“Avant-Garde” Legal Scholarship
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Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
The Case of Zhang Yiwu
ASIA 2016; 70(3): 921–941 Giorgio Strafella* Postmodernism as a Nationalist Conservatism? The Case of Zhang Yiwu DOI 10.1515/asia-2015-1014 Abstract: The adoption of postmodernist and postcolonial theories by China’s intellectuals dates back to the early 1990s and its history is intertwined with that of two contemporaneous trends in the intellectual sphere, i. e. the rise of con- servatism and an effort to re-define the function of the Humanities in the country. This article examines how these trends merge in the political stance of a key figure in that process, Peking University literary scholar Zhang Yiwu, through a critical discourse analysis of his writings from the early and mid- 1990s. Pointing at his strategic use of postmodernist discourse, it argues that Zhang Yiwu employed a legitimate critique of the concept of modernity and West-centrism to advocate a historical narrative and a definition of cultural criticism that combine Sino-centrism and depoliticisation. The article examines programmatic articles in which the scholar articulated a theory of the end of China’s “modernity”. It also takes into consideration other parallel interventions that shed light on Zhang Yiwu’s political stance towards modern China, globalisation and post-1992 economic reforms, including a discussion between Zhang Yiwu and some of his most prominent detractors. The article finally reflects on the implications of Zhang Yiwu’s writings for the field of Chinese Studies, in particular on the need to look critically and contextually at the adoption of “foreign” theoretical discourse for national political agendas. Keywords: China, intellectuals, postmodernism, Zhang Yiwu, conservatism, nationalism 1 Introduction This article looks at the early history and politics of the appropriation of post- modernist discourse in the Chinese intellectual sphere, thus addressing the plurality of postmodernity via the plurality of postmodernism. -
The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F
July 2016, Volume 27, Number 3 $14.00 The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F. Inglehart The Struggle Over Term Limits in Africa Brett L. Carter Janette Yarwood Filip Reyntjens 25 Years After the USSR: What’s Gone Wrong? Henry E. Hale Suisheng Zhao on Xi Jinping’s Maoist Revival Bojan Bugari¡c & Tom Ginsburg on Postcommunist Courts Clive H. Church & Adrian Vatter on Switzerland Daniel O’Maley on the Internet of Things Delegative Democracy Revisited Santiago Anria Catherine Conaghan Frances Hagopian Lindsay Mayka Juan Pablo Luna Alberto Vergara and Aaron Watanabe Zhao.NEW saved by BK on 1/5/16; 6,145 words, including notes; TXT created from NEW by PJC, 3/18/16; MP edits to TXT by PJC, 4/5/16 (6,615 words). AAS saved by BK on 4/7/16; FIN created from AAS by PJC, 4/25/16 (6,608 words). PGS created by BK on 5/10/16. XI JINPING’S MAOIST REVIVAL Suisheng Zhao Suisheng Zhao is professor at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is executive director of the univer- sity’s Center for China-U.S. Cooperation and editor of the Journal of Contemporary China. When Xi Jinping became paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 2012, some Chinese intellectuals with liberal lean- ings allowed themselves to hope that he would promote the cause of political reform. The most optimistic among them even thought that he might seek to limit the monopoly on power long claimed by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). -
Governance and Politics of China
Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–44527–8 © Tony Saich 2001, 2004, 2011, 2015 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identifi ed as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First edition 2001 Second edition 2004 Third edition 2011 Fourth edition 2015 Published by PALGRAVE Palgrave in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave is a global imprint of the above companies and is represented throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978–1–137–44528–5 hardback ISBN 978–1–137–44527–8 paperback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. -
China Perspectives, 55 | September - October 2004 the Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century 2
China Perspectives 55 | september - october 2004 Varia The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century Chen Lichuan Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/417 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.417 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 October 2004 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Chen Lichuan, « The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century », China Perspectives [Online], 55 | september - october 2004, Online since 29 December 2008, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/417 ; DOI : 10.4000/ chinaperspectives.417 This text was automatically generated on 28 October 2019. © All rights reserved The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century 1 The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century Chen Lichuan EDITOR'S NOTE Translated from the French original by Nick Oates 1 From the beginning of the 1980s to the middle of the 1990s, three movements took centre stage on the Chinese intellectual scene: radicalism, conservatism and liberalism. This article sets out to retrace the debate between liberalism and neo-leftism by relying exclusively on the polemical texts of the Chinese writers1. How can we present an intellectual debate that is a process of questioning and clarification and that does not arrive at a consensual conclusion? How can we render intelligible the concepts debated in extracts from the original texts? How can we evaluate the impact that this debate has had on a society undergoing a profound transformation? These are just some of the difficulties with which we were confronted. -
Governative Per La Tutela Dei Diritti Reali Delle Donne Nella Cina Contadina
Corso di Laurea magistrale (ordinamento ex D.M. 270/2004) in Lingue e istituzioni economiche e giuridiche dell'Asia e dell'Africa Mediterranea Tesi di Laurea Le organizzazioni non- governative per la tutela dei diritti reali delle donne nella Cina contadina Relatore Correlatore Prof.ssa Laura De Giorgi Dott.ssa Sara D'Attoma Laureando Stefania Colucci Matricola 838887 Anno Accademico 2012 / 2013 INTRODUZIONE Il presente elaborato si pone l'obiettivo di analizzare il ruolo svolto dalle organizzazioni non-governative cinesi, con particolare riferimento a quelle che tutelano i diritti e gli interessi delle donne. L'interesse per tale argomento è nato dal desiderio di poter lavorare in tale ambito, facendo parte, ad esempio, di una NGOs italiana che opera in Cina. La tesi si compone di quattro capitoli. Nel primo si esamina il concetto di società civile in Cina, quale collocazione ideale del fenomeno associativo, il rapporto tra le NGOs cinesi ed il governo nonché la situazione finanziaria di queste ultime. Si è visto, in particolare, che fu con le riforme promosse da Deng Xiaoping nel 1978 che si assistette alla nascita dei primi spazi di partecipazione sociale idonei a favorire l'espansione del settore no-profit.1 Il decentramento del potere statale e la rinuncia, da parte dello Stato, al tradizionale monopolio nel settore dei servizi pubblici, furono le ulteriori cause della nascita sempre più frequente di nuove NGOs, che si sarebbero fatte carico dei problemi della società cinese. L'espansione delle organizzazioni femminili è stata, dunque, la prova dello sviluppo parallelo della società civile cinese e, nello stesso tempo, di un risveglio generale della coscienza femminile riguardo il problema di genere.2 Quanto ai rapporti con il governo, si è cercato di capire se esse siano nate per contrastare il ruolo dittatoriale del sistema stato-partito o se, invece, cerchino una collaborazione con esso al fine di risolvere i problemi che affliggono le donne cinesi, quali la disoccupazione, il fenomeno migratorio dalle campagne alle città e l'analfabetismo. -
Time's Arrows: Imaginative Pasts and Nostalgic Futures* Geremie R
1 Time's Arrows: Imaginative Pasts and Nostalgic Futures* Geremie R. Barmé ‘Time’s Arrows: Imaginative Pasts and Nostalgic Futures’, in Gloria Davies, ed., Voicing Concerns, contemporary Chinese critical inquiry, Boulder: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001, pp. 226-257. Observations, fifty years on In January 1999, a new semi-independent journal was launched in Beijing. To evade relatively stringent official regulations covering periodicals, it was produced as part of a book series. The inaugural issue carried a full translation of the Czech dissident-cum- president Václav Havel's famous essay 'The Power of the Powerless', and an introduction to a recently published collection of Havel's writings by a leading advocate of democratic liberalism, Li Shenzhi, formerly vice-president of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and head of the Academy's American Studies Research Institute. In his essay Li quoted the newly appointed Czech president's 1990 New Year's address to the nation in which he considered the baneful social legacy of totalitarianism: The worst thing is that we live in a contaminated moral environment. We fell morally ill because we got used to saying something different from what we thought. We learned not to believe in anything, to ignore each other, to care only for ourselves... When I talk about contaminated moral atmosphere, I am not talking just about the gentlemen who eat organic vegetables and do not look out of the plane windows. I am talking about all of us. We had all become used to the totalitarian system and accepted it as an unalterable fact of life, and thus we helped to perpetuate it. -
Free Software As Commons
FREE SOFTWARE AS COMMONS BETWEEN INFORMATIONAL CAPITALISM AND A NEW MODE OF PRODUCTION By Emrah Irzık Submitted to Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Professor Jakob Rigi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 Statement I hereby state that the thesis contains no material accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Emrah Irzık Budapest, November 2015 CEU eTD Collection Abstract Free Software is a particular way of organizing the production and distribution of software that offers a solid alternative to the intellectual property regime by constituting an open commons: non-proprietary, created and held in common by all. Considering that in contemporary capitalism a significant amount of wealth is created through the application of intellectual effort to existing knowledge to produce new, higher compositions of knowledge that can be privately monetized as intellectual property, the challenge that Free Software might present to capitalism is bound to have important transformational potential. This potential needs to be studied both on an empirical level, in its partial and concrete manifestations in actual projects, and investigated more theoretically, to see if Free Software can be characterized as a nascent, new mode of production. This dissertation aims to contribute to the theorization of the relation between Free Software as a commons and the tenets of informational capitalism by means of an analytical study that is supported by an ethnography of a particular instance of Free Software as a project and a community. -
The Political Repression of Chinese Students After Tiananmen A
University of Nevada, Reno “To yield would mean our end”: The Political Repression of Chinese Students after Tiananmen A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Katherine S. Robinson Dr. Hugh Shapiro/Thesis Advisor May, 2011 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by KATHERINE S. ROBINSON entitled “To Yield Would Mean Our End”: The Political Repression Of Chinese Students After Tiananmen be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Hugh Shapiro, Ph.D, Advisor Barbara Walker, Ph.D., Committee Member Jiangnan Zhu, Ph.D, Graduate School Representative Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Associate Dean, Graduate School May, 2011 i ABSTRACT Following the military suppression of the Democracy Movement, the Chinese government enacted politically repressive policies against Chinese students both within China and overseas. After the suppression of the Democracy Movement, officials in the Chinese government made a correlation between the political control of students and the maintenance of political power by the Chinese Communist Party. The political repression of students in China resulted in new educational policies that changed the way that universities functioned and the way that students were allowed to interact. Political repression efforts directed at the large population of overseas Chinese students in the United States prompted governmental action to extend legal protection to these students. The long term implications of this repression are evident in the changed student culture among Chinese students and the extensive number of overseas students who did not return to China. -
E PRC's First National Critique: E 1954 Campaign to “Discuss the Draft
e PRC’s First National Critique: < = e 1954 Campaign to > ? “Discuss the Dra# Constitution” @ L V /FJM+%JBNBOUBOE9JBPDBJ'FOH Y Z <[ ABSTRACT << is article is the $rst detailed exposition of the “National Discussion of the Dra# Constitution”. <= In mid-1954, Chinese engaged in a wide-ranging deliberation about political and social rights, <> the obligations of citizenship, state symbols, political institutions and ideology. Many asked <? penetrating and frequently prescient questions about law, citizenship, class and political power, <@ and o%ered provocative suggestions for revision. Using archives and publications, we argue that, for citizens, the constitutional discussion constituted the earliest national-level, semi-public <L exposé and critique of the entirety of CCP governing practices—a “dress rehearsal” for the 1956 <V Hundred Flowers Movement. For o(cials, the constitutional discussion provided an opportu- <Y nity to deploy the coercive language of “state law” to overcome resistance to collectivization, and <Z a tactic to deal with “unruly” citizens. We further suggest that the 1954 discussion set the terms =[ of broad-based, but ultimately limited, constitutional critique from the 1950s until the present. =< == => he Constitution is a hot document in China. Emboldened by several =? speeches by Xi Jinping ( 习近平) and other senior leaders, 1 reformers have T =@ advanced the argument that “constitutional government” ( xianzheng 宪政) based =L on China’s own foundational document (in force since 1954, revised in 1975, =V 1978 and 1982), rather than Western-style democracy, could clear a pathway to- =Y wards a more open and accountable political system. In late 2012 and early 2013, =Z in+uential media outlets, including Study Times ( Xuexi shibao 学习时报), an or- >[ gan of the Central Party School, advised leaders to “rule by its Constitution”. -
Enes Duraković Faculty of Philosophy University of Sarajevo HISTORY OF
SURVEY_2009:Layout 1 16.3.2010 9:46 Page 9 UDK 82.09 Enes Duraković Faculty of Philosophy University of Sarajevo HISTORY OF BOSNIAK LITERATURE – A DRAWING IN THE SAND? Summary This work is an introductory study of the Poetical Cultural Narrative of Bosniak Literature project, which analyzes the causes and reasons of revival of the traditional concept of the national literature’s history in the South Slavic cultural space, as well as the possibility for its redefinition through liberation from the national-romanticist forms of national spirit’s apotheosis of the sacrosanct ethno-cultural identity. Obsolete models of literary historiography in the South Slavic space appear even today, both due to delays in the theoretical self-reflection conditioned by long - standing ideological repression of soc-realistic practice and because of the absurd competition concerning the seniority of cultural and civilisational continuities as proof of national primacy and indigenousness in this area. The literary and historical paradigm considered in this way will erase all traces of “foreign spirituality”, thus, the geographical topography is transformed into the sanctity of spiritual topography, while historical events become sacral toposes of national existence transcending time. Such forms of cultural and historical narratives have always “fed” themselves on fear and resistance against the Other and have been ac companied by rigid forms of ethnocentric culture based on political ideology of extermination of the Other. A special dimension of this ex perience of denying identity was seen in the case of the multicultural community of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosniak micro-culture in particular, in the shape of the denial of the B&H and Bosniak literature throughout the entire 20 th century.