An area of 55x55 dhams (Land measure) is descent lines cannot perpetuate their affinal alli- temporarily allotted to the married couple. This ances across adjacent generations. In other allotment is redistributed and re-allotted after words, the children of two sibling sets, united every three years. As soon as man gets fields through one or more marriages, are barred from and establishes a separate household, he be- marrying one another. The preferential local en- comes a dzumsha member and has to fulfill his dogamous marriages influence the formation of dzumsha duties. institutionalised, intravillage affinal factions and A Bhutia of Lachen and Lachung first be- raise a potential crop of helpmates in their af- longs to a household that gives him an inherent fines. Analysed as a particular case of descent right to become member of dzumsha and that in group organisation, the Bhutia structure would turn gives him right to live in the village and to seem to be highly fluid, extremely” loose” and cultivate the land of his forefathers and graze rather enigmatic. his herd in the forest. He also belongs to a patri- In Bhutia society, the household and the lineage from which he inherits a network of kin- busti as an entity influence all aspects of social ship that distinguish relatives from potential af- life. The whole Bhutia society is a composite of fines. Patrilineal kinship is the vehicle for the overlapping egocentric kindreds. The diversi- transmission of some rights and bonds of soli- fied kinship ties bind together the households darity. The patrilineage forms an exogamous unit. in an emergent entity-the busti. The maternal uncle (ashang) has long term re- By tradition, marriages are arranged by the sponsibilities towards his sister children, partic- parents of the boy and the girl, but the wishes of ularly his niece after marriage. He is her support- both are also respected. Three types of marriage ive relative. He is like a god father, who will look patterns are prevalent among Bhutias viz. mo- after her in case she loses her parents. The same nogamy, polyandry and polygyny. All three type of special relationship was observed among types of marriages have been taking place for the Gaddis of Bharmour, Himachal Pradesh be- many generations, and changes are only in re- tween maternal uncle (mama) and sister’s son gard to the relative number of each. The basic (bhanja). Newell (1962) described this special rituals and ceremonies performed for these mar- relationship as method of reconciling the con- riage types remains the same. Marriage ceremo- flict inherent in any rigorously enforced unilin- nies are important social events where relatives eal descent system (Bhasin 1988). The relation- and friends join. The ceremony is financed by ship between affines is thus a strong and impor- the boy’s parents and held at their home. The tant one, which people try to maintain through initiative for the alliance is always from the boy’s the generations and which is used to reinforce side. Perhaps a boy has seen a girl at a gompa 30 VEENA BHASIN festival and is interested in her. The boy’s father tween rich and poor does exist but it is not insti- approaches the girl’s parents, who weigh the tutionalised and there is no structured class sys- pros and cons of the alliance. If it clicks, they tem. Apparently, all form of conflict is avoided. agree to perform ‘nung-chan’ (asking for a girl). However, the differences in family size and wealth Marriage rituals are traditionally elaborate and do create latent affinal groupings but they are festive, officiated by a pipon (dzumsha chief) as not recognised as operative groups. opposed to Buddhist lamas. Earlier, Bhutias with more sons and limited Both Lachenpas and Lachungpas are endog- resources went in for fraternal polyandry as the amous groups. Before the closure of the Tibet- dominant from of marriage. Though fraternal an border, marriages used to take place with Ti- polyandry functioned to conserve land and la- betans also. There are no structural groupings bour in the family yet it managed to produce a like caste or class among the Bhutias of Lachen pool of unmarried females. However, according and Lachung. The individual households are to traditional inheritance laws, each male has related by unilateral consanguinal ties. The sit- rights to a portion of his family’s land. uation becomes more complex and relations over- Despite the lack of development, the age- lap as the marriages within the society occur old system of utilisation of land and herds along regularly. The endogamous marriages in the with the isolation of the region, the Bhutias of Bhutia society necessarily establish potential Lachen and Lachung have undergone substan- alliances, thus giving rise to factions. Though tial and fundamental changes. New economic marriages are contracted randomly, the differ- opportunities that do not require significant in- ences in family size or number of boys in family vestment are available. The result has been the do create latent affinal groupings. For examples, disintegration of the traditional polyandrous fam- at the time of marriage bride price is paid. A fam- ily and marriage system. Apparently, these ar- ily with few sons or only one is able to pay a eas look traditional and undeveloped, but this greater bride price and is always a welcome superficial appearance is deceptive. Their social catch. A family with many sons is unable to pay and economic structures are in the process of irreversible change as an indirect consequence the required bride price, and so naturally the of changes in India. boys cannot have desired girls. These little things are the source of latent tensions. Though Bhu- Encampment tias emphasise that they have no preferential marriages, nevertheless, preference for an only These encampments of Lachenpas are in real son offering a good bride price is always there. sense the primary communities of Bhutia soci- Similarly, the girl from a rich family is sought ety; they correspond to busties of Bhutias in because at the time of yancyapshea (marriage) Lachung. The members of encampment make up the bride’s parents give bakhus (the girl’s dress) a clearly bounded social group; their relation to and the numbers of bakhus increase with the status of the parents. They also give dyapa (kind each other as continuing neighbours are rela- of shawl mode of local wool), a long coat, one or tively constant while other contracts are gov- two yaks, one or two horses and cash present. erned by chance. Every day the members of the But the wedding expenses are borne by the boy’s encampment must agree in their decision on the parents. vital question of economic strategies, such as The so-called Bhutia equality can also be division of cultivable land at different places, seen in the method of land distribution. In La- grazing facilities, seasonal migration of commu- chung, people redistribute the fields every year nities and other social matters. by drawing lots. The richer people draw for the Such agreements are achieved by mutual larger plots and poorer villagers for the small consent through compromise by all concerned. ones. Grazing lands are divided similarly. At the The composition of encampment will thus indi- time of feast sponsored by plaintiff and defen- rectly be determined by the available means dant or other community feasts the pipon and whereby the movements of economically inde- village elders always receive preferential treat- pendent household can be controlled and ordi- ment. In all these activities, there is only a formal nate. In a sense, an encampment does not con- emphasis on equality, which works to the ad- sist of permanent members, but is always a sta- vantage of the rich. As such the distinction be- ble group. This is simplified by the existence of BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 31 pipon (headman) and dzumsha (village council). During periods of relative stability or prosperity Both the communities are governed by head- households are likely to invest in these institu- men (pipon), by the council of village elders and tions (through gift giving etc.) as a means of by an assembly of all the people. conforming their right to make claims against As previously discussed that the Bhutias them in time of needs. Lomnitz described it as of Lachen/Lachung have communal forest/pas- “the reciprocity network.” According to Lom- tures and agricultural and with family owner- nitz, “this is not a social group or institution; ship of land but with strong community regula- rather it is a social field defined by an intense tion of land usage. The encampment is an im- flow of reciprocal exchange between neigh- portant land holding unit. Though, the arable bours” (Lomnitz 1977: 20). land is held by individual families, the work pat- Co-operation is found among neighbours tern is managed by village council (dzumsha). who may or may not be kinsmen. There is also The sowing and harvesting are synchronized at mutual assistance even when co-operation is meeting of the dzumsha so as to utilise the fal- not essential to the performance of a task, for low land as common pastures. There is no dif- example, in weeding and harvesting, for it is ferential access to resources through private and conventional to ask people for help, the obliga- ownership and no specialisation of labour be- tion to assist being part of customary relation- yond that by sex; hence no market system to ships. It must be understood, that all economic intervene in the direct relationship between pro- activities in agriculture, grazing and migrations duction and consumption. The basic principle of the community passively participates in them of this type of society is that people make deci- by the dictates of the head of the dzumsha-pi- sions about the activities for which they are re- pon and elders who decide the dates of depar- sponsible. Consensus is reached within when- ture and arrival to appointed places. All the Bhu- ever group is carrying out a collective activity. tias can carry out their economic activities, be- cause they are members of dzumsha signifying However, the system does not depend on any their belongingness to community. The social delegation of power from high to low. organisation dictated by traditions and customs of the Bhutia community has potential strength Social Network for coordination and security necessary for ac- complishing the functions of its productive sys- Though the household is the smallest and tem. All the people of the village have common most important unit of production and consump- economic interests. It must be emphasised that tion in the Bhutia society, there are activities environmental conditions and transhumant way that demand collective participation viz., roof- of life necessitates relations beyond the limits ing, marriage, birth and funeral ceremonies and of a village. communal works like repairing of paths, con- Though, the inherent need for cooperation struction of gompa, dzumsha house etc. In a is less evident among the Bhutias but in case of narrow sense the household unit might be called need, standing groups larger than the house- the economic unit, but it is not self-sufficient, holds yet smaller than the village are available. and participation in a wider group in necessary. As households are in need, they tend to make The Bhutia households supply and receive claims for assistance (in the form of labour or goods and services, to and from each other on resources) on other households within the bus- regular basis. They range from consumer goods, ti. These are adhoc gatherings of relatives and food items to labour. Between family and friends friends impermanent united to assist a person in there is no question of charging money for such whose interest the group carries out a defined things. These relations are of exchange and rec- job. Chuchi, the mutual aid group consists al- iprocity type. Polanyi (1944) defined three types most entirely of groups of neighbours, kinsmen of exchange: reciprocity, redistribution and mar- related in one way or another to the persons ket exchange. Among the Bhutias, it exists in the concerned. It is important to note that these form of reciprocity and it means the non-eco- mutual aid groups are not based on kinship in nomical transfers between friends and relations. general, but on residential and customary line. The Bhutias’ reliance on family and friends is Kin are special people, who can be relied upon great as they count these people as resources. but mutual aid groups are more important in the 32 VEENA BHASIN working of society. The Bhutias include rela- a valid reason for this absence, and the wages tives on both sides as their kinsmen. Close rela- will be paid by the person who is unable to re- tives like mother’s brother, father’s sister or fa- ciprocate the labour. A person from another ther’s brother are invited by dompo (invitation). group may not be welcome as replacement if People from daro (friendship) group, also sup- relations between the host and replacement are plement labour in case of need. The help extend- not cordial. It may be concluded that as such ed by friends at marriages, funerals etc. is called there is no replace ability without a valid reason. thogram. It is with such close neigbours that If a person absconds from such reciprocal obli- Bhutias have friendship and constant interac- gations without a valid reason he may be taken tion. These groups may contain friends, near to dzumsha. Though chuchi is an informal group, relatives or distant ones. These groups are violation of its rules may lead it to formal level. based on interfamily relations and its pattern However, this rarely happens, as it is consid- keeps on changing as there are no institutiona- ered bad to create ill-will in such a small commu- lised cognatic groups or segmentary system nity. Thus we may say that among Lachenpas based on nestling principle. Some neighbours and Lachungpas, these are customary “quasi” may be excluded from this group not for any groups- mutual aid groups based on reciprocity, stigma or status factors but because they just bigger than the household and smaller than the do not fall in the customary line of relation for- village which emerge at the time of need or some mation. All families of the group are obliged to exigency. The environmental conditions and give each other gifts of foodstuffs, and person- pastoral pursuits cause modes of dispersal and al labour at times of festivity or need. Help is concentration and this seasonal movement caus- needed at the time of house building or repair- es wide interdependence, which is met within ing, at various times of the agricultural cycle, these customary quasi-groups, creating a sense and in the preparation and serving of large scale of community and preparedness to cooperate. hospitality. They give money and grains as con- All families of these groups are obliged to tributions to each other’s hospitality expenses give gifts, khadas (white scarves) and bottle of at time of marriage, birth, illness and death. They liquor. These relationships are somewhat asym- may also be called upon for help or contribu- metrical to the economically autonomous nucle- tions in unusual situations of need. Contingent ar family. Though family units are private prop- expenditure, contribution of gifts and labour are erty holding units, yet the production from the seen as investments and are fully reciprocal over property has an important collective dimension time. involving the labour of neighbours, kin and A person can be a participant in more than friends. one group. Whenever the situation arises for Besides these quasi-group involvement each co-operative work, according to the nature of family is involved in busti reciprocity with a wis- the work, a message is transmitted by the house- er group- the members of the dzumsha with whom hold member to the members of the group. On one has obligations of token exchange. Partici- the stipulated day, the members arrive early in pation in this wider network, as well as the smaller the morning and start working. No one is the group is basic to full membership in the commu- leader of the party; everybody knows what to nity. The busti reciprocity emerges at the time of do and does it accordingly. If it is a male working death. It is compulsory of the members of the group, women will come to prepare the food to dzumsha to be represented at the thurey (crema- be served at the end of the work. Snacks and tea tion grouds) with their essential contributions are provided during day time and in the evening of wood, grain and butter5. The busti people do chhang and a meal is served. The structure of not give personal labor to one another on recip- the group exists in the “cognitive map” of the rocatory basis. If one needs labour beyond his people. But it is not a regular, corporate and in- chuchi, one has to hire people from the busti, stitutionalized group. In house building, one who are ready to work for money or food. The person from each household of the group, pref- boundaries of the chuchi effectively mark the erably a man, is informed. If the head cannot limits of one’s reciprocal aid-relationship. come, he sends his substitute. If the work load Apart from the above, there are special is heavy, both men and women are invited. A friends who are part of a co-operative enterprise. child cannot replace the person provided he has These persons may or may not be from the same BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 33 neighbourhood. A certain degree of intimacy is of community organisation. Both communities the basis of daro (friendship) relationship and are governed by the dzumsha (village council). involves the giving of help, including material The dzumsha’s council of representatives (lhey- items and services, as well as psychological sup- na) is composed of the headmen (pipon), the port. Loans of basic food stuffs (small amounts council of village elders and an assembly of all of barley, salt, tea, candles and matches) occur the people. The administration through dzum- regularly within the encampment and reflect the sha started in these societies in the early 19th need for mutually supporting exchanges in an century in order to provide structural cohesive- environment isolated from the market. The loans ness in these far-flung societies which were away are taken and paid back on frequent basis. Loans from the rules of the Sikkim’s central authority. of meat and dairy products are less common. Similar cases of self- governance were reported However, wealthier neighbours or relatives do among Te of Nepal (Ramble 1990) and Nyi-Shang make the gifts of meat and dairy products to of Nepal (Sagant 1990); the Changpas of poorer household. Although characterised as Changthang Ladakh (Bhasin 2011). Tradition- loans, they in fact constitute a food security net ally, the Chogyal of Sikkim recognised the dzum- for the receiving households who usually are sha and pipon (village chief) of Lachen and La- not able to pay back. Among close relatives, chung and used these means of delegating his such relation is implicit rather than explicit but authority. Though, the administrative system such relations between non-related households dzumsha is inherited from the past, it has sur- are based on the exchange of labour for live- vived to this time by adapting itself to changing stock products. The exchange of goods and ser- circumstances. After the integration of Sikkim vices through informal networks of kins and with the Indian Union, the valleys of Lachen friends is significant in the life of the Bhutias. and Lachung were spared the imposition of the The pattern of such networks is the key element Panchayat system. The dzumsha was officially in the economic structure. These social networks recognised by the Government of India in 1985 can be seen as an adaptive response to variabil- and continues to prove its worth till today by ity of transhumant way of life that is both pre- adapting itself to changing conditions. Howev- dictable and unpredictable change. er, in case of Nyi-Shing in Nepal, the Panchayat Each family contributes to the ceremonies system was imposed on the obtainable system performed at the busti gompa. Compulsory work in 1977. and contributions are expected when festivals are held and ritual performed to ward off evil Dzumsha (Village Council) spirits and natural calamities. The dzumsha is the traditionl administrative SOCIO-POLITICAL SYSTEM system of the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung, which literally means gathering place. It is an The indigenous systems of prestige and assembly composed of the heads of the sepa- power in these two societies are based on rela- rate household. The dzumsha corresponds to tive egalitarianism, as these societies are largely the council of members referred to as lheyna. It unstratified. These systems differ from “kinship is composed of pipon, gen-me, chepas and societies” as well as there are no divisive char- gyapon. These heads of the households have acteristics of a kinship system overpowering the a voting right to select two pipon. Membership socio-political system. There are no social class- and affiliation in dzumsha is founded on the for- es, and the whole population carries out the same mal recognition of both descent and residence kind of economic activities. Normally there is no rules. A person is allowed to sit in the dzumsha hereditary political authority, rank or status. It is assembly, if he has fulfilled his duties as a mem- largely open to any man to advance himself so- ber of the society. This assembly meets in a public cially by his own merit and charismatic qualities. hall-mong-khyim. Special community events are Here is a case of society where social and polit- celebrated here and it serves as a focal meeting ical systems overlap and the political system place for the people. The dzumsha election takes has strains of democratic republic. place yearly. It elects two pipon (headmen), two The socio-political system of the Bhutias of gyapans, who act as constables, messengers and Lachen and still conforms to the age-old system odd job men and two chepa, who act as store- 34 VEENA BHASIN keeper assistants. The chepa are recent addi- resources in Sikkim. New forest rules and re- tion to village administration, as no previous strictions on collection of natural forest produce accounts are available about these. Village el- have continuously reduced the extent of forest ders gen-me (Gen-elder, Me-men) and genthi- use by the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung. As lenge (respectively known among the Lachen- a result of this the Bhutias are opting for tour- pas and Lachugpas) assist pipon in the effec- ism, contract work and government jobs. tive working of village administration. Their num- ber varies from three to five. Previously there Dzumsha ghar or Mong-khyim were eighteen elders among the Lachenpas. Dzumsha ghar or mong-khiym is a place Functions of the Dzumsha where the Lachungpas meet to discuss their problems, to hear the authorities, to elect a pi- The dzumsha exercised three functions: land pon and to take important decisions. holding, resource management and community organisation. However, all three functions are in Pipon keshe (Election) fact normally exercised through committee, the community representatives. Another duty of the In this democratic form of government, the assembly is that of assigning who is going to public elect pipon by voting* (damto), in De- join gompa to become a monk. cember after the Lama dance. The first election The dzumsha has many social responsibili- of the pipon took place in 1978-79, before that ties to fulfill. It has strong judicial role. It set up the pipon was nominated by the group of re- rules to be followed by all the people. The imple- spected, responsible and honest people mentation and enforcement of the rules is also (theumi). In Lachen two pipon, are elected for the duty of the dzumsha. As these rules were the administration of the society. There are no not compiled, the enforcement was not proper. official members in the pipon system. However, In 1991, these rules were on paper in the regis- each pipon is assisted by one gyapon who act ter-deb-chen. The Bhutias abide by the rules of as constable, messengers and odd job man. The the dzumsha. Before the opening of Police Sta- gyapon are selected by the pipon. The chepa tion in the area, the dzumsha had the authority are selected by the public by lottery system. to arrest the person in case of his criminal activ- The pipon lochee (tenure) is for eleven months. ities. The Bhutias can be fined for being late for In this short period he has to prove his calibre. the dzumsha meeting or being absent from it with- The tenure has been reduced from three years out a valid reason; for not following the dates of to eleven months, as the post of pipon does not migration for agricultural and pastoral activities; carry any remuneration and a person has to sac- for not participating in community work or for rifice his own work in favour of public work. The not contributing cash or kind to the community post carries a lot of prestige, but no economic cause; for not contributing butter for the gom- privileges, thought the possession of greater pa’s lamps and for their absence at thurey (cre- than average wealth may be a criterion of the mation ground) with their essential contributions qualities or status required for pipon’s post, for of wood, butter and grain. In the course of time, in this economically homogeneous egalitarian some new rules have been added like the people society, accumulation of wealth depends on per- are not allowed to attend the dzumsha meetings sonal qualities. The elders who assist pipon are or dances at gompa under the influence of alco- ex-pipon, one ajopao (shaman or sorcerer) and hol. The Bhutias are fined for fighting, gambling one Lama. etc. In Lachung, as there are three busties, one After the integration of Sikkim with India, pipon looks after Shertchu and Singring busties there is change in the administrative set-up and and the other is the administrative head of Bee- the duties of the dzumsha have increased. The chu busti. Because of the topography of the dzumsha has to look after the interest of its peo- revenue block and distance between busties, two ple for using resources in the area as these re- pipon are essential for better administration. sources are also being shared by the army es- Moreover, the migration of Lachungpa to Khed- tablishment. The loss of Tibetan pasture after um, Leema and Lothen, for agriculture can be the closure of border is overtaxing the existing better looked after by pipon. Both the pipon BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 35 take care of their respective busti problems dur- the execution of all important public works. Much ing migration and non-migration periods. (For of his time is spent in the dzumsha house, where details see Bhasin 1990). The gen-me are also he listens to news, petitions and complaints from elected. people, and given order for whatever action may The dzumsha meetings are called to conduct be necessary. He must protect the rights of his public business. The most important decisions subjects, provide justice for the oppressed and regarding the economic strategies are taken by punish wrong doers. He controls the distribu- the dzumsha, such as division of cultivable land tion and use of the tribal land, organises large at different places, grazing facilities, seasonal collective feasts, and regulates grazing timings migrations of communities and other social mat- and those for sowing and harvesting crops. With ters. The dzumsha is the perfect form of demo- the extension of the Indian Penal Code, the pi- cratic government, wherein all decisions are tak- pon’s administrative duties have increased to a en by the consent of the people of the communi- great extent. He is responsible to the administra- ty. tion for maintaining law and order, preventing Disputes, arising chiefly from the theft of crime and collecting revenue. He must carry out garden crops, animals and women that is, adul- all official orders and instructions from above. tery and related offences are tried to solve by He is expected to co-operate with the District the pipon and the village elders informally. They Commissioner and its office in all sorts of eco- always try to solve disputes at this level. If it nomic, social and educational developmental cannot be solved at this level, then the case is schemes. His formerly undivided control over officially brought to mong-khyim. A rupee and every aspect of public life has thus been divid- khada is paid as a court fee by both parties. ed among various governmental departments Even here, a committee is formed and mediation with superior authority. To meet the individual is tried to reach a compromise. If the settlement expenditure of his own visits to Gangtok or Man- is not agreeable to both the parties, then the gan, he has to spend from his own pocket. How- official procedure takes its course. The trimptons ever, during the visits of VIPs or senior govern- or a jury of ten persons including two pipon are ment officials, feasts are arranged from the pub- selected; one of the trimptons is head Lama lic fund. People contribute to this fund in the (chutimpa) and another sorcerer-ajopao. They hope that the pipon will persuade officials to all come to mong-khyim with their beddings, as provide for more developmental schemes and they are not allowed to move out during the subsidies. Besides contributing money to this proceedings which may last from two to ten days. fund, people help in arranging the feast, erect- All will take oath from the chutimpa and ajo- ing welcome arches, burning of “dhoop” (in- pa. The house is divided into two groups for cense) and presenting scarves etc. In this way and against. Both parties plead their case and people show their faith in the pipon and the el- the trial is held inside the mong-khyim. If an ders. agreement is reached the guilty party is fined. It The pipon has to generate funds by other the agreement is not acceptable to him he can means also. Every year, during lhosar festival in apply to the Deputy Commissioner through the the month of December, Lamas perform rituals pipon, but this rarely happens. The pipon has a and pooja (prayer) for the community welfare. seal and he can forward the sealed papers of the Everybody in the village participates in this by proceedings of the case of the Deputy Commis- contributing one phe (a measure) of rice, chur- sioner at Mangan. rah (parched cereals), chhang (local drink), ghee (clarified butter), vegetable, meat etc. to the go- Powers, Authority and Duties of Pipon mpa. The pipon and his family have to look after the people and the arrangements for the feast. The pipon as head of its people is always The contributions are utilised for food and ritu- treated by his subjects with a good deal of out- als, and what remains is auctioned. The dak (auc- ward respect. He can decide upon community tion) takes place at Mong-khyim after the com- policy and make regulations binding upon his pletion of pooja and other celebrations, the high- subjects. However, the pipon is more concerned est bidder gets the things and the money raised with maintaining the existing laws than to mod- through dak is deposited in the same public ify them. He determines upon and arranges for fund. 36 VEENA BHASIN

Collection of taxes is another duty of the pi- supreme authority. To check him, the village el- pon. The pipon, with the assistance of the ders are always there. If he tries to misuse his gyapon collects government levies such as land power or is corrupt, a vote of no confidence is revenue and forest tax, and is the representative passed and he is removed from office. In this of the community in government dealings. There regard village elders are more powerful than the is no prescribed schedule or rules for the impos- pipon. If people are not satisfied with the pi- ing taxes. It is at the discretion of the pipon. He pon’s administration, meeting is called by vil- has to deposit a lump-sum of money as revenue lage elders, and the pipon is asked to appear. to authorities. People have faith in the pipon, This process of impeachment is called pikshe that whatever he demands is fair. The individu- and the election of a new pipon before the com- als, who do not want to migrate with their ani- pletion of the term of old one is called kyarzi- mals to the winter place, have to seek permis- hoo dentuk. sion of the pipon and pay extra money for the Apart from legal recourse, in case of more grass, as the grass belongs to the community. serious offences the Bhutias avail the services People have to start moving for grazing on the of the pau (sorcerer) to discover by divination date fixed by the pipon. Whosoever breaks the and punish the guilty party. The pau performs rule is fined by the pipon depending on the num- cho-chapshe, which is considered a very pow- ber of animals he possesses. Nowadays, the pi- erful weapon, the curse of which is believed to pon has also to regulate the collection of jata- affect nine generations. Cho-chapshe is per- manshi and kutiki (minor forest produce). From formed wherever an individual or group is ac- the last ten to twelve years all the villagers start cused of crimes against society which have to for collection at the same time. Previously, peo- be punished by the devils. The crimes could be ple were not bothered with the minor economic embezzling of public funds, disobeying of pi- activity because other sources of income were pon’s order, a big theft in the area or abduction sufficient for subsistence. of an engaged girl by somebody not engaged to The pipon plays an important role in negoti- her. Cho-chapshe can be employed against the ating the compensation when the government pipon also, if he betrays his people or is guilty acquires land of the Bhutias for road construc- of fraud or nepotism. tion. The pipon also plays a crucial role in tak- Confronted with extraordinary or continual- ing action against those who violates the law of ly repeated offences, the villagers act as a cor- their society. He has the authority to fine from porate group and exact penalties, otherwise most Rs.20 to Rs.5000 or 100 strokes of the cane. Peo- transgressions are viewed simply as acts against ple appreciate the pipon’s services and honour individuals, which compel the person concerned him by offering gifts- “chhang-ring” like to rally the support of his friends and close kins- scarves, chhang and money. This gesture from men, to a dzumsha meeting for the mediation of the villagers puts the pipon in good spirits. pipon and elders. The Bhutias have gompa so- People who pay no heed to the dzumsha are ciety, to look after ritual offences. threatened by social boycott and removal of their Intra-village violence, if not negligible, is names from the dzumsha roll-call. Social boy- restricted. Village elders and kinsmen exert in- cott is a disaster in these areas, where the prom- formal influence upon both parties to exchange inence of the dzumsha is supreme. This type of tokens of goodwill and cease hostilities. The socio-political system derive from the cultural parties, under the force of public opinion and fact that all decisions, to a greater or lesser ex- village morality often suspend hostilities on their tent, involve people who are bound to each oth- own. The coherence, integrity and solidarity of er in a network of common obligations and cul- the village are preserved as there are no intra- tural goals. Law, as a social phenomenon, can- village groups and there are no institutions to not be easily separated from its cultural matrix. give rise to rivalries. As there are no competitive groups, individual antagonists have no group Kyarzthoo Dentuk (Impeachment of Pipon and backing. But in contrast, loyalty to the commu- Selection of New One) nity takes precedence over any issue in which it is involved. To understand the organisation of Though the pipon is an executive head, and Bhutia society, the central role of individual has a lot of power and authority, he is not the household in the conduction of daily life must BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 37 be appreciated. A caste and/ or class system has larly in respect of their work. Buddhist women not developed as there are no cultural and eco- do not observe Purdah. In the matters of di- nomic divergences. vorce and remarriage of widows too, they exhib- it much less rigidity of attitude. In Hinduism, a Mechanism Which Lead to Settlement woman has no individuality of her own and her position in the society is generally as wife or Underlying these customary laws, which put mother. Buddhism stands for individual rights pressure on the parties to settle a dispute, is the for women and secular conception of marriage. constant pressure of common residence. For Marriage, according to Buddhism, is essentially common residence implies a necessity to co- a mundane affair, something of a social contract operate in maintaining peace, and that peace in- with the right to divorce. Though, marriage is volves some recognition of the demands of law not regarded as a sacrament, yet it plays an im- and morality. It also involves mutual tolerance. portant part in the life of the people, as it is a These demands are backed by constant inter- contract as well as an institution with defines marriages which go on in a limited area. The rights and duties. Buddhist law favours the Bhutia are lined in a web of kinship ties and new equality of sexes and in many ways treats mar- meshes are constantly being woven in this web riage as creating partnership in goods (Shyam with each marriage. These webs of ties unite Kumari Nehru “Legal form of marriage in India” members to form groups. Local groups have c.f. Indian Women Though the Ages- P. Tho- common local interests. mas). These common local interests are recipro- The status of women can be ascertained by cated by category of arbitrators who may be educational achievements of women, legal rights called on to help settle disputes. The arbitrators and status given to them, employment opportu- are village elders. Though they have no forceful nities and demographic characteristics of wom- power of coercion, but related by kinship and en in socio-cultural terms. If we see Bhutia wom- common interests. The agreement is generally en in regard to their educational achievements, and easily reached and compensation paid or legal and political rights, employment opportu- promised. The kinship status of “elders” is the nities and demographic characteristics, they do conjoint between kinship and politics. not have high status. Literacy rate among Bhu- Conflicts are a part of social life and custom tia female is a low as 13.35 per cent in compari- appears to exacerbate these conflicts: but in son to Bhutia male literacy rate of 37.33 (Bhasin doing so customs also restrain the conflicts from 1990) against India’s female’s literacy rate of destroying the whole social order (Gluckman 24.82. Girls are not sent to school as they are 1960: 2). Smaller societies have such well estab- needed at home to look after the small children lished and well known codes of morals and laws, or to other odd jobs at home. The sex ratio among of convention and ritual. Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung is 965 which Mechanism which lead to settlement of con- indicate the excess of males in the population. flicts are the ecological necessities which force The Bhutias women’s lack of control over people to co-operate; the narrow limits of econ- resources and lesser say in a community life may omy which force them to work in groups for the give impression of a lower status but their con- production of food; common residence and; cealed power in the working of society is not code of conduct. On the one hand they have denied. customary law and code of conduct and on the In traditional Bhutia community, the women other their socio-political system has character- have an important role to play. Gender princi- istic of a Democratic Republic where impeach- ples are central to the organisation of traditional ment of the pipon is possible, if his work is not communities. Gender and the division of labour satisfactory. that depends on its recognition, are decisive el- ements giving mountain societies stability and Status of Women cohesiveness (Illich 1982; Abu-Lughod 1985). The analysis of women’s status in society is Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung are follow- inseparable from the analysis of social-econom- ers of Buddhism. Buddhists on the whole have ic structure as a whole. There are complex cul- a more liberal attitude towards women, particu- tural and social processes which are operative 38 VEENA BHASIN at the village level, and the linkage which exists tion based on economical, political and other between them, effect the position of women. For considerations. Here, adaptation has been un- instance economic and social mobility affect derstood as a process whereby the Bhutias of those processes, various development pro- Lachen and Lachung have modified their social, grammes of rural change introduced by the gov- cultural and economic life to suit the needs of ernment and voluntary organisation affect the the new setting that is, after the closure of the position of women at different economic and Tibetan border and integration of Kingdom of social levels. Sikkim with Indian Union. All families have a recognised head, which In a land use strategy perspective, these represents the household in dealing with dzum- adaptations are necessarily interdependent. sha and busti matters and strangers. In the joint Historically, the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung family or incomplete family, the senior male is have proven resilient to pressures. However, in the head. Only where there are no adult male the last century, their economic systems have members in the household, is a women regarded experienced many socio-economic changes that as the head of the household. The male control have increased vulnerability of local livelihoods. of animals creates a predilection for patri-orien- The current drives of changes that affected the tation in residence, filiations and heritage. It also system’s components and indicators of vulner- tends to reduce the social role of the women ability are the socio-political factors. The key though not their economic value. In respect of factors of socio-economic changes have been decision in the sphere of household activities the change of governance and introduction of there is much equality between men and women development plans in the area. The livelihood of and the various divisions which affect the the Bhutias has always been dependent on the household are taken to mutual adjustments. natural resources and sensitive to climate It can be concluded from the above descrip- change. However, such events can be easily sep- tion that among the Bhutias, ‘busti’ is an admin- arated from the major issues like pasture degra- istration and jural unit. It remains the most inclu- dation and policy changes. The Bhutias have sive level of political activity. It is recognised by always known and felt that their lives are affect- the Indian Government as an electoral ward and ed by harsh climate and variability in the climate within its limits as a self-governing community. in the past also. However, social-political fac- It has its own headman pipon, its own means for tors of closure of border after Indo-China war, settling disputes and effecting collective deci- shrinkage of pasture, stationing of army, restric- sions. Dzumsha is the village body, formed by tion of grazing in border areas and opening of the head of each household. Dzumsha is a local area to the tourists have brought changes in the community-based village-governance system. Bhutias’ life. Adaptation is a necessary strate- Dzumsa is a formal legal body that is elected/ gy at all levels to compliment changes. Accord- selected by the villagers, and has well defined ing to Burton et al. (1993), the term adaptation role (written in deb chen) on socio-religious and covers eight categories: bearing losses (doing socio-economic prospects and issues, socio- nothing), sharing losses, modifying the threat political situations and challenges, resource and thus preventing effects, changing use, ownership and land use systems, and resource changing location, assessing new research extraction and use. based technologies, disseminating knowledge through education to behaviour and restoration. CONCLUSION Others have classified adaptation as anticipato- ry and reactive adaptation, private and public Communities like Lachenpas and Lachung- adaptation and autonomous and planned adap- pas whose food production activities involve tation (IPCC 2001). variable localities and settlements “are actually In high altitude areas like Lachen and La- conceptual isolates rather than being fully self- chung where ecological production is highly sufficient system” (Frantz 1982: 57). It seems more variable over time and heterogeneous in space, probable that ecological adaptations are the de- indigenous land tenure systems rests on main- termining variable (in the sense of a limited num- taining flexibility of access to critical grazing, ber of options available) and the Bhutias re- browse and other resources by means of mobil- sponded by exploiting one or another adapta- ity over a large grazing source which is held in BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 39 common. This common grazing source is actual- on the natural resources which were managed in ly undividable, in view of the fact that risks are an institutionalised way through dzumsha. The pooled at the level of the social group as a guard chogyal gave concessions for grazing and wild against individual failure. It is true that common harvesting. The dzumsha strictly banned poach- property rights are constraints on development, ing of musk deer and other animals. If poaching but compared with alternative (private) forms of rules are broken, one would have to pay fine or land tenure, indigenous tenure arrangements even could face extradition from the dzumsha. represent the best guarantee of sustained opti- To conserve bioresources, the chogyal regulat- mal resource exploitation by herding communi- ed hunting with the help of religious belief, which ties under unpredictable varying ecological con- disallowed the consumption of meat at a speci- dition (Standford 1983; Swift 1988; Dyson-Hud- fied time which coincided with the breeding sea- son and McCabe 1990; Niamir 1990). son of birds and animals. When the Indian Wild- This line of reasoning suggests that the plan- life (protection) Act 1972 became applicable in ners for development should start from and build Sikkim, the State Forest Department along with on indigenous land tenure arrangements that the dzumsha, declared ban on hunting, organ- are adapted to ecological variability (PALD 1993). ised trap demolition and apprehended Musk The recently emerging ‘new ecology’ ques- Deer poachers. The dzumsha along with gompa tions the core assumption of the science of ecol- authorities banned wild extraction of honey. ogy, including that of equilibrium ecological the- These institutions were also responsible for con- ory (Botkin 1990; Allen and Hoekstra 1992). Clas- servation of water sources-chulumbo or devith- sical equilibrium theory is unable to capture the ans for wildlife. Like the Changpas of Changth- uncertainty and variability in arid ecosystem ang, Ladakh, the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung (Behnke et al. 1993; Scoones 1994) making such consider the migratory Black-necked crane (Grus concepts as carrying capacity and stocking rate nigricollis) a holy bird. It is known as Tcha- ineffective in predicting ecosystem productivi- Tung-Tung and is not hunted. Likewise, another ty and dynamics at the scale necessary for local migratory Bird- Bar-headed goose (Anser indi- level management. Davis (2004) makes a distinc- cus) is also protected by dzumsha order. The tion between ‘coping strategies’ (fall back mech- traditional system of sky-burial practiced by the anisms to deal with short-term insufficiency of Bhutias was instrumental in conserving the dif- food) and ‘adaptive strategies’ (long term or ferent species of high altitude vultures such as permanent changes in the ways in which house- Bearded vulture (Gypaetus barbatus) and Hi- holds and individuals acquire sufficient food or malayan griffon (Gyps himalayenis) income). Coping mechanisms involve social, The Bhutias animatedly adjusted themselves economic and institutional preparedness to deal to changed socio-political environment. Their with social effects of climatic disasters. In case own social and livelihood pattern played an im- of excessive snow, the government and non- portant in making alternative ways of earning government organisations come to their rescue. money a viable way of life. Their traditional econ- However, after the closure of border and sta- omy was agro-pastoral associated with trade. tioning of army in the area, the Bhutias faced However, they were not highly dependent on supply-induced scarcity, when the previously agriculture and pastoralism though these were used resources across the border declined in very important parts of their economy. The Bhu- quantity, individuals and households faced dif- tias specialised in long distance trade. Their trade ficulties in gaining and maintaining access to relations with Tibet helped them to keep a high sufficient food, they did not rely on short terms standard of living which otherwise would not of coping, they also looked for alternative means have been possible through agriculture and pas- of earning livelihood. The domestic livestock of toralism. After the closure of border, there was a Lachen and Lachung was threatened due to the difference between the strategies of the Lachen- reduced grazing niche already occupied by large pas and Lachungpas, one reduced its number of bodied herbivores. small flocks and carried on with yak herds only During the reigns of chogyals, these areas and played more attention to agriculture and were isolated due to its geographical position tourism while the other maintained both agricul- and lack of communication. For their sustenance ture and pastoralism. In the study area, livestock the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung depended are a depository for saving, a reserve for con- 40 VEENA BHASIN tingencies, a self-reproducing asset, a source of predominantly local interaction patterns between subsistence and current income and a source of kinsmen and friends are the most important in- energy for fields (through the cycling of nutri- stitutions which anchored theses Bhutias to a ents through crop residue and manure). specific community and territory. This tradition- With the recent changes in the region, the tra- al organisation (dzumsha) has a formal set up to ditional Bhutias society practicing an overpower- show an example of social cohesion between ingly barter economy with socially fixed economic the people with range of activities. Dzumsa, exchanges has transformed to an economic sys- which has been under operation for over 600 tem characterised by monetised trade and specia- years, controls resources and looks after con- lised exchanges. Need for cash has increased servation of resources, pasture management for among the Bhutias as they have to buy grains grazing, conflict resolution, social and commu- from PDS shops, fodder from government agen- nity mobilisation, traditions and local gover- cies at Rs. 898 per quintal, pay for schooling of nance. children, clothes, tents, equipments and shoes, A great deal of their life still proceeds inde- health care, medicines and veterinary care. Pash- pendently of outside influence. However, these mina, which was a traditional barter product, has three structures are being transformed by an in- become like a cash crop and is sold for cash. terrelated series of changes. Outmigration, the It may be noted that the Bhutias of these two acceptance of a wide range of technological in- valleys are a close knit and very cohesive group of novations, changing pattern in education and people. They help their fellow men in times of need. communication, commercialisation of and intro- Their participation in the dzumsha- the socio, eco- duction of tourism appears to be more relevant nomic and political institution at the group level combination of factors which are making for a and societal level has helped them to adapt to the reorganisation of patterns of living. Once the new set-up. The association of clustering of the local economy is linked through the market with Bhutias through the dzumsha institution has family consumption and family consumption helped to perpetuate their culture. The dominant standard linked directly to constantly raising geographical feature of the surrounding nature aspirations, a powerful impetus for change has strengthens their positive image and signifies con- been introduced. tinuity. There are many features that demonstrate Because of above-mentioned factors, the Bhutias have to look for new strategies in addi- both continuity and change in the Bhutia soci- tion to traditional strategies of mobility and herd ety. Beliefs, values and life styles: gender roles diversification to make ends meet. Reducing and status of men and women; social institu- herd size and increasing the number of goats in tions and family life show continuity and change. a herd and wage earning are strategies to cope The basic structure remains the same but the with population growth, and conservation poli- actions of individuals, organisations and social cies and shrinking winter pasture. Income diver- movements have an impact on society and may sification is an important means for herders to become the catalyst for social change. Social manage risk. In order to maintain household via- continuity cannot be simply defined as the ab- bility, individual members may migrate to seek sence of change, things remaining the same, employment elsewhere in order to relieve their because social change is a continual process in pastoral household of a member and to earn all societies. In his study, Datta-Roy (1980: 212) money to contribute to overall household in- shows the transformation of local village lead- come. If the household losses are too great, en- ers into national democratic leaders by ironical- tire households are compelled to migrate, leav- ly pointing to the enormous gap between the ing a few animals with the relatives. There is a local way of governing and talking to the people difference between strategies of the poor pasto- about their own affairs, and the complete brain- ralists who have lost a major part of their herd, washing which must be learned by those who and often look for other sources of income and want to appear on national scene. those better off who remain in the sector but are The transhumant herders in this region are diversifying to complement and sustain their facing many problems because of restrictions resources. on entering with their herds in traditional graz- Units such as the household, the village or ing areas near international border. Apart from busti, encampments, and dzumsha defined by this army has occupied many of their traditional BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 41 pastures for making army camps. There is no the best of methods suited to their well-being. proper fencing of landmine areas; consequent- Nowadays, even the remote villagers are get- ly, many herders have suffered landmine casual- ting used to electricity instead of oil lamp, con- ties without any compensation. As the area is crete building instead of wooden cottage, flush rich in medicinal plants, the transhumant herd- toilet instead of pit toilet, cooking gas (LPG) in- ers have been carrying out collecting activities stead of fire wood, packaged along with their pastoral duties. It was an addi- Current educational problems and dilemmas tional way of earning money in this extreme cli- testify to the ever-present tension between ed- mate. The Bhutias have special values, practic- ucation for cultural continuity and change. es and regulatory frameworks governing access School attendance inspires children to question to natural resources and other customary and/ and challenge traditional social roles. Herding or formal institutions governing the management families in Lachen and Lachung, for instance, of the agro-ecosystem and its benefits. Howev- may want their sons to gain the skills of basic er, there has been over harvesting of medicinal schooling in order to better defend their inter- plants, poaching of wildlife plants and timber by ests or bargain with traders, but they still expect outsiders. the boys to assume the ritual responsibilities of With the outside help like subsidies and ra- the society and master the herding enterprise. tion supply, the Bhutias who have shown resil- Yet the boys learn about the wider world and ience in difficult times are succumbing to easier often aspire to professional careers in the larger access to basic amenities by State Government. cities. Their individual mobility up the social lad- They have started depending on military estab- der may be perceived as coming at the cost of lishments for small favours. Their dependence solidarity with the kinship group or village. Like- on military resources of date expired tinned food- wise, girls aspire modern careers, and cite the stuffs and other amenities is another matter of aspirations of their school peers, to press for concern. Stricter vigilance by field staff of For- permission to pursue advanced schooling in- est Department, which should make sure that stead of embracing the culturally traditional op- tion of early childbearing and domestic profi- staff, has incentive, plus all the basic field equip- ciency. The Bhutias are in favour of infrastruc- ment, training rules, regulations, procedures and ture development but not at the cost of losing good transport for high altitude. They should the traditional life style and culture. They value provide trainings and skill development for Wool their religion and culture much more than mate- Industry (sheep wool; yak hair, under wool) Milk rial comfort. As long as there is no conflict be- Processing Centre (viable only in summer) tween their religiosity and technology, the local Cheese Plant (viable only in summer) Solar En- people do not interfere with the developmental ergy Appliances, Wind Energy Appliances, activities. Leather processing, Handicraft and Handloom, Herbal Gardens and products. NOTES The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung are no longer in favour of isolation. There was a time 1. Now many Lachenpas have started butchering an- when the Bhutias looked up to the Tibetan aris- imals. tocrats and religious leaders for their worldly as 2 Sikkim suffered a massive earth quake on 18th Sep- well as spiritual developments. There were reg- tember 2011. 3 In Yumthang hot water rich in sulphur emanate ular exchanges across the northern and eastern from a small spring and are diverted inside a hut borders and every Bhutia family of the region where two pools are made for the bathers. aspired to adopt the life style and standards set 4 Sagant (1990) reported that in other Himalayan by the Tibetan elites. Buddhist Societies the village chiefs were chosen by the ritual. With the closure of borders, the focus grad- 5 The members of the dzumsha are obliged to attend ually shifted to the south. The merger of Sikkim the funeral of anyone in the village along with the with India took some time to settle in the psyche essential contribution of one ching (scented Juni- of the local communities. Reservation and inhi- per, kept on left shoulder), fifty paise, one pitha (measure) or rice, one pitha of roasted grain, one bition in adopting Indian ways of development nyago (measure) of butter and bundle of firewood. is still not uncommon. But after more than three The pipon keeps a record of attendance at funer- decades of association, the trends are changing als. Each family has to be represented by an adult and there is a conscious effort to learn and adopt male; absentees are fined by the pipon. 42 VEENA BHASIN

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