Iraq Between Maliki and the Islamic State July 9, 2014
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Explaining Soviet Collapse
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Limerick Institutional Repository Explaining Soviet collapse Neil Robinson Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Limerick, Limerick 2017 This paper is a companion piece to a book titled Contemporary Russian Politics that will be published by Polity in 2018. Originally it was written to be a part of that book, but the first draft of the manuscript of the book was too long and somethings had to be cut. This paper was one of those things. It was supposed to be Chapter 4 of the book and came between a chapter on the Gorbachev perestroika reforms and a chapter on political developments under Yeltsin if anyone wants to slot it back in. Since the question of why the USSR collapsed is an important one and is often a topic for discussion and essay questions, and in order to salvage something from the time it took to write it, the paper is being made freely available on several online platforms. 1. Introduction Explaining the collapse of the Soviet system is different to explaining the causes of perestroika.1 The causes of perestroika are generally agreed upon: reform was initiated because of economic decline, Soviet loss of international power relative to Cold War rivals, the accumulation of social problems, and the need for political reform to deal with some, if not all, of these problems (see Robinson, 2018, chapter 3). Explanations of Soviet collapse all recognize the range of problems that the USSR faced in the mid-1980s and that led to perestroika. -
Maliki School
Dr. Javed Ahmed Qureshi School of Studies in Law Jiwaji University GWALIOR - 474 011 (MP), INDIA LAW B.A.LL.B. IV-SEM MUSLIM LAW BY Dr. JAVED AHMED QURESHI DATE- 04-04-2020 MALIKI SCHOOL Maliki school is one of the four schools of fiqh or religious law within Sunni Islam. It is the second largest of the four schools, followed by about 25% Muslims, mostly in North Africa and West Africa. This school is not a sect, but a school of jurisprudence. Technically, there is no rivalry or competition between members of different madrasas, and indeed it would not be unusual for followers of all four to be found in randomly chosen American or European mosques. This school derives its name from its founder Imam Malik-bin-Anas. It originates almost to the same period as the Hanafi school but it flourished first in the city of Madina. Additionally, Malik was known to have used ray (personal opinion) and qiyas (analogy). This school is derives from the work of Imam Malik. It differs in different sources from the three other schools of rule which use it for derivation of regimes. All four schools use the Quran as the primary source, followed by Prophet Muhammad's transmitted as hadith (sayings), ijma (consensus of the scholars or Muslims) and Qiyas (analogy).In addition, the School of Maliki uses the practice of the people of Madina (Amal Ahl al-Madina) as a source. While the Hanafi school relies on Ijma (interpretations of jurists), the Maliki school originates from Sunna and Hadis. -
The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents
POMEPS STUDIES 26 islam in a changing middle east Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents Understanding repression-adaptation nexus in Islamist movements . 4 Khalil al-Anani, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar Why Exclusion and Repression of Moderate Islamists Will Be Counterproductive . 8 Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College, CUNY Islamists After the “Arab Spring”: What’s the Right Research Question and Comparison Group, and Why Does It Matter? . 12 Elizabeth R. Nugent, Princeton University The Islamist voter base during the Arab Spring: More ideology than protest? . .. 16 Eva Wegner, University College Dublin When Islamist Parties (and Women) Govern: Strategy, Authenticity and Women’s Representation . 21 Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Exit, Voice, and Loyalty Under the Islamic State . 26 Mara Revkin, Yale University and Ariel I. Ahram, Virginia Tech The Muslim Brotherhood Between Party and Movement . 31 Steven Brooke, The University of Louisville A Government of the Opposition: How Moroccan Islamists’ Dual Role Contributes to their Electoral Success . 34 Quinn Mecham, Brigham Young University The Cost of Inclusion: Ennahda and Tunisia’s Political Transition . 39 Monica Marks, University of Oxford Regime Islam, State Islam, and Political Islam: The Past and Future Contest . 43 Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Middle East regimes are using ‘moderate’ Islam to stay in power . 47 Annelle Sheline, George Washington University Reckoning with a Fractured Islamist Landscape in Yemen . 49 Stacey Philbrick Yadav, Hobart and William Smith Colleges The Lumpers and the Splitters: Two very different policy approaches on dealing with Islamism . 54 Marc Lynch, George Washington University The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network that aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . -
QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
A Case Study on Peace-Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina
WWW.IPPR.ORG StatesofConflict Acasestudyonpeace-buildingin BosniaandHerzegovina BeritBliesemanndeGuevara November2009 ©ippr2009 InstituteforPublicPolicyResearch Challengingideas– Changingpolicy 2 ippr|StatesofConflict:Acasestudyonpeace-buildinginBosniaandHerzegovina Contents Aboutippr ............................................................................................................................. 3 Abouttheauthor.................................................................................................................. 3 Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................. 3 ‘StatesofConflict’................................................................................................................. 3 Abbreviations........................................................................................................................ 4 Introduction........................................................................................................................... 6 BosniaandHerzegovina–anoverview ............................................................................... 8 TheinternationalinterventioninBosniaandHerzegovina................................................. 12 Conclusions:somethoughtsonfutureforeignpolicyformulation..................................... 23 References .......................................................................................................................... 25 3 ippr|StatesofConflict:Acasestudyonpeace-buildinginBosniaandHerzegovina -
Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law
Berkeley Law Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2005 Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law Hanny Megally Hania Mufti Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/facpubs Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq, 27 Hum. Rts. Q. 830 (2005) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Bremer's "Gordian Knot": Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover,* Hanny Megally, ** & Hania Mufti*** ABSTRACT Shortly after the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, L. Paul Bremer III, in his capacity as the chief administrator of the Coalition Provisional Author- ity (CPA), introduced several transitional justice mechanisms that set the *Eric Stover is Director of the Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkeley, and Adjunct Professor in the School of Public Health. In 1991, Stover led a team of forensic scientists to northern Iraq to investigate war crimes committed by Iraqi troops during the Anfal campaign against the Kurds in the late 1980s. In March and April 2003, he returned to northern Iraq where he and Hania Mufti monitored the compliance with the 1949 Geneva Conventions by all sides to the conflict. He returned to Iraq in February 2004 to assist Mufti in investigating the status of documentary and physical evidence to be used in trials against Saddam Hussein and other members of the Ba'athist Party. -
The Arab Spring: an Empirical Investigation
Protests and the Arab Spring: An Empirical Investigation Tansa George Massoud, Bucknell University John A. Doces, Bucknell University Christopher Magee, Bucknell University Keywords: Arab Spring, protests, events data, political grievances, diffusion Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Polity’s editor-in-chief and anonymous reviewers for their comments. We also thank Emily Brandes for her valuable assistance. All errors remain our own. 1 Abstract This article discusses a variety of major explanations for the intensity of recent protests in Arab states and investigates whether there is empirical support for them. We survey various political, economic, and social factors and develop a comprehensive empirical model to estimate the structural determinants of protests in 19 Arab League states between 1990 and 2011, measured using events data. The results show that protests were stronger in countries with higher inflation, higher levels of corruption, lower levels of freedom, and more use of the internet and cell phones. Protests were also more frequent in countries with partial democracies and factional politics. We find no evidence for the common argument that the surge in protests in 2011 was linked to a bulge in the youth population. Overall, we conclude that these economic, political, and social variables help to explain which countries had stronger protest movements, but that they cannot explain the timing of those revolts. We suggest that a contagion model can help explain the quick spread of protests across the region in 2011, and we conduct a preliminary test of that possibility. 2 I. Introduction The Arab revolts started in Tunisia in December 2010 and spread across the Middle East and North Africa with great speed in early 2011.1 In Tunisia and Egypt, loosely organized groups using mostly nonviolent techniques managed to topple regimes that had been in power for decades. -
Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce Imani Jaafar-Mohammad
Journal of Law and Practice Volume 4 Article 3 2011 Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce Imani Jaafar-Mohammad Charlie Lehmann Follow this and additional works at: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/lawandpractice Part of the Family Law Commons Recommended Citation Jaafar-Mohammad, Imani and Lehmann, Charlie (2011) "Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce," Journal of Law and Practice: Vol. 4, Article 3. Available at: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/lawandpractice/vol4/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at Mitchell Hamline Open Access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Law and Practice by an authorized administrator of Mitchell Hamline Open Access. For more information, please contact [email protected]. © Mitchell Hamline School of Law Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce Keywords Muslim women--Legal status laws etc., Women's rights--Religious aspects--Islam, Marriage (Islamic law) This article is available in Journal of Law and Practice: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/lawandpractice/vol4/iss1/3 Jaafar-Mohammad and Lehmann: Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN ISLAM REGARDING MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 4 Wm. Mitchell J. L. & P. 3* By: Imani Jaafar-Mohammad, Esq. and Charlie Lehmann+ I. INTRODUCTION There are many misconceptions surrounding women’s rights in Islam. The purpose of this article is to shed some light on the basic rights of women in Islam in the context of marriage and divorce. This article is only to be viewed as a basic outline of women’s rights in Islam regarding marriage and divorce. -
A Publication of the Salvation Army
A Publication of The Salvation Army Word & Deed Mission Statement: The purpose of the journal is to encourage and disseminate the thinking of Salvationists and other Christian colleagues on matters broadly related to the theology and ministry of The Salvation Army The journal provides a means to understand topics central to the mission of The Salvation Army inte grating the Army's theology and ministry in response to Christ's command to love God and our neighbor. Salvation Army Mission Statement: The Salvation Army, an international movement, is an evangelical part of the universal Christian Church. Its message is based on the Bible. Its ministry is motivated by the love of God. Its mission is to preach the gospel of Jesus Christ and to meet human needs in His name without discrimination. Editorial Address: Manuscripts, requests for style sheets, and other correspondence should be addressed to Major Ed Forster at The Salvation Army, National Headquarters, 615 Slaters Lane, Alexandria, VA 22314. Phone: (703) 684-5500. Fax: (703) 302-8623. Email: [email protected]. Editorial Policy: Contributions related to the mission of the journal will be encouraged, and at times there will be a general call for papers related to specific subjects. The Salvation Army is not responsible for every view which may be expressed in this journal. Manuscripts should be approximately 12-15 pages, including endnotes. Please submit the following: 1) three hard copies of the manuscript with the author's name (with rank and appointment if an officer) on the cover page only. This ensures objec tivity during the evaluation process. -
A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathification in Iraq
International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 Cover: Baath Party membership card. International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 International Center A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of de-Baathifi cation in Iraq for Transitional Justice Acknowledgements The authors wish to acknowledge the vital contributions of Tha’ir al-Da’mi, Serge Rumin, and Alexander Mayer-Riekh. We particularly wish to thank the many Iraqi offi cials, parliamentarians, judges, and others whom we interviewed between 2006 and 2011, including many members of the Higher National de-Baathifi cation Commission. Many of our interlocutors died, fl ed, or suff ered other serious harms during the period of research. We remember you all. About the Author This report was written by Miranda Sissons, former chief of staff at ICTJ, and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi, an ICTJ consultant. The report also benefi ted from a signifi cantly earlier version developed by Miranda Sissons and ICTJ consultant Dr Eric Scheye. About ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice is an international nonprofi t organization specializing in the fi eld of transitional justice. ICTJ works to help societies in transition address legacies of massive human rights violations and to build civic trust in state institutions as protectors of human rights. In the aftermath of mass atrocity and repression, we assist institutions and civil society groups—the people who are driving and shaping change in their societies—in considering measures to provide truth, accountability, and redress for past abuses. -
Interpreting the Qur'an and the Constitution
INTERPRETING THE QUR’AN AND THE CONSTITUTION: SIMILARITIES IN THE USE OF TEXT, TRADITION, AND REASON IN ISLAMIC AND AMERICAN JURISPRUDENCE Asifa Quraishi* INTRODUCTION Can interpreting the Qur’an be anything like interpreting the Constitution? These documents are usually seen to represent overwhelming opposites in our global legal and cultural landscapes. How, after all, can there be any room for comparison between a legal system founded on revelation and one based on a man-made document? What this premise overlooks, however, is that the nature of the founding legal text tells only the beginning of the story. With some comparative study of the legal cultures that formed around the Qur’an and the Constitution, a few common themes start to emerge, and ultimately it turns out that there may be as much the same as is different between the jurisprudence of Islam and the United States. Though set against very different cultures and legal institutions, jurists within Islamic law have engaged in debates over legal interpretation that bear a striking resemblance to debates in the world of American constitutional theory.1 We will here set these debates next to * Assistant Professor, University of Wisconsin Law School. The author wishes to thank Frank Vogel and Jack Balkin for their support and advice in the research that contributed to this article, and Suzanne Stone for the opportunity to be part of a stimulating conference and symposium. 1 Positing my two fields as “Islamic” and “American” invokes a host of potential misunderstandings. First, these are obviously not mutually exclusive categories, most vividly illustrated by the significant population of American Muslims, to which I myself belong.