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Mariano Rampolla Del Tindaro (1843-1913) Grégory Woimbée

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Mariano Rampolla Del Tindaro (1843-1913) Grégory Woimbée Mariano Rampolla del Tindaro (1843-1913) Grégory Woimbée To cite this version: Grégory Woimbée. Mariano Rampolla del Tindaro (1843-1913). Christophe Dickès. Dictionnaire du Vatican et du Saint-Siège, Robert Laffont, p.834-837, 2013, 978-2-221-11654-8. hal-02506908 HAL Id: hal-02506908 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02506908 Submitted on 12 Mar 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Mariano Rampolla del Tindaro (1843-1913) Grégory Woimbée I – Un diplomate exemplaire (1870-1887) Mariano Rampolla del Tindaro naquit en août 1843 à Polizzi Generosa en Sicile, un bourg situé non loin de Palerme. Il appartenait à une famille comtale de la noblesse sicilienne. Il vit la fin du royaume des Deux-Siciles. Lorsque Garibaldi débarqua à Marsala et que la Sicile fut annexée au Piémont puis au tout nouveau royaume d’Italie, il commençait ses études au collège Capranica, prestigieux séminaire romain qui existe toujours aujourd’hui. Devenu prêtre à l’âge de vingt-trois ans, ce « Capranicense », promis à la Curie romaine, entra tout naturellement à l’Académie des nobles ecclésiastiques. Créée par Clément XI en 1701, elle dépend directement de la Secrétairerie d’Etat et forme toujours les membres du Corps diplomatique et les représentants permanents du Saint-Siège sous le nom actuel d’Académie pontificale ecclésiastique. La complexion fragile du jeune ecclésiastique ne l’empêcha pas d’être docteur en théologie, en droit, et de se pencher sur les sciences naturelles et la botanique. Entré à la Curie sous Pie IX, alors que les Etats pontificaux étaient perdus, que le Concile Œcuménique avait décidé d’interrompre ses activités malgré les assurances du Roi d’Italie, que le Pape se considérait prisonnier du Roi, en l’espace de dix-sept ans, il devint le bras droit de Léon XIII et exécuta pour lui une brillante politique étrangère qui jeta les bases d’une nouvelle ère diplomatique du Saint-Siège. Il commença sa carrière diplomatique en 1870 à la Secrétairerie d’Etat comme attaché à la Congrégation des Affaires ecclésiastiques extraordinaires (transformée en 1967 en Conseil pour les Affaires publiques de l’Eglise et devenue en 1988 la Seconde Section de la Secrétairerie d’Etat chargée des relations du Saint-Siège avec les Etats). En poste à la nonciature de Madrid comme conseiller puis comme chargé d’affaires lorsqu’il suppléa le nonce Simeoni démissionnaire (1876), il chercha à rapprocher les carlistes (légitimistes espagnols partisans de « Charles VII ») et les alphonsistes (partisans d’Alphonse XII fils d’Isabelle II), ce qui lui valut en Espagne sa réputation de libéral. En 1877, il fut nommé secrétaire de la section pour les Eglises orientales à la Propagande de la Foi. La Congrégation Propaganda Fide avait été fondée par Grégoire XV en 1622 pour les territoires de mission (Congrégation pour l’Evangélisation des Peuples depuis 1988). En 1862, Pie IX l’avait divisée en deux sections, l’une chargée des Eglises de rite occidental, l’autre chargée des Eglises de rite oriental (en 1908, une Congrégation de la Propagande pour les Rites orientaux fut créée, elle devint la Congrégation pour l’Eglise orientale en 1917, puis la Congrégation pour les Eglises orientales en 1967). En 1880, il devint le secrétaire de la Congrégation pour les Affaires extraordinaires, autrement dit, le chef de la diplomatie pontificale. Envoyé comme Nonce à Madrid deux ans plus tard, où il succèda à Mgr Bianchi, il fut sacré Archevêque avec la titulature in partibus d’Héraclée. Il emmena avec lui Giacomo della Chiesa, futur Benoît XV, ancien Capranicense, qu’il avait repéré à l’Académie des Nobles ecclésiastiques. A Madrid, il chercha à rallier les carlistes à la monarchie constitutionnelle et prépara la médiation du Pape entre Berlin et Madrid à propos des Îles Carolines. Cet archipel du Pacifique situé au Nord-Est de la Nouvelle-Guinée, exploré au XVIe siècle par les Portugais puis les Espagnols, était revendiqué à la fois par les Espagnols et par le nouvel Empire allemand. Rampolla joua au nom de Léon XIII ses bons offices en 1885 et l’archipel échut à l’Espagne qui finit par le vendre aux Allemands en 1899 pour 25 millions de pesetas. En mars 1887, Rampolla fut créé cardinal (Cardinal-Prêtre de la basilique Sainte-Cécile). Le 1er juin, Léon XIII en fit son Secrétaire d’Etat et l’homme de sa politique étrangère. Il avait seulement quarante-quatre ans, tandis que le Pape en avait déjà soixante-dix-sept. Les seize années qui suivirent furent d’une grande intensité politique. 1 II – L’homme de Léon XIII (1887-1903) Rome n’était plus aux seules mains de la Papauté et était devenue la capitale du nouveau Royaume d’Italie, lorsque les 60 Cardinaux réunis en conclave choisirent Gioachino Pecci le 20 février 1878. Léon XIII, s’il se mit dans les pas de son prédécesseur pour soutenir la légitimité du pouvoir temporel du Pape, s’il refusa de renoncer à un seul de ses droits immémoriaux, le fit avec une grande habileté diplomatique. Comme le dit le philosophe Michel Foucault, renversant la célèbre formule de Clausewitz, « la politique est la guerre poursuivie par d’autres moyens » (La volonté de savoir, Paris, Gallimard, 1976, p.121-122). Léon XIII fut un pape doctrinal, soucieux de donner des bases systématiques et philosophiques fortes au Magistère de l’Eglise (délivrant 40 encycliques sur le mariage, la famille, l’Etat, la société), ainsi que politique, tenant compte des avatars institutionnels et sociaux d’idées dont l’Eglise distinguait mal ce qui venait d’elle et ce qui venait contre elle. Lui-même théologien, humaniste et diplomate, il sut s’entourer d’hommes à sa mesure. On se souvient principalement de lui en France pour la Doctrine sociale de l’Eglise (avec l’encyclique Rerum novarum, 15 mai 1891) qui canonise et stimule les expériences européennes du catholicisme social, et le Ralliement à la République française (avec l’encyclique Au milieu des sollicitudes, 16 février 1892). Dès 1887 et jusqu’à sa mort, Rampolla fut l’homme de cette ligne subtile de refondation politique et d’affermissement doctrinal face à l’exacerbation des politiques européennes anti-cléricales. Ce choix « correspondit à un tournant important du pontificat : le rapprochement avec la France résultait moins des déceptions venues des puissances centrales que de la conviction que les formes démocratiques de gouvernement commandées par les opinions publiques devenues ‘maîtresses du monde’ l’emporteraient désormais. » (Jacques Gadille, dans Histoire du Christianisme vol. 11, chap.V, p.476-477) Ce rapprochement avec la République française anticléricale permettait le maintien du Concordat napoléonien et le soutien républicain aux missions catholiques. Ainsi la République de Gambetta continuait à respecter non sans arrière-pensée cette double tradition du Concordat à l’intérieur et du Protectorat à l’extérieur. Le cardinal Lavigerie fut le relais de ce rapprochement papal avec la République. Si la Papauté se désolidarisa des monarchies et comptait toujours autant sur la puissance de l’Eglise de France, même dans une France républicaine, elle demeura inflexible sur la question du pouvoir temporel qu’elle considérait comme la seule garantie de son indépendance. Le rapprochement avec la France faisait aussi partie d’un plan d’internationalisation de la question romaine. D’une manière générale, Rampolla représenta le gage d’un tournant libéral, mais on aurait tort de croire à une option libérale du pontificat. Mieux vaudrait parler d’une option « politique » visant à rétablir l’autorité et l’indépendance de la Papauté, quitte à négliger les politiques intérieures dont les prodromes fleuraient la Séparation. Ce qui valut pour la France valut aussi pour l’Allemagne et la Suisse avec lesquelles le Saint-Siège assouplit ses relations. Cette politique centrée sur le devenir de la Papauté elle-même et la question romaine eut pour conséquence d’affaiblir les soutiens catholiques traditionnels et anti-modernes, notamment en Espagne et en France et de passer relativement outre les politiques sécularistes (surtout en matière scolaire) menées par les Etats au détriment des Eglises « ralliées ». III – L’homme qui faillit être Pape (1903) Lorsque le conclave s’ouvrit avec 62 cardinaux (dont la grande majorité était italienne) le 31 juillet 1903, le successeur de Léon XIII avait besoin de 42 voix. Dès le premier tour, Rampolla fut le favori avec 24 voix ; au deuxième tour, le 1er août, il en obtint 29. Contre toute attente, le Cardinal Archevêque de Cracovie, Mgr Jan Puzyna de Kosielsko fit une déclaration au nom de 2 l’Empereur d’Autriche-Hongrie. François-Joseph entendait faire usage de son « exclusive », sorte de droit de veto revendiqué par les souverains catholiques. Rampolla protesta publiquement devant les Cardinaux, soutenu notamment et provisoirement par les Cardinaux français. Au tour suivant, il obtint 30 voix. Parallèlement, le patriarche de Venise, Mgr Joseph Sarto, à mesure qu’il protesta et demanda à ses confrères de ne pas l’élire, obtint 5, puis 10, puis 21 voix. Les Français tentèrent alors de dissuader le diplomate Rampolla et essayèrent de trouver un candidat de compromis. Rampolla refusa et en fit une question de principe. Lorsque Sarto, grande figure de pasteur et déjà auréolé de sainteté renonça à s’opposer à son élection, après des tourments personnels décrits par le cardinal Gibbons et Mgr Merry del Val, il obtint 35 voix puis le 4 août, 50 voix.
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