The Hungarian Revolutions of 1848 and 1989: a Comparative Study
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Boris Kolonitskii, “'Democracy' in the Political Consciousness of The
"Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the February Revolution Author(s): Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Spring, 1998), pp. 95-106 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2502054 . Accessed: 17/09/2013 09:58 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Slavic Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.27.9 on Tue, 17 Sep 2013 09:58:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the FebruaryRevolution Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Historians of quite diverging orientations have interpreted the Feb- ruary revolution of 1917 in Russia as a "democratic" revolution. Sev- eral generations of Marxists of various stripes (tolk) have called it a "bourgeois-democratic revolution." In the years of perestroika, the contrast between democratic February and Bolshevik October became an important part of the historical argument of the anticommunist movement. The February revolution was regarded as a dramatic, un- successful attempt at the modernization and westernization of Russia, as its democratization. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
56 Stories Desire for Freedom and the Uncommon Courage with Which They Tried to Attain It in 56 Stories 1956
For those who bore witness to the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, it had a significant and lasting influence on their lives. The stories in this book tell of their universal 56 Stories desire for freedom and the uncommon courage with which they tried to attain it in 56 Stories 1956. Fifty years after the Revolution, the Hungar- ian American Coalition and Lauer Learning 56 Stories collected these inspiring memoirs from 1956 participants through the Freedom- Fighter56.com oral history website. The eyewitness accounts of this amazing mod- Edith K. Lauer ern-day David vs. Goliath struggle provide Edith Lauer serves as Chair Emerita of the Hun- a special Hungarian-American perspective garian American Coalition, the organization she and pass on the very spirit of the Revolu- helped found in 1991. She led the Coalition’s “56 Stories” is a fascinating collection of testimonies of heroism, efforts to promote NATO expansion, and has incredible courage and sacrifice made by Hungarians who later tion of 1956 to future generations. been a strong advocate for maintaining Hun- became Americans. On the 50th anniversary we must remem- “56 Stories” contains 56 personal testimo- garian education and culture as well as the hu- ber the historical significance of the 1956 Revolution that ex- nials from ’56-ers, nine stories from rela- man rights of 2.5 million Hungarians who live posed the brutality and inhumanity of the Soviets, and led, in due tives of ’56-ers, and a collection of archival in historic national communities in countries course, to freedom for Hungary and an untold number of others. -
HUGH PHILLIPS (Bowling Green, KY, USA)
HUGH PHILLIPS (Bowling Green, KY, USA) "A BAD BUSINESS"-THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION IN TVER'* The February Revolution of 1917 ended hundreds of years of Russian monarchial absolutism and established Russia virtually overnight as the "frees country in the world." Yet the nature of this revolution, especially the course of events in the provinces, has only recently become accessible to archival study owing to the collapse of the Soviet regime that for so long wished to see only its version of events. To be sure, historians have made admirable and useful efforts to understand February under these unfavor- able circumstances. Most notably, Ronald G. Suny and Donald Raleigh have written indispensable accounts of the entire revolutionary process of 1917 in Baku and Saratov, respectively, but neither was able to consult local archives. Indeed, Raleigh conducted his research without being allowed even to visit the city.1 Until scholars possess a comprehensive body of archival- based literature that encompasses events beyond Petrograd and Moscow, a complete history of the February Revolution will remain impossible. This article is intended to contribute to this effort through a study of the ancient Russian city of Tver', located about 150 miles northwest of Moscow on the rail-line to St. Petersburg. Broadly speaking, I have two objectives. First, I 1. Ronald G. Suny, The Baku Commune, 1917-1918 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1972) and Donald J. Raleigh, Revolution on the Volga:Saratov in 1917 (Ithaca, NY:Cornell Univ.Press, 1986). Rex Wade's, Red Guards and Workers' Militias in the Russian Revolution,(Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. -
The Constitutional Right to "Conservative" Revolution
Maurer School of Law: Indiana University Digital Repository @ Maurer Law Articles by Maurer Faculty Faculty Scholarship 1997 The Constitutional Right to "Conservative" Revolution David C. Williams Indiana University Maurer School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Williams, David C., "The Constitutional Right to "Conservative" Revolution" (1997). Articles by Maurer Faculty. 674. https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/facpub/674 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by Maurer Faculty by an authorized administrator of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO "CONSERVATIVE" REVOLUTION David C. Williams* Introduction The American political tradition has generally recognized that the people have a moral right to revolution: when a government becomes tyrannical, the citizenry may, by force of arms, overthrow it and institute a new, more acceptable one. The constitutional status of this right is, however, the subject of considerable doubt. It is commonly argued that the moral rigfit to revolution cannot be a constitutionalright because the concepts of revolution and constitution are, at a deep level, in conflict.1 A revolution, by definition, attempts to change the fundamental politico- legal order. A constitution, by definition, attempts to entrench that order. In other words, the purposes of a constitution and a revolution are deeply different: a constitution seeks to create order, a revolution to undo order. -
Points of Rebellion by William O. Douglas James G
Kentucky Law Journal Volume 59 | Issue 2 Article 16 1970 Points of Rebellion by William O. Douglas James G. Apple Stites and McElwain Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Apple, James G. (1970) "Points of Rebellion by William O. Douglas," Kentucky Law Journal: Vol. 59 : Iss. 2 , Article 16. Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj/vol59/iss2/16 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kentucky Law Journal by an authorized editor of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Book Reviews POINTS OF REBELLON. By William 0. Douglas. New York: Random House, 1969. Pp. 97. $4.95. It seems time for Supreme Court Justice William 0. Douglas to retire. This conclusion, reached by many after the recent publicity attendant to some of his activities-the Parvin Foundation affair and publication of a lead article in a magazine very close to being pornographic, if not actually so-is not discouraged by a reading of his latest literary effort, Points of Rebellion. Just as the cited activities reveal loss of a sense of propriety, the book reveals a loss of a sense of perspective. A Supreme Court Justice who has neither a sense of propriety nor perspective should cease attending court. It is remarkable that this work was written by a lawyer and Supreme Court Justice, considering its defects in structure, form and content. -
A Monumental Debate in Budapest: the Hentzi Statue and the Limits of Austro-Hungarian Reconciliation, 1852–1918
A Monumental Debate in Budapest: The Hentzi Statue and the Limits of Austro-Hungarian Reconciliation, 1852–1918 MICHAEL LAURENCE MILLER WO OF THE MOST ICONIC PHOTOS of the 1956 Hungarian revolution involve a colossal statue of Stalin, erected in 1951 and toppled on the first day of the anti-Soviet uprising. TOne of these pictures shows Stalin’s decapitated head, abandoned in the street as curious pedestrians amble by. The other shows a tall stone pedestal with nothing on it but a lonely pair of bronze boots. Situated near Heroes’ Square, Hungary’s national pantheon, the Stalin statue had served as a symbol of Hungary’s subjugation to the Soviet Union; and its ceremonious and deliberate destruction provided a poignant symbol for the fall of Stalinism. Thirty-eight years before, at the beginning of an earlier Hungarian revolution, another despised statue was toppled in Budapest, also marking a break from foreign subjugation, albeit to a different power. Unlike the Stalin statue, which stood for only five years, this statue—the so-called Hentzi Monument—had been “a splinter in the eye of the [Hungarian] nation” for sixty-six years. Perceived by many Hungarians as a symbol of “national humiliation” at the hands of the Habsburgs, the Hentzi Monument remained mired in controversy from its unveiling in 1852 until its destruction in 1918. The object of street demonstrations and parliamentary disorder in 1886, 1892, 1898, and 1899, and the object of a failed “assassination” attempt in 1895, the Hentzi Monument was even implicated in the fall of a Hungarian prime minister. -
Civil War and Revolution
SungraphoThema VELS levels 1-3 Civil War and Revolution What can the study of civil war bring to our understanding of revolutions? Professor David Armitage, Harvard University The study of civil war has recently become academic Civil war has gradually become the most widespread, big business, especially among political scientists the most destructive, and now the most characteristic and economists. A surge of intellectual interest in form of organised human violence. Since 1820, an a major problem like this often has two sources: average of two to four per cent of all countries have the internal dynamics of academic disciplines experienced civil war at any given moment. This themselves, and external currents in the wider world striking average disguises the fact that some periods that scholars hope their findings might shape. The were even more acutely afflicted by internal warfare: ongoing ‘boom in the study of civil war,’ as it has for example, the middle decades of the nineteenth been called, has both these motives. Economists who century, the period of the US Civil War, the Taiping study underdevelopment, especially in Africa, have Rebellion and the Indian Mutiny, among other internal isolated civil war as one of its main causes. Students conflicts.2 The decades since 1975 have seen a similar of international relations who focused their attention spike in the incidence of internal warfare. Indeed, in on wars between states have turned to the study of the last thirty years, an average of at least ten per cent civil wars as they found their traditional subject of all countries at any one time have been suffering disappearing before their very eyes: since World War civil war: in 2006 (the last year for which complete II, the developed world has enjoyed a ‘Long Peace’ data are available), there were thirty-two civil wars in without interstate war, while between 1989 and 2006, progress around the world. -
HSR Vol. XLV, Nos. 1-2 (Spring-Fall, 2018)
Hungarian Studies Review, Vol. XLV, Nos. 1-2 (Spring-Fall, 2018) In this volume: Jason Kovacs reviews the history of the birth of the first Hungarian settlements on the Canadian Prairies. Aliaksandr Piahanau tells the story of the Hungarian democrats’ relations with the Czechoslovak authorities during the interwar years. Agatha Schwartz writes about trauma and memory in the works of Vojvodina authors László Végel and Anna Friedrich. And Gábor Hollósi offers an overview of the doctrine of the Holy Crown of Hungary. Plus book reviews by Agatha Schwartz and Steven Jobbitt A note from the editor: After editing this journal for four-and-a-half decades, advanced age and the diagnosis of a progressive neurological disease prompt me to resign as editor and producer of this journal. The Hungarian Studies Review will continue in one form or another under the leadership of Professors Steven Jobbitt and Árpád von Klimo, the Presidents res- pectively of the Hungarian Studies Association of Canada and the Hungarian Studies Association (of the U.S.A.). Inquiries regarding the journal’s future volumes should be directed to them. The contact addresses are the Departments of History at (for Professor Jobbitt) Lakehead University, 955 Oliver Road, RB 3016, Thunder Bay, ON, Canada, P7B 5E1. [email protected] (and for Prof. von Klimo) the Catholic University of America, 620 Michigan Ave. NE, Washing- ton DC, USA, 20064. [email protected] . Nándor Dreisziger Hungarian Studies Review, Vol. XLV, Nos. 1-2 (Spring-Fall, 2018) Contents Articles: The First Hungarian Settlements in Western Canada: Hun’s Valley, Esterhaz-Kaposvar, Otthon, and Bekevar JASON F. -
Shays' Rebellion
Educational materials developed through the Howard County History Labs Program, a partnership between the Howard County Public School System and the UMBC Center for History Education. Shays’ Rebellion Historical Thinking Skills Assessed: Close Reading, Corroboration Author/School/System: Megan Brown and Ronald Bianchi, Howard County Public School System, Maryland Course: United States History Level: Upper Elementary/Middle Task Question: How did the leaders of the American Revolution view Shays’ Rebellion? Learning Outcome: Students will be able to read closely and corroborate multiple primary sources to draw conclusions about the founding fathers’ views of Shays’ Rebellion. Standards Alignment: Common Core Standards for English Language Arts and Literacy RI.5.1 Quote accurately from a text when explaining what the text says explicitly and when drawing inferences from the text. RI.5.2 Determine two or more ideas of a text and explain how they are supported by key details; summarize the text. RI.5.6 Analyze multiple accounts of the same event or topic, noting important similarities and differences in the point of view they represent. W.5.1 Write opinion pieces on topics or texts, supporting a point of view with reasons and information. W.5.1.a Introduce a topic or text clearly, state an opinion, and create an organizational structure in which ideas are logically grouped to support the writer’s purpose. National History Standards Era 3: Revolution and the New Nation Standard 3: The institutions and practices of government created during the Revolution and how they were revised between 1787 and 1815 to create the foundation of the American political system based on the U.S. -
The Iranian Revolution of 1979: Confronting Theories of Revolution and Charisma
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 10, No. 4, April, 2020, E-ISSN: 2222-6990 © 2020 HRMARS The Iranian Revolution of 1979: Confronting Theories of Revolution and Charisma Hamoon Khelghat-Doost To Link this Article: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v10-i4/7153 DOI:10.6007/IJARBSS/v10-i4/7153 Received: 26 February 2020, Revised: 28 March 2020, Accepted: 10 April 2020 Published Online: 29 April 2020 In-Text Citation: (Khelghat-Doost, 2020) To Cite this Article: Khelghat-Doost, H. (2020). The Iranian Revolution of 1979: Confronting Theories of Revolution and Charisma. International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 10(4), 527–538. Copyright: © 2020 The Author(s) Published by Human Resource Management Academic Research Society (www.hrmars.com) This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this license may be seen at: http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode Vol. 10, No. 4, 2020, Pg. 527 - 538 http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/IJARBSS JOURNAL HOMEPAGE Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/publication-ethics 527 International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 10, No. 4, April, 2020, E-ISSN: 2222-6990 © 2020 HRMARS The Iranian Revolution of 1979: Confronting Theories of Revolution and Charisma Hamoon Khelghat-Doost Centre for Global Sustainability Studies Universiti Sains Malaysia Email: [email protected] Abstract Contrary to the economic, political or cultural elements necessary for a revolution as described in conventional theories of revolution by scholars such as Skocpol and Marx, the Iranian Revolution occurred in 1979.