Reproductive Justice Briefing Book: a Primer on Reproductive Justice and Social Change CONTENTS
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Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians
Article Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin The Price of Power: Power Seeking and 36(7) 923 –936 © 2010 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc Backlash Against Female Politicians Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0146167210371949 http://pspb.sagepub.com Tyler G. Okimoto1 and Victoria L. Brescoll1 Abstract Two experimental studies examined the effect of power-seeking intentions on backlash toward women in political office. It was hypothesized that a female politician’s career progress may be hindered by the belief that she seeks power, as this desire may violate prescribed communal expectations for women and thereby elicit interpersonal penalties. Results suggested that voting preferences for female candidates were negatively influenced by her power-seeking intentions (actual or perceived) but that preferences for male candidates were unaffected by power-seeking intentions. These differential reactions were partly explained by the perceived lack of communality implied by women’s power-seeking intentions, resulting in lower perceived competence and feelings of moral outrage. The presence of moral-emotional reactions suggests that backlash arises from the violation of communal prescriptions rather than normative deviations more generally. These findings illuminate one potential source of gender bias in politics. Keywords gender stereotypes, backlash, power, politics, intention, moral outrage Received June 5, 2009; revision accepted December 2, 2009 Many voters see Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton as coldly politicians and that these penalties may be reflected in voting ambitious, a perception that could ultimately doom her presi- preferences. dential campaign. Peter Nicholas, Los Angeles Times, 2007 Power-Relevant Stereotypes Power seeking may be incongruent with traditional female In 1916, Jeannette Rankin was elected to the Montana seat in gender stereotypes but not male gender stereotypes for a the U.S. -
The Complexities of Sex Education in Utah
1 The Complexities of Sex Education in Utah Grace Sponaugle Occidental College, Urban & Environmental Policy Professor Cha, Professor Matsuoka, & Professor Shamasunder April 8, 2019 Sponaugle 2 Abstract Utah has a state-wide policy of abstinence education. Abstinence education programs have been proven to be ineffective at delaying the initiation of sex and changing sexual risk behaviors (Santelli et al., 2017), correlating with high rates of teen pregnancies and STIs ((Stanger-Hall & Hall, 2011)(McCammon, 2017)). Limiting the standards by which sex education programs are deemed “effective” to disease and pregnancy prevention, neglects the holistic view of sexual health as defined by the CDC. Therefore, in an attempt to understand the broader implications that sex education has had on youth in Utah, this study examined, through a survey and interviews, the social, cultural, and educational influences that youth in Utah attributed to their sex education. Additionally, this study analyzed how these influences have played a role in the youth’s self perception of their sexual knowledge and sexual health. This research revealed that abstinence education is inherently limited, calling for Utah to expand its sex education framework beyond abstinence education and embrace a comprehensive model for sex education. Sponaugle 3 Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank Professor Cha, Professor Matsuoka, and Professor Shamasunder for their help and guidance not only on the completion of my thesis, but also throughout my journey at Occidental College. Additionally, I would like to thank everyone that participated in the survey and interviews. None of this would have be possible without your support and interest in my project. -
Introduction: a Global Approach to Reproductive Justice—Psychosocial and Legal Aspects and Implications
William & Mary Journal of Race, Gender, and Social Justice Volume 20 (2013-2014) Issue 1 William & Mary Journal of Women and the Law: 2013 Special Issue: Reproductive Article 2 Justice December 2013 Introduction: A Global Approach to Reproductive Justice—Psychosocial and Legal Aspects and Implications Joan C. Chrisler Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Women's Health Commons Repository Citation Joan C. Chrisler, Introduction: A Global Approach to Reproductive Justice—Psychosocial and Legal Aspects and Implications, 20 Wm. & Mary J. Women & L. 1 (2013), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl/vol20/iss1/2 Copyright c 2013 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl INTRODUCTION: A GLOBAL APPROACH TO REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE—PSYCHOSOCIAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS AND IMPLICATIONS JOAN C. CHRISLER, PH.D.* INTRODUCTION I. TOPICS COVERED BY THE REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE MOVEMENT II. WHY REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE IS DIFFICULT TO ACHIEVE III. WHY REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE IS IMPORTANT IV. WHAT WE CAN DO IN THE STRUGGLE FOR REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE INTRODUCTION The term reproductive justice was introduced in the 1990s by a group of American Women of Color,1 who had attended the 1994 Inter- national Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), which was sponsored by the United Nations and is known as “the Cairo conference.” 2 After listening to debates by representatives of the gov- ernments of UN nation states about how to slow population growth and encourage the use of contraceptives and the extent to which women’s reproductive rights could/should be guaranteed, the group realized, as Loretta Ross later wrote, that “[o]ur ability to control what happens to our bodies is constantly challenged by poverty, racism, en- vironmental degradation, sexism, homophobia, and injustice . -
Wgss Fall 2018 Newsletter.Pub
Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies University of Massachusetts Amherst A Department in the College of Humanities and Fine Arts As I pack up the “chair’s office” and move down the hall to my faculty office, I have been thinking “As I pack up the about how grateful I am to have had the opportunity to chair this department. As I came in seven years ago, it was clear that there were changes afoot. Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies had just “chair’s office” and become a “department” rather than a program. Dean Julie Hayes indicated her interest in growing move down the hall the department’s faculty. After my time at the University of Arizona, which had just seen its overall to my faculty office, budget cut by a third by a state legislature that really didn’t much believe in public higher education, it seemed like a sweet spot to land, with its vibrant faculty and staff, smart, activist I have been thinking students, and long history. So my partner and I packed up our things and our one-year old baby about how grateful I and moved back east. am to have had the It turned out to be both a more and less auspicious time for the department than I expected. Trump happened, along with rising right-wing activity in lots of places outside and inside the United opportunity to chair States. For an international research department like ours, the consequences of closing borders, this department.” rising racism, sexism, and anti-immigrant feeling has been serious. Students and faculty members have faced death threats, threats to their visas, have been delayed at international borders, and have even been prevented from doing their research or attending conferences for fear that they won’t be allowed back into the United States because of harassment from the right-wing administrations of the US, Turkey, and India. -
Loretta Ross
Loretta Ross is a Visiting Associate Professor in Women’s Studies at various colleges teaching courses on “White Supremacy in the Age of Trump” and “Reproductive Justice Praxis”. Currently, she is visiting at Smith College in the Program for the Study of Women and Gender for the 2019-2020 academic year. She started her career in activism and social change in the 1970s, working at the National Football League Players’ Association, the D.C. Rape Crisis Center, the National Organization for Women (NOW), the National Black Women’s Health Project, the Center for Democratic Renewal (National Anti-Klan Network), the National Center for Human Rights Education, and SisterSong Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective, until retiring as an organizer in 2012 to teach about activism. Her passion transforms anger into social justice to change the world. Her most recent books are Reproductive Justice: An Introduction co-written with Rickie Solinger, and Radical Reproductive Justice: Foundations, Theory, Practice, Critique, both published in 2017. Her forthcoming book is Calling In the Calling Out Culture: Detoxing Our Movement due out in 2019. She has appeared on CNN, BET, "Lead Story," "Good Morning America," "The Donahue Show," the National Geographic Channel, and "The Charlie Rose Show.” She has been quoted in the New York Times, Time Magazine, The Los Angeles Times, and the Washington Post, among others. Her activism began as a rape and incest survivor as a teen mother. She graduated college at age 55. She is from San Antonio, TX and lives in Atlanta, GA. She is a mother and grandmother, and an avid pinochle player. -
Congressional Report Card
Congressional Report Card NOTE FROM BRIAN DIXON Senior Vice President for Media POPULATION CONNECTION and Government Relations ACTION FUND 2120 L St NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20037 ou’ll notice that this year’s (202) 332–2200 Y Congressional Report Card (800) 767–1956 has a new format. We’ve grouped [email protected] legislators together based on their popconnectaction.org scores. In recent years, it became twitter.com/popconnect apparent that nearly everyone in facebook.com/popconnectaction Congress had either a 100 percent instagram.com/popconnectaction record, or a zero. That’s what you’ll popconnectaction.org/116thCongress see here, with a tiny number of U.S. Capitol switchboard: (202) 224-3121 exceptions in each house. Calling this number will allow you to We’ve also included information connect directly to the offices of your about some of the candidates senators and representative. that we’ve endorsed in this COVER CARTOON year’s election. It’s a small sample of the truly impressive people we’re Nick Anderson editorial cartoon used with supporting. You can find the entire list at popconnectaction.org/2020- the permission of Nick Anderson, the endorsements. Washington Post Writers Group, and the Cartoonist Group. All rights reserved. One of the candidates you’ll read about is Joe Biden, whom we endorsed prior to his naming Sen. Kamala Harris his running mate. They say that BOARD OF DIRECTORS the first important decision a president makes is choosing a vice president, Donna Crane (Secretary) and in his choice of Sen. Harris, Joe Biden struck gold. Carol Ann Kell (Treasurer) Robert K. -
Adoption As a Reproductive Justice Issue Kimberly Mckee
Adoption as a Reproductive Justice Issue Kimberly McKee Adoption & Culture, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2018, pp. 74-93 (Article) Published by The Ohio State University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/ado.2018.0001 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/782193/summary [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] Adoption as a Reproductive Justice Issue KIMBERLY McKEE ABSTRACT: Centering adoption within a reproductive justice lens, this essay elucidates the complexities of adoption as a market and method of fami- ly disintegration and creation. This approach centers the labor of women of color in contemporary adoption and highlights adoption’s privileging of white, American adoptive parents’ reproductive destinies. KEYWORDS: reproductive justice, birth mothers, reproductive labor ARISING FROM women-of-color activism in the 1990s, reproductive justice ad- dresses the ways women of color and Indigenous women routinely are denied the rights of bodily autonomy given to white women.1 Examining women’s holistic lives and the multidimensional forces affecting women’s bodily autonomy (Ross and Solinger; SisterSong), reproductive justice underscores how “reproductive op- pression is a result of the intersections of multiple oppressions and is inherently connected to the struggle for social justice and human rights” (Asian). The deploy- ment of an intersectional lens accounts for the interconnected nature of seemingly disparate issues—“forced sterilization, environmental toxins in breast milk, man- datory drug testing of women on public assistance, and the lack of social support for poor women to have and raise the number of children they want” (Thomsen 149). -
PRESCRIPTION DRUG COUPON STUDY Report to the Massachusetts Legislature JULY 2020
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS HEALTH POLICY COMMISSION PRESCRIPTION DRUG COUPON STUDY Report to the Massachusetts Legislature JULY 2020 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In this report, required by Chapter 363 of the 2018 Session Prescription drug coupons are currently allowed in all 50 Laws, the Massachusetts Health Policy Commission (HPC) states for commercially-insured patients. Federal health examines the use and impact of prescription drug coupons insurance programs, such as Medicare, Medicaid, Tricare in Massachusetts. This report focuses on coupons issued by and Veteran’s Administration, prohibit the use of coupons pharmaceutical manufacturers that reduce a commercial based on federal anti-kickback statutes. Massachusetts patient’s cost-sharing. Prescription drug coupons are offered became the last state to authorize commercial coupon use almost exclusively on branded drugs, which comprise only in 2012 but continues to prohibit manufacturers from 10% of all prescriptions dispensed in the U.S., but account offering coupons and discounts on any prescription drug for 79% of total drug spending. Despite the immediate ben- that has an “AB rated” generic equivalent as determined efit of drug coupons to patients, policymakers and experts by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The 2012 debate whether and how coupons should be allowed in the law authorizing coupons in Massachusetts also contained commercial market given the potential relationship between a sunset provision, under which the law would have been coupon usage and increased spending on branded drugs repealed on July 1, 2015. However, this date of repeal versus lower cost alternatives. was postponed several times and ultimately extended to January 1, 2021. Massachusetts has long sought to con- Coupons reduce or eliminate the patient’s cost-sharing sider the impact of drug coupons on the Commonwealth’s responsibility required by the patient’s insurance plan, while landmark cost containment goals, as well as the benefits for the plan’s costs for the drug remain unchanged. -
Dangerous Inhib Template
Dangerous Inhibitions: How America Is Letting AIDS Become An Epidemic Of The Young By Chris Collins monograph series occasional paper #3 February 1997 M A R K E T I N G HIV P R E V E N T I O N • Harvard AIDS Institute • CAPS Center for AIDS Prevention Studies University of California San Francisco Chris Collins is an AIDS policy analyst at the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies (CAPS), University of California, San Francisco 74 New Montgomery Street, Suite 600 San Francisco, CA 94105 Phone: 415/597-9100 This monograph was produced as part of the Marketing HIV Prevention project, a collaborative project between the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies at the University of California, San Francisco (Thomas J. Coates, PhD, Director) and the Harvard AIDS Institute (Richard Marlink, MD, Executive Director). We would like to thank SmithKline Beecham Consumer Health Care, makers of OraSure, for its unrestricted grant in support of the Marketing HIV Prevention project. We would also like to acknowledge the support of the Office of AIDS, National Institute of Mental Health, National Institutes of Health, for its ongoing support of the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies under grant number MH42459. The author would like to thank Thomas Coates and Mario Cooper for their significant contributions to this report. I am also indebted to several colleagues who reviewed earlier drafts of the paper, including: Paula Brewer, James Colgrove, Peggy Dolcini, Kevin Filocamo, Katherine Haynes-Sanstad, Lisa Heft, Susan Kegeles, Clark Moore, Ric Marlink, Maureen Michaels, James Riggs, Mark Steitz, Jeff Stryker, and Steve Wakefield. -
Understanding Women's Self-Promotion
UNDERSTANDING WOMEN’S SELF-PROMOTION DETRIMENTS: THE BACKLASH AVOIDANCE MODEL by CORINNE ALISON MOSS-RACUSIN A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Psychology Written under the direction of Dr. Laurie A. Rudman And approved by ____________________ ____________________ ____________________ ____________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May, 2011 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Understanding Women’s Self-Promotion Detriments: The Backlash Avoidance Model. By CORINNE ALISON MOSS-RACUSIN Dissertation Director: Dr. Laurie A. Rudman Although self-promotion is necessary for career success, women experience backlash (i.e., social and economic penalties) for this behavior because it violates female gender stereotypes (Rudman, 1998). Moreover, women who fear backlash have difficulty with self-promotion, relative to men (Moss-Racusin & Rudman, 2010). The goal of this dissertation was to test the author’s backlash avoidance model (BAM), with the expectation that women’s beliefs that self-promotion violates female gender stereotypes lead them to fear backlash for this behavior, which in turn undermines their self- promotion abilities. Moreover, it was expected that the relationship between fear of backlash and self-promotion success would be at least partially mediated by self- regulatory focus (Crowe & Higgins, 1997) and perceived entitlement (Babcock & Laschever, 2003). To examine these ideas, Study 1 (N = 300) compared male and female participants’ performance on an essay-writing self-promotion task. As expected, women reported higher levels of fear of backlash and lower levels of self-promotion success than ii men. -
Wefare Reform and Families in the Child Welfare System
University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law 2002 Wefare Reform and Families in the Child Welfare System Morgan B. Ward Doran Dorothy E. Roberts University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Family Law Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Law and Gender Commons, Law and Society Commons, Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation Commons, Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons, Social Welfare Commons, and the Social Welfare Law Commons Repository Citation Doran, Morgan B. Ward and Roberts, Dorothy E., "Wefare Reform and Families in the Child Welfare System" (2002). Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law. 586. https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/586 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law by an authorized administrator of Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WELFARE REFORM AND FAMILIES IN THE CHILD WELFARE SYSTEM MORGAN B. WARD DORAN* & DOROTHY E. ROBERTS** INTRODUCTION There is little question that the sweeping changes in welfare pol- icy initiated by the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) 1 will have an impact on fami- lies involved in state child welfare systems. Past research establishes an association between welfare receipt and involvement with child protection services.2 The primary goal of the PRWORA is to move people from welfare to the workforce.3 This goal has the potential to improve children's welfare by increasing poor families' income, but also to increase child maltreatment by throwing families into eco- * J.D., Northwestern University School of Law. -
Black Lives Matter As Reproductive Justice
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Framing Murder: Black Lives Matter as Reproductive Justice A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Sociology by Anna H. Chatillon(-Reed) Committee in charge: Professor George Lipsitz, Co-Chair Professor Beth Schneider, Co-Chair Professor Zakiya T. Luna March 2017 The thesis of Anna H. Chatillon(-Reed) is approved. ____________________________________________ Zakiya T. Luna ____________________________________________ George Lipsitz, Committee Co-Chair ____________________________________________ Beth Schneider, Committee Co-Chair February 2017 Framing Murder: Black Lives Matter as Reproductive Justice Copyright © 2017 by Anna H. Chatillon(-Reed) iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I thank my committee, Professors George Lipsitz, Beth Schneider, and Zakiya Luna, for their support for this “project in our care” and for their feedback through several drafts of the manuscript. I would also like to gratefully acknowledge Dr. Wendy Rosen, whose guidance was invaluable in seeing this project to completion. To those people killed, assaulted, or otherwise targeted by racialized police brutality, and to their families: I dedicate this thesis to you. iv ABSTRACT Framing Murder: Black Lives Matter as Reproductive Justice by Anna H. Chatillon(-Reed) Feminist and anti-racist organizing in the United States has often concentrated on single axes of oppression: gender and race, respectively (Crenshaw 1991). Yet intersectionality — which poses that such systems of oppression interact, and therefore cannot be understood alone (Crenshaw1989) — is increasingly invoked not only in academic work but in a broad range of activist spaces. On the Black Lives Matter website and in interviews, for instance, movement leaders have framed the movement as intersectional.