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Notes and References 1 The Growth of Trade, Trading Networks and Mercantilism in Pre-colonial South-East Asia I. Victor B. Lieberman, 'Local integration and Eurasian analogies: structuring South­ East Asian history c.1350-c.l830', Modem Asian Studies, 27, 3 (1993) p. 477. 2. Ibid., p. 480. 3. Victor B. Lieberman, Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c./580-1760 (Princeton, 1984) p. 21. 4. James C. Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand 1850-1970 (Stanford, 1971) p. 12. 5. Sompop Manarungsan, The Economic Development of Thailand 1850-1950: Re­ sponse to the Challenge of the World Economy (Bangkok, 1989) p. 32. 6. Lieberman (1993) p. 500. 7. Anthony Reid, 'Economic and social change c.l400-1800', in Nicholas Tarling (ed.) The Cambridge History of South-East Asia, from Early Times to c./800, vol. I (Cambridge, 1992) pp. 481-3. For a stimulating study of how Dutch intervention and the native Islamic reform movements eroded indigenous capital­ ist development in coffee production, see C. Dobbin, Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy: Central Srw~atra 1784-1847 (London, 1983). 8. Anthony Reid, 'The origins of revenue farming in South-East Asia', in John Butcher and Howard Dick (eds) The Rise and Fall of Revenue Farming: Busi­ ness Elites and the Emergence of the Modern State in South-East Asia (London, 1993) pp. 70-1. 9. Anthony Reid, 'The seventeenth century crisis in South-East Asia', Modern Asian Studies 24 (October 1990) pp. 642-5; Denys Lombard and Jean Aubin (eds) Marc/rands et hommes d'affaires asiatiques dans /'Ocean lndien et Ia Mer de Chine, 13e-20e sitkles (Paris, 1988). I 0. Reid (1990) pp. 642-5. II. Reid (1992) pp. 476-7. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid., pp. 482-3. 14. See Reid (1993). 15. M. C. Ricklefs, A History of Modenr Indonesia (London, 1981), p. 68. 16. Reid (1993) p. 78. 17. Ibid. 18. Reid ( 1992) p. 465. 19. Om Prakash, The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Benga/1630- 1720 (Princeton, 1985) p. 143; Sinappah Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companies am/ Commerce on the Coromandel Coast, 1650-1740 (New Delhi, 1986) pp. 134-5. 20. Robert Leroy Innes, 'The door ajar: Japan's foreign trade in the 17th century' (Ph.D., University of Michigan, 1980) pp. 322-53, 376-432. For further examples of seventeenth century prosperity see James Francis Warren, The Sulu Zone 1768-1898 (Singapore, 1981); Lieberman (1993) p. 492. 21. Reid ( 1992) p. 491. 22. Ibid., p. 501. 258 Notes and References 259 23. Ibid. 24. Reid (1992) p. 492. 25. Ibid. 26. R. Z. Leirissa, 'Raja Jailolo dan Masyarakat Halmahera. Studitentang Sejarah Masyarakat Maluku Utara' (Ph.D., Universitas Indonesia, 1990); R. Z. Leirissa, 'Changing maritime trade patterns in the Scram Sea' (Paper for Fifth Dutch Indonesian History Conference, Laagevuursche, 23-27 June 1986). 27. Much of this discussion on Indian trading networks is based on Arasaratnam (1986); K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company 1660-1760 (Cambridge, 1978). 2!l. Sinappah Arasaratnam, 'Islamic merchant communities of the Indian sub-continent in South-East Asia' (The Sixth Sri Lanka Endowment Fund Lecture at the Uni­ versity of Malaya, II October 1989) p. 6. 29. Ibid., p. 7. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., p. 18. 32. Arasaratnam (1986) p. 147. 33. Arasaratnam ( 1989) p. 17. 34. Ibid., p. 16. 35. For an excellent analysis of kongsis see Wang Tai Peng, 'The origins of the Kongsi with special reference to West Borneo' (M.A., Australian National Uni­ versity, 1977). 36. Reid ( 1992) p. 496. 37. Ibid., pp. 486-7. 38. Ibid. 39. Leonard Y. Andaya, 'Interactions with the outside world and adaptation in South East Asian society 1500-1800', in Nicholas Tarling (ed.) The Cambridge History of Solllh East Asia, from Early Times to c.1800, vol. I (Cambridge, 1992) p. 355. 40. For a quantitative study of the impact of the Dutch on Indonesia sec Niels Steensgaard, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeemh Cemury (Chicago, 1973); Kristof Glamann, Dlllch-Asiatic Trade 1620-1740 (The Hague, 1958); J. R. Bruijn, F. S. Gaastra and I. Schoffer, Dlllch Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th Centuries, 3 vols (The Hague, 1979-87). 41. Reid ( 1990) pp. 653-4. 42. Ibid. 43. Ricklefs ( 1981) pp. 105-6. 44. J. Kathirithamby-Wells, 'The age of transition: the mid-eighteenth to the early nineteenth centuries', in Nicholas Tarling (ed.) The Cambridge History of South­ East Asia, from Early Times to c.1800, vol. I (Cambridge, 1992), p. 603. 45. Chaudhuri (1978). 46. The relationship between English and Indian merchants is covered in Chaudhuri (1978) pp. 141-51; Amiya Kumar Bagchi, Private Investment in India 1900-39 (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 196-216. 47. Chaudhuri (1978) chapters 10-17. 48. Arasaratnam ( 1989) p. 19. 49. Arasaratnam (1986) p. 147. 50. David K. Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History (New Haven, 1982) pp. 110-11; Ishii Yonco, 'Thai-Japanese relations in the premodern period: a bibliographi­ cal essay with special reference to Japanese sources', in Chawat Khamchoo and Bruce Reynolds (eds) Thai-Japanese Relations in Historical Perspective (Bangkok, 1988) pp. 1-6. 51. Innes ( 1980) pp. 376-432. 260 Notes and References 52. John E. Wills, 'China's farther shores: continuities and changes in the destina­ tion ports of China's maritime trade 1680-90', in Roderick Ptak and Dietmar Rothermund (eds) Emporia, Commodities and Entrepreneurs in Asian Maritime Trade c./400-1750 (Stuttgart, 1991) p. 76. 53. John Crawfurd, Joumal of an Embassy to the Courts of Siam and Cochin China (London, 1828, reprinted Kuala Lumpur, 1967); Ng Chin Keong, Trade and Society: The Amoy Network on the China Coast 1683-1735 (Singapore, 1983); John E. Wills (1991). 54. Reid ( 1992) pp. 500-4. 2 Structural Change in Rural South-East Asia I. Victor B. Lieberman, 'Local integration and Eurasian analogies: structuring South­ East Asian history c.l350-c.l830', Modern Asian Swdies, 27, 3, (1993) 499. 2. Nguyen Thanh-Nha, Tableau Economique du Vietnam aux XV 11 et XVJJJ siec/es (Paris, 1970) pp. 53, 115, 150. ). James C. Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand 1850-1970 (Stanford, 1971) pp. 7-16; see also, Yoneo Ishii (ed.) Thailand: A Rice Growing Society (Hono­ lulu, 1975) pp. 3-14. 4. Anthony Reid, 'Economic and social change, 1400-1800', in Nicholas Tarling (eel.) The Cambridge History of South-East Asia, from Early Times to c./800, vol. I (Cambridge, 1992) pp. 500-1. 5. Lieberman (1993) p. 501; Nguyen Thanh-Nha (1970) p. 229. 6. S. Viraphol, Tribute and Profit: Sino Siamese Trade, 1652-1853 (Cambridge, Mass, 1977) pp. 73, 104; Ingram (1971) pp. 8-9, 23--4. 7. Lieberman (1993) pp. 502, 504, 505; Ishii (1975) pp. 3-14; Nguyen Thanh-Nha ( 1970) pp. 50-7; M. C. Ricklefs, A Iii story of Modem indonesia (1981) chapter 7; A. Reid, 'An age of commerce in South-East Asian history', Modem Asian Studies, 24, I (1990) pp. 1-30. 8. John A. Larkin, 'Philippine history reconsidered: a socio-economic perspective', American 1/istorica/ Review, 87 (1982) p. 602. 9. J. A. Larkin, The Pampangans: Colonial Society in a Philippine Province (Berkeley, 1972). 10. Alfred W. McCoy, 'A queen dies slowly: the rise and decline of Iloilo City', in Ed C. de Jesus and Alfred W. McCoy (eds) Philippine Social History (Manila, 1982). II. Alfred W. McCoy, 'Sugar barons: formation of a native planter class in the colonial Philippines', Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (April-July 1992) p. 112. 12. Ibid., p. 113. 13. Ibid., pp. 114-5. 14. Ibid., p. 116. 15. Ibid., p. 125. 16. Ibid., p. 126. 17. For a discussion on the Latin American frontier see, Marco Palacios, Coffee in Colombia 1850-1970: An Economic, Social and Political History (Cambridge, 1980); Joe Foweraker, The Struggle for Land: A Political Economy of the Pioneer Frontier Settlement in Brazil 1930 to the Present (Cambridge, 1981). 18. N. G. Owen, 'Philippine economic development and American policy: a reappraisal', in N. G. Owen (ed.) Compadre Colonialism: Studies on the Philippines under American Rule (Michigan, 1971) p. 105. 19. Ibid., p. 115. 20. Michael Adas, The Burma Delta: Economic Development and Social Change on m1 Asian Rice Frontier, 1852-1941 (Madison, 1974) p. 42. Notes and References 261 21. Ibid., p. 34. 22. Aye H1aing, 'Trends of economic growth and income distribution in Burma 1870- 1940', Journal of the Burma Research Society (JBRS) (June 1964). 23. M. S. I. Diokno, 'British firms and the economy of Burma with special reference to the rice and teak industries, 1917-37' (Ph.D., University of London, 1983) pp. 65, 69, 157. 24. Aye Hlaing (1964) p. 126; Adas (1974) pp. 118-9. 25. Adas (1974) p. 72. 26. Ibid., p. 118. 27. Ibid., p. Ill; Diokno (1983) p. 63. 28. Diokno (1983) p. 64. 29. Adas (1974) p. 188. 30. Aye Hlaing (1964) p. 96. 31. Adas (1974) pp. 75, 144. 32. Diokno (1983) p. 137. 33. Ingram (1971) p. 185. 34. Ibid., pp. 44-5. 35. Sompop Manarungsan, The Economic Developmetll of Thailand, 1850-1950: Response to the Challenge of the World Economy (Bangkok, 1989) p. 50. 36. Ibid.; Ingram (1971) p. 178. 37. Pannee Aunsakul, 'The development of domestic rice trade in the central region of Thailand, 1800-1938' (Ph.D., University of Bielefeld, 1990). 38. Thaveesilp Subvattana, 'Kanpalit lai kankhakao nai phak Klang B.E. 2411-2475' [Rice production and rice trade in central Thailand, 1868-1932] (M.A., Chulalong­ korn University, 1978) p. 101. 39. D. Feeny, The Political Eco11omy of Productivity: Thai Agricultural Develop­ mellt 1880-1975 (Vancouver, 1982) pp.
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    101 Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 7.1 (2011): 101-133 DOI: 10.2478/v10016-011-0005-6 Lee Cher Leng Department of Chinese Studies, National University of Singapore ETHNOGRAPHY OF SINGAPORE CHINESE NAMES: RACE, RELIGION, AND REPRESENTATION Abstract Singapore Chinese is part of the Chinese Diaspora.This research shows how Singapore Chinese names reflect the Chinese naming tradition of surnames and generation names, as well as Straits Chinese influence. The names also reflect the beliefs and religion of Singapore Chinese. More significantly, a change of identity and representation is reflected in the names of earlier settlers and Singapore Chinese today. This paper aims to show the general naming traditions of Chinese in Singapore as well as a change in ideology and trends due to globalization. Keywords Singapore, Chinese, names, identity, beliefs, globalization. 1. Introduction When parents choose a name for a child, the name necessarily reflects their thoughts and aspirations with regards to the child. These thoughts and aspirations are shaped by the historical, social, cultural or spiritual setting of the time and place they are living in whether or not they are aware of them. Thus, the study of names is an important window through which one could view how these parents prefer their children to be perceived by society at large, according to the identities, roles, values, hierarchies or expectations constructed within a social space. Goodenough explains this culturally driven context of names and naming practices: Department of Chinese Studies, National University of Singapore The Shaw Foundation Building, Block AS7, Level 5 5 Arts Link, Singapore 117570 e-mail: [email protected] 102 Lee Cher Leng Ethnography of Singapore Chinese Names: Race, Religion, and Representation Different naming and address customs necessarily select different things about the self for communication and consequent emphasis.
  • Police Gurdwaras of the Straits Settlements and the Malay States (1874-1957)

    Police Gurdwaras of the Straits Settlements and the Malay States (1874-1957)

    51 Arunajeet Kaur: Police Gurdwaras Police Gurdwaras of the Straits Settlements and the Malay States (1874-1957) Arunajeet Kaur Nanyang Technological University, Singapore _______________________________________________________________ Sikh migrants to Malaya, who came under the auspices of the British Empire, were first policemen and were later followed by other Sikhs from the Punjab, who took up other professions in the host land. Gurudwara construction and the history behind these Gurudwaras are reflective of the stationing of Sikh police regiments in the respective Malay States and also the settlement patterns of Sikh communities in Malaya. The prolific construction of Sikh Gurudwaras in Malaya demonstrate ‘hotspots’, where more Gurudwaras were constructed, such as in Perak, Selangor and the Straits Settlements, that were to further encourage Sikh communal activities and culture in Malaya. This article describes the construction and significance of Gurudwaras in Malaya. _______________________________________________________________ Murphy (2012, 189) writes that ‘Places and objects related to the Gurus were important in the precolonial historical imaginary. They provided evidence of a history of relationships in the past–parallel to that narrated within the textual historiography - that constructed the community around the Guru, the Sikhs, in the ongoing present. The landscape of the Sikh past was commemorated by the establishment of Gurdwaras …’ Murphy evidently refers to Gurdwaras affecting the landscape and historiography of the
  • Working Papers

    Working Papers

    UCLA Working Papers Title Chinese Philanthropic Response to COVID-19 in the Malaysian Context Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/30g7n9bh Authors Lee, Kenneth Tze Wui Chin, Yee Mun Eng, May Chuen et al. Publication Date 2021-04-09 Data Availability The data associated with this publication are in the supplemental files. eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Working Paper Series Chinese Philanthropic Response to COVID-19 in the Malaysian Context Kenneth Lee Tze Wui, Chin Yee Mun, Eng May Chuen, Lee Jenn Yuan, and Phua Yeong Nan Tun Tan Cheng Lock Centre for Social and Policy Studies Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaysia April 9, 2021 Presented at the International Symposium on Global Chinese Philanthropy, co-hosted by the UCLA Asia Pacific Center and the UC Irvine Long US-China Institute, March 19-20, 2021. Funding provided by the Long Family Foundation and Mr. Xiangli Chen through the UCLA Asia Pacific Center China and Beyond Forum. UCLA Asia Pacific Center · 11387 Bunche Hall · Los Angeles, CA 90095 https://international.ucla.edu/apc Chinese Philanthropy in Malaysia The Chinese came to the Malay Archipelago as early as the Han dynasty (BC202-AD220) (Xu, 1961) and their visits and relationships with the archipelago accelerated during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). While en route to the Western Ocean between 1405 and 1433, a fleet led by an envoy of the Ming dynasty, Admiral Cheng Ho, visited several times the Malacca Sultanate, which was centred in the modern-day state of Malacca, Malaysia. As a result, some Chinese chose to stay back in Malacca and married the locals.