Understanding Reproductive Justice: Transforming the Pro-Choice Movement By

eproductive Justice is the complete physi- These issues directly affect an individual 's cal, mental, spiritual, political, social and decision-making process. By shifting the focus to economic well-being of women and , reproductive oppression—the control and exploi- R tation of women, girls and individuals through our based on the full achievement and protection of women's . It offers a new perspec- bodies, sexuality, labor and reproduction—rather tive on reproductive issue advocacy, pointing out than a narrow focus on protecting the legal right that for Indigenous women and women of color to , we are developing a more inclusive it is important to fight equally for (1) the right to vision of how to build a new movement. have a child; (2) the right not to have a child; and Because reproductive oppression aflfects (3) the right to parent the women's lives in multiple ways, a multi-pronged children we have, as well approach is needed to fight this exploitation and advance the well-being of women and girls. It is important to fight for as to control our birthing options, such as . There are three main fi-ameworks for fighting (1) the right to have a child; (2) the We also fight for the neces- reproductive oppression: right not to have a child; and (3) the sary enabling conditions to 1. , which deals with right to parent the children we have. realize these rights. This is service delivery in contrast to the singular 2. , which addresses legal focus on abortion by the issues, and pro-choice movement. 3. REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE, which focuses on Reproductive Justice says that the ability of movement building. any woman to determine her own reproductive Although these frameworks are distinct in their destiny is linked directly to the conditions in her approaches, they work together to provide a com- community—and these conditions are not just a prehensive solution. Ultimately, as in any move- matter of individual choice and access. Reproduc- ment, all three components—service, advocacy tive justice addresses the social reality of inequal- and organizing—are crucial. ity, specifically, the inequality of opportunities that Reproductive Justice focuses on organizing we have to control our reproductive destiny. women, girls and their commtinities to challenge One of the key problems addressed by Repro- structural power inequalities in a comprehensive ductive Justice is the isolation of abortion fi"om and transformative process of empowerment. The other issues that concern communi- Reproductive Justice analysis offers a framework ties of color: issues of economic justice, the envi- for empowering women and girls that is relevant ronment, immigrants' rights, disability rights, dis- to every American family. Instead of focusing crimination based on race and sexual orientation, on the means—a divisive debate on abortion and and a host of other community-centered concems. that neglects the real-life experiences

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of women and girls—the reproductive justice are understandably resistant to having the choice/ analysis focuses on the ends: better lives for privacy fi^amework disputed within the movement. women, healthier families, and sustainable com- As explained by a woman of color organizer for the munities. This is a clear and consistent message March for Women's Lives: "When we try to explain for the movement. Using this analysis, we can how choice is an inappropriate term even for integrate multiple issues and bring together con- many white women, some allies—especially older stituencies that are multi-racial, multi-generational feminists—^take offense. They feel as though they and multi-class in order to build a more powerful had been fighting for "choice" for the past 30 years and relevant grassroots movement. and that it was insulting to tell them that choice was not inclusive of many women of color, low- How Reproductive Justice Can income, and gay and lesbian Transform the Pro-Choice Movement communities." Some critics There is virtually no city or town where local pro- believe that by expanding to " ' ' choice women are not grappling with how to work a more inclusive definition of Some critics belJeve that by together across fissures of race and class, espe- Reproductive Justice, women expanding to a more inclusive cially white women working with women of color. of color are ^gnaling reduced ^^f^^^ f Reproductive Reproductive justice builds a theoretical bridge support for abortion nghts. ,. r* "«"«»•»«* between these two forces. Despite the growing Nothing could be further from ''"stice, women of color are documentation and analysis of and by women of the truth. Expanding support color and our role in the movement, the central signaling reduced support for for abortion rights can best abortion rights. Nothing could be question now is can women of color come from be done by bringing in new an autonomous space, work collectively together, voices and perspectives to the further from the truth. and move beyond the "turmoil, confusion, and movement and connecting to political struggle" (M. Fried) that characterizes the other social justice issues—a pro-choice movement? Can we avoid replicating process of inclusion, rather than the politics of ex- these tensions among women of color? The forces clusion women of color have experienced. of competition are much stronger than the forces of collaboration in this current funding and politi- Reproductive justice is not an exclusive analy- cal climate. SisterSong is the fifth and longest- sis that only applies to women of color. To achieve lived attempt since the 1980s to build a national broad social change that drives the political and coalition of women of color in the reproductive legal decision making in our country, it must be rights/health/justice movement. inclusive so that the mainstream and the marginal- ized find common ground. This is one of the slow- It is not SisterSong's role to be the only or est processes of social change, but is ultimately even the primary vehicle for mobilizing women of required. This is similar to how the Civil Rights color or transforming the mainstream for that mat- movement required the participation in and ac- ter, but we see a specific role we can play in help- ceptance by white society until the value of racial ing to revitalize and unite the domestic movement. equality became normative. Reproductive justice We organize from the margins to the center, rather draws attention to cultural and socio-economic than from the bottom to the top, to create long- inequalities because everyone does not have equal term changes in ways people think about race, opportunity to participate in society's cultural rights and reproduction. Our work will produce discourses or public policy decisions based on a specific benefit: connecting issues and working cultural and economic values, such as abortion, across social movements because issues that affect midwifery and mothering. the reproductive health of women are large and For example, SisterSong believes that one of varied. Reproductive justice is no universal solu- the key elements driving restrictions on abortion tion, but it is a fresh approach to creating unifying is race-based thinking by opponents influenced and intersectional language with which to build by the white supremacist movement. They are bridges. It is SisterSong's intent to start conversa- visibly agitated about controlling the sexual and tions about reproductive justice in political organi- reproductive behaviors of white youth, with a zations, religious groups and marginal groups. special focus on young women. Their mixed mes- We expect the reproductive justice analysis to sages of abstinence coupled with restrictions on be controversial because it involves new patterns of abortion and access to contraception can lead to thinking. Many people in the pro-choice movement only one outcome: more children by uninformed

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young people that actually increases birth rates supportive of fertility control vs. those supportive and the transmission of sexual diseases. The of reproductive justice. This may shift the bound- participation of white allies in SisterSong's base aries of the debate from the pro-choice/anti-abor- is not only desired, but required, to achieve the tion divide because SisterSong is modeling how to normative quality in American society we wish gain and keep people who are personally opposed Reproductive Justice to achieve. to abortion in the reproductive justice movement. One of the tensions within the reproductive Significant changes in the pro-choice move- rights community is the uneasy alliance between ment that will provide opportunities for Sister- those who support fertility control for women as a Song will probably be brought about by many means of women's empowerment as their pri- factors that causally affect each other. It is beyond mary goal, and those who support fertility control the scope of this article to detail all of these. It is for women as a means of controlling population equally difficult to predict any one theory or factor growth. Both sectors are, of course, united in their that will change the pro-choice movement. There opposition to those who oppose women's rights is no singular or mono-causal explanation that and , albeit for different reasons. can help SisterSong develop a predictive model SisterSong is hoping for a political realignment of that leads directly from training to transformation. groups in the reproductive rights movement: those Nor is there a magic bullet with which to bring

Beginning in 1973 with autonomous organizing by pro-choice movement who We found the answer tiie Roe vi Wade decision, women of color establish- seemed to be more interest- in the global women's women of(X)lor (e.g., the ing their own reproductive ed in popuiation restrictions health movement through National Council of Negro health organizations. Women than in women's empow- the voices of women from Women) saw some problems of color mostly refrained erment. They promoted dan- the Global South. Women with the term "choice" popu- from joining mainstream gerous contraceptives and of color from the U.S. larized by the mainstream pro-choice organizations, coercive sterilizations, and participated in ail of the women's movement. "Choice but preferred to orgariize were mostly siient about international conferences has masked the ways that autonomous women of coior the economic inequalities and significant events of laws, policies and pubiic organizations more directly and power imbalances the global feminist move- officials punish or reward responsive to the needs of between the developed and ment. Often supported by the reproductive activity of their communities. the developing worlds that the International Women's different groups of women Women of color constrain women's choices. Health Coalition, the differently," states historian searched for another Women of coior felt dos- Women's Global Network Rickie Solinger, affirming conceptual framework that est to ttie progressive wing for Reproductive Rights, the skepticism of women of would convey our multiple of the women's movement and visionary funders like color. values: the right to have that did articulate demands Ford and the Ms. Founda- tion, women of color from Prior to the 1980s, and not to have a child—the for abortion access who the U.S. were able to form women of color reproductive many ways our rights to shared our class analysis, small but significant deiega- health activists organized be and parent and even doser to the radi- tions to these meetings. primarily against our children are constantly cal feminists who demanded abuse and teen , threatened. We believed an end to steriiization abuse The SisterSong Women although many were involved these intersectionai values and who shared our critique of Color Reproductive Health in early activities to legal- separated us from the of population control. Yet Collective was fomied in ize abortion because of the liberal pro-choice move- we lacked a framework that 1997 by sixteen autonomous disparate impact iiiegai abor-, ment in the U.S., which was aligned reproductive rights women of color organiza- tion had in African American, preoccupied with maintain- with sodal justice in an tions, using human rights Puerto Rican and Mexican ing the legality of abortion intersectionai way, bridging as a unifying framework for communities. and privacy rights. We were the multiple domestic and the Coilective. Human rights The 1980s and 1990s aiso skeptical about the global movements to which was a period of explosive motivations of some in the we belonged. CONTINUED ON PAGE 18

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about the changes quickly. It is also impossible cal repression, violence against abortion provid- to predict the precise processes and mechanisms ers, restrictions on pregnant women and distrac- of social transformation that will be achieved by tions such as the War on Terror will help decide using the reproductive justice framework. both the direction and pace of these changes. Among the external and internal factors to be Another significant factor is the way technology considered are (1) increased repression of the is changing how we organize our base, particularly American public (the Patriot Act, the War Against in terms of print vs. electronic communications. Terror, domestic wiretapping, economic hardship); The 2003 SisterSong national conference was the (2) pressure from the right (increasing restric- first event we've ever organized that was mobilized tions on abortion and birth control); (3) pressure nearly entirely by the Internet, and it produced from within the movement (the Saletan articles more than 600 attendees. We were forced to use on moving to the right); (4) leadership changes the Internet because of our limited resources for ( is now head of Planned Parent- printing and mailing. We were very concerned that hood, replacing Gloria we would not reach a sig- Feldt, while Nancy Keenan nificant portion of our base is now head of NARAL Instead of focusing on the means— if we did not use more tra- Pro-Choice America replac- ditional forms of outreach ing Kate Michelman); a divisive debate on abortion and birth controi that negiects the because of the widely-prov- (5) organizing by women en digital divide in com- of color such as through reai-iife experiences of women munities of color. In fact, Incite!; and (6) organiz- and giris—the reproductive justice we were mildly surprised ing by young women, such analysis focuses on the ends: better at how electronic commu- as in the Young Women's lives for women, healthier famiiies nications were augmented Collaborative. Each of these by local activists using the factors deserves examina- and sustainabie communities. more traditional means of tion, but probably one of local meetings, telephone the most significant internal outreach, and printed mate- r. . . . , . uuucagu, anu pnniea mat tactors promismg change m the pro-choice move- rial. Another technological aid was the use of free ment from SisterSong's point of view is the recent conference call services to host monthly national leadership transitions at the top of two pro-choice conference calls to mobilize for the March for organizations because these are major develop- Women's Lives. Although a great deal of resources ments within our base. were spent on travel and speaking tours as neces- We are working in collaboration with several sary, the Internet mobilized the overwhehning mainstream organizations, and many Planned majority of the March participants. In fact, we were Parenthood women of color leaders are also very nervous in the March national office because members of SisterSong. We believe that Planned the phones were eerily silent in the days leading up Parenthood and NARAL are coming to their own to the March. Our staff did most of their organiz- conclusions about the limitations of the choice ing over the Internet, probably because they were framework. That may be one of the reasons that relatively younger than the March leaders and more the progressive wing of familiar with and dependent on the technology. seized the opportunity to sponsor the "Reproduc- While this development was certainly effective, tive Justice for All" public policy conference in it does raise the question of whether we are losing November 2005 at Smith College. anything in these ubiquitous enabling technologies Another primary precipitating pressure will in terms of face-to-face and spoken communica- be the advances made by opponents of women's tions. Although technology is speeding up the rights, such as the confirmations of Samuel Alito changes we experience, it can't do it on its own. and John Roberts to the Supreme Court. Legisla- Building a base must have a spark—an idea—that tive, judicial and electoral losses may act as cata- is enormously appealing. That is the role we see lysts to either fiirther divide the pro-choice move- the concept of Reproductive Justice playing. More ment or unite it. Social change in the reproductive than 25,000 Internet hits on the term "Reproduc- health/rights/justice movement can either move tive Justice" is gratifyingly significant, but we are to the right or the left, toward fiirther population in the processing of determining precisely what control for targeted groups of people or increased that number means in terms of building move- freedom for more women. Factors such as politi- ment. This may represent an insurgent political

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movement without discrete stages of development opening presentations at the conference to help set or change. What is clear is that it will not be led the defining platform for the deliberations, but we by the elites of the pro-choice movement, but felt like conductors whose train had left the station instead builds on our collective structural power without us because while we were oflFering our re- as women of color—the fact that our locations are productive justice analysis for consideration by the in the various socio-economic-political structures movement, we are concerned about the unequal dis- that lie at these intersections, along with our allies tribution of power and resources in the movement in the mainstream who understand that we are and the potential for co-opting our vision without compelled to move forward with a new vision to respecting the leadership of women of color. guide our movement. While most resources are This conference, among other events, is compel- located in the hands of the mainstream pro-choice ling SisterSong to focus on providing Reproductive organizations (our own elite), it is grassroots Justice trainings to both our base within SisterSong organizations like SisterSong that offer the most and to our allies among other women of color promise for significant social change. networks such as Incite! and our allies in the pro- In the three years since our 2003 national choice movement because our fear is that they will conference, the phrase "Reproductive Justice" has not Mly integrate the intersectional, human rights- undergone instant proliferation. An example is the based approach SisterSong promotes, but merely previously mentioned Planned Parenthood Federa- substitute the phrase "reproductive justice" where tion conference in November 2005 called "Repro- previously they said "pro-choice." If this is allowed ductive Justice for All" which brought together 400 to happen, this will be a significant setback, be- attendees. SisterSong was invited to give one of the cause reproductive justice will be watered down to

education was provided to to have worked on this were such as Pittsburgh New SisterSong is pioneering ttie application of our intersec- all collective members and , Eveline Voices for Reproductive tional analysis to the repro- integrated from the outset Shen.ByllyeAvery.Malika Justice and the Boston ductive rights movement, and into SisterSong's work. We Saada Saar, Luz Alvarez Women of Color Coalition for we are spreading our ideas to also integrated botii self-help Martinez, Jatrice Gaittiers, Reproductive Justice. Some AdHane Fugh Berman, Jael groups have re-organized to other social justice move- and community organizing ments. This is familiar tenBin into our foundation. Silliman, Rosalinda Palacios, reflect a reproductive justice and Barbara Smith. After focus, due to the influence for women of color because The phrase "Reproductive we have a long histoiy of Justice" became prominent the conference, SisterSong of SisterSong: Asians and decided to use the concept of Pacific Islanders for Repro- oppositional politics in temis in our first national confer- of the mainsfream pro-choice ence, which we held in Reproductive Justice as our ductive Health re-named themselves Asian Communi- movement. We are also November 2003 in Atianta. central organizing strategy ties for Reproductive Justice, sparidng new leadership in The conference was called for work in the United States and the Los Angeles Repro- the reproductive justice move- tiie SisterSong National because it emerged as a uni- ductive Justice Coalition also ment that is challenging the Women of Color Reproduc- fying and popular framework among our base. changed its name and focus. paradigm of individualism and tive Health and Sexual Rights However, newer activists privacy that is sacred in the Conference based on our The cun"ent organiza- pro-choice movement. We are tional structure of SisterSong within SisterSong who do not experiences intemationally, belong to an existing woman also creating bridges for the where the reproductive health reflects our origin as a union traditional civil rights move- of pre-existing, autonomous of cok)r organization in their and sexual rights framework city are asking SisterSong to ment to develop language was powerftjily articulated. women of color organiza- affimiing their support for tions. SisterSong does not consider the development At that 2003 conference, of a chapter structure to women's rights. It is extremely we sponsored plenary and have chapters as do NARAL significant that groups like the and NOW, or linked affiliates clone SisterSong locally. workshop sessions to explore We are considering how to NAACPandMALDEFare the concept of Reproductive the way Planned Parenthood now using reproductive justice does. Instead, SisterSong address this unmet need Justice. Among ttie great among our base. language in ttieir work. thinkers we were privileged sparks new organizations, L 18 off o\ir backs vol 36 / no 4 reproductive justice

where it is conflated with the previous pro-choice conference in celebration of our 10* anniversary paradigm and lose its potential for building new in 2007. Entitled "Let's Talk About Sex," the movement. Thus, we are at a critical historical junc- conference will be held May 31-June 2, 2007, ture—a teachable moment—for which SisterSong in Chicago, Illinois hosted by African American will work to develop the tools, the materials, and Women Evolving, and more than 1,200 people are the resources to help guide this transformation. expected to attend. Since the right to have sex is a topic rarely Conclusion discussed when addressing reproductive health In order to address the needs and issues of a and rights issues, SisterSong believes that sexual diverse group of women while acknowledging the prohibitions are not only promoted by moral con- layers of oppressions that our communities face, servatives in this country, but also by reproductive particularly those who do not have access to privi- rights advocates who fail to promote a sex-posi- lege, power, and resources, we must build a new tive culture. Sex is not just for pro-creation and movement for Reproductive Justice in the United sexual pleasure—it is a human right. We would States. This movement must work to protect ev- like to create a pro-sex space for the pro-choice eryone, including those who have more privilege. movement and we hope you will join us. It also must integrate the needs of grassroots Reproductive justice is the result of 20 years of communities into policy and advocacy efforts and creative envisioning by women from around the create opportunities for new leaders to emerge world who understand that reproductive health within our communities to increase the capacity, issues cannot be separated from the interiocking effectiveness and scope of our movement. Perhaps systems of oppression women face globally. By most importantly, SisterSong must infuse the bringing these lessons home to the United States, movement with creativity, innovation and vision. SisterSong is hoping to win concrete changes on The key strategies for achieving this vision the individual, community, institutional and soci- include supporting the leadership and power of etal levels that will improve the lives of women, the most excluded groups of women, girls and our families and our communities. ® individuals within a culturally relevant context. This will require holding ourselves and our allies LORETTA J. ROSS is a founder and the national accountable to the integrity of this vision. We have coordinator of the SisterSong Women of Color to address directly the inequitable distribution of Reproductive Health Collective, composed of 70 power and resources within the movement, holding women of color organizations across the country. our allies and ourselves responsible for construct- She was the codirector of the April 25, 2004, ing principled, collaborative relationships that National March for Women's Lives in Washington end the exploitation and competition within our D.C, the largest protest in U.S. history. She is movement. We also have to build the social, politi- also the co-author o/Undivided Rights: Women cal and economic power of low-income women. of Color Organizing for Reproductive Justice Indigenous women, women of color, and their (2004, South End Press), reviewed on page 82 of communities so that they are full participating part- this issue. ners in building this new movement. This requires integrating grassroots issues and constituencies that are multi-racial, multi-generational and multi- class into the national policy arena, as well as into "Let's Talk About Sex" May 31-June 2,2007 the organizations that represent the movement. The next SisterSong national event for mobilizing SisterSong is building a network of allied social justice and human rights organizations who women of color through the reproductive justice integrate the reproductive justice analysis into framework will be our second national conference in their work. We have to use strategies of self-help celebration of our 10th anniversary. and empowerment to help the women who receive our services understand that they are vital emerg- ing leaders in the determining the scope and direc- tion of the social change we wish to catalyze. The next SisterSong national event for mobi- For information on SisterSong's Reproductive Justice lizing women of color through the reproductive trainings scheduled around the country, contact justice framework will be our second national trainings@.net.

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