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Bury Me Not in a Land of Slaves

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Bury Me Not in a Land of Slaves Bury Me Not in a Land of Slaves T ough her cheek was pale and anxious, Yet, with look and brow sublime, By the pale and trembling Future Stood the Crisis of our time. And f om many a throbbing bosom Came the words in fear and gloom, A short history of Immediatist Tell us, Oh! thou coming Crisis, What shall be our country’s doom? Abolitionism in Philadelphia, Shall the wings of dark destruction Brood and hover o’er our land, 1830s-1860s Till we trace the steps of ruin By their blight, f om strand to strand? “Lines,” by Frances Ellen Watkins Harper fragments distro by Arturo Castillon tucson, az 2019 alism and Southern slavery, impossible to maintain. In this, the Civil War con- f rmed the basic lesson of every revolution, which stands the logic of gradualism on its head. Revolution doesn’t develop in a gradual, incremental way, with leg- islative preconditions, but instead with strategic, uncompromising actions that over time heighten the structural contradictions of the system. T e will for revolution can only be satisf ed in this way—with consistent, stra- tegic, revolutionary activity. Yet the masses of people can only acquire and strengthen the will for revolution in the course of the day-to-day struggle against the existing order—in other words, within the limits of the existing sys- Publishing this text at a time of intensifying struggle against prisons and border tem. T us, we run into a contradiction. On the one hand, we have the masses of enforcement feels appropriate. While much has been written about the Under- people in their everyday struggles within a social system; on the other, we have ground Railroad, it seems what is lesser discussed, even in radical circles, is a the goal of immediate social revolution, located outside of the existing system. ground level view of the relationships and forms of organization this vast network Such are the paradoxical terms of the historical dialectic through which any took. T is text is brief, but hopefully can open up some conversations, especially revolutionary movement makes its way. T e immediatists engaged with this here in the borderlands, despite its very dif erent geographic and historical setting. contradiction by responding to the mass self-activity of the slaves, who in their T e parallels should require little explanation. Philadelphia at one time was its day-to-day resistance to the slave system of ered the Abolitionists a means to own kind of “bordertown”, who’s history of immediatist struggle should f nd plenty realize their revolutionary goal. of resonance here in the southwest. T e legal cases discussed echo ongoing cases today in Tucson, as well as San Diego/Tijuana and El Paso/Juarez. T e interplay For over three decades, through ebbs and f ows, victories and defeats, the imme- between above ground and underground activity is also striking. diatists consistently engaged with the revolutionary struggles of the slave class. T ey constructed multi-racial, multi-gender organizations that operated both As the situation across the US today seems to be intensifying, what new forms will legally and illegally, publicly and secretly, to help people emancipate themselves resistance take? What new complicities and forms of collective action can we begin from slavery, to help them stay free, and to help them gain basic legal rights. In to imagine? When families are ripped apart, how can we intervene more ef ec- doing so, they fostered the development of a revolutionary movement that pre- tively? T e next time migrants are tear gassed at a port of entry, will we be there? cipitated the Civil War and culminated in one of the greatest social revolutions As humanitarian and legal aid workers are surveilled, put on watch lists, and of world history—the emancipation and enfranchisement of millions of slaves charged with felonies, what immediate measures can we take to protect ourselves? and workers in the South during the Reconstruction Era. What would an immediatist strategy against borders and detention look like? By the end of the Civil War, a once-persecuted minority of fanatical Abolition- - f agments. April 2019 ists were now national leaders. Today we see them as good-hearted activists, or even as moderates. But there should be no mistake about it—all Abolitionists were considered extremists prior to the Civil War, and during most of it. Few people believed that the slave system would fall. In the end, the Abolitionists recognized the historical crisis in front of them for what it was, and the imme- diatists responded to it more ef ectively than any other Abolitionist tendency of their time. pdfs available at f agmentsdistro.tumblr.com the Union, refused to recognize the Confederacy as a legal government. T e BURY ME NOT IN A LAND OF SLAVES: Civil War of cially began in April 1861, when Confederate soldiers attacked Fort Sumter, a Union fort in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. As the A SHORT HISTORY OF IMMEDIATIST ABOLITIONISM IN Civil War took its course, Abolitionists from Philadelphia, like Octavius Cat- PHILADELPHIA, 1830’s-1860’s to, worked to radicalize the Unionist cause from within. Catto and other Ab- olitionists organized the enlistment of black troops into the Union army and By Arturo Castillon advocated for a coordinated military assault on slavery in the South, for which they were strongly condemned by white Philadelphians.15 I ask no monuments, proud and high, To arrest the gaze of the passers-by; Before the war, and during its initial years, much of white Philadelphia was All that my yearning spirit craves, sympathetic to the Southern slaveholder’s cause. But with the deepening of Is bury me not in a land of slaves. the conf ict between North and South, most Philadelphians came to support the Union and the war against the Confederacy. A turning point came in 1863 “Bury Me in a Free Land,” when Confederate troops threatened to occupy the city. Entrenchments were by Frances Ellen Watkins Harper built and people fought to defend the city, defeating the Confederate Army at the Battle of Gettysburg. However, even with the shif ing of opinion against the n the 1850s, the author of the above poem, Frances Harper, was part of a South, most white Philadelphians still believed that the Civil War had nothing Inetwork of revolutionaries who made it their mission to abolish slavery in the to do with slavery. Many white Americans continued to believe that the Civil United States. Known as Abolitionists, these partisans of freedom fought for War was a “white man’s war” to preserve the Union and nothing more. White the immediate emancipation of slaves, and developed a specif c approach to Ab- olitionism known as “immediatism.” In the 1820s, the most radical Abolition- mob violence continued to target Abolitionists and African-Americans, and 1 some white Philadelphians even blamed the Abolitionists for the war.16 ists in England and the United States began using this term, “immediatism,” to distinguish their strategy for abolition from the predominant, gradualist one.2 With all odds stacked against them, the Abolitionists proclaimed the need to end slavery from the very beginning and identif ed the structural contradictions T e Abolitionists that we are most familiar with today—Harriet Tubman, that would tear the nation apart. But rather than wait for the gradual disinte- Frederick Douglass, John Brown—all fought for the immediate emancipation gration of slavery, the immediatists worked to hasten its destruction. In a society of slaves, a prospect that most people at the time, even most Abolitionists, con- that was for the most part hostile to their cause, the immediatist wing of the sidered extreme and impractical. Yet in the long term, the immediatist tendency abolitionist movement performed the historic duty of following through, with proved to be the most practical and strategic. Instead of miring themselves in long-term consistency, those revolutionary tactics that alone could save the legislative strategies or insular sects, the immediatists built organizations to se- Union and drive the Civil War to a decisive conclusion. More and more slaves cretly assist thousands of people f eeing from slavery, who in taking the risk of escaping from plantations, the enlistment of black troops into the Union army, freedom, deprived the southern planters of their primary source of labor—slave the abolition of slavery—these tactics were the only ways out of the dif culties labor. into which the Civil War had descended. T e Civil War stemmed from the contradiction between two forms of capitalist production—northern industrial wage labor, and southern agricultural slave la- bor. T e growth and radicalization of the antislavery movement over time made this structural compromise, this “unholy alliance” between Northern industri- 1. On Harper’s and others contributions to the abolitionist movement in Philadelphia, see Still, Underground 15. Donald Scott, “Camp William Penn’s Black Soldiers in Blue—November ’99 America’s Civil War Feature” Rail Road, 740-61; Helens Campbell, “Philadelphia Abolitionists,” T e Continent; an Illustrated Weekly Maga- http://www.historynet.com/camp-william-penns-black-soldiers-in-blue-november-99-americas-civil-war-fea- zine, January 3, 1883, 1-6. ture.htm 2. Junius P. Rodriguez, “Immediatism,” T e Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, Volume 1; A-K (Santa 16. Ibid, Scott. Barbara, California, 1997), 364. do to weaken slavery.”13 By defying the Fugitive Slave Law in a border city, the Philadelphia immediatists exacerbated the growing conf ict between the free states of the North and the slave states of the South to a degree that few other Abolitionists could.
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